PROLEGOMENA.
THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF
EUSEBIUS OF C'SAREA.
CHAPTER I.
THE LIFE OF EUSEBIUS.
§ 1. Sources and Literature.
Accents, the pupil and successor of Eusebius in the
bishopric of C'sarea, wrote a life of the latter (Socr. H. E. II. 4)
which is unfortunately lost. He was a man of ability (Sozomen H. E.
III. 2, IV. 23) and had exceptional opportunities for producing a full
and accurate account of Eusebius' life; the disappearance of his work
is therefore deeply to be regretted.
Numerous notices of Eusebius are found in the works
of Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, Athanasius, Jerome, and other writers
of his own and subsequent ages, to many of which references will be
made in the following pages. A collection of these notices, made by
Valesius, is found in English translation on p. 57 sq. of this volume.
The chief source for a knowledge of Eusebius' life and character is to
be found in his own works. These will be discussed below, on p. 26 sq.
Of the numerous modern works which treat at greater or less length of
the life of Eusebius I shall mention here only those which I have found
most valuable.
VALESIUS: De vita scriptisque Eusebii Diatribe (in
his edition of Eusebius' Histaria Eccles.; English version in Cruse's
translation of the same work). CAVE: Lives of the Fathers, II. 95-144
(ed. H. Cary, Oxf. 1840).
TILLEMONT: Hist. Eccles. VII. pp. 39-75 (compare also his account of
the Arians in vol, VI.). STROTH: Leben and Schriften des Eusebius (in
his German translation of the Hist. Eccles.). CLOSS: Leben and
Schriflen des Eusebius (in his translation of the same work).
DANZ: De Eusebio C'sariensi, Historion of the sam'
Eccles. Scriptore, ejusque fide historica recte rians in vol, VI.).and
most val'stimanda, Cap. II.: de rebus ad Eusebii vitam pertinentibus
(pp. 33-75).
STEIN: Eusebius Bischof von C'sarea. Nach seinem
Leben, seinen Schriften, and seinem dogmatischen Charakter dargestellt
(Wurzburg, 1859; full and valuable). BRIGHT, in the introduction to his
edition of Burton's text of the Hist. Eccles. (excellent).
LIGHTFOOT (Bishop of Durham): Eusebius of Cesarea,
in Smith and Wace's Dictionary of Christian Biography, vol. II. pp.
308-348. Lightfoot's article is a magnificent monument of patristic
scholarship and contains the best and most exhaustive treatment of the
life and writings of Eusebius that has been written.
The student may be referred finally to all the
larger histories of the Church (e.g. Schaff, vol. III. 871 sqq. and
1034 sq.), which contain more or less extended accounts of Eusebius.
§ 2. Eusebius' Birth and Training. His Life in Ca'sarea until the
Outbreak of the Persecution.
Our author was commonly known among the ancients as
Eusebius of C'sarea or Eusebius Pamphili. The former designation arose
from the fact that he was bishop of the church in C'sarea for many
years; the latter from the fact that he was the intimate friend and
devoted admirer of Pamphilus, a presbyter of C'sarea and a martyr. Some
such specific appellation was
4
necessary to distinguish him from others of the same name. Smith and
Wace's Dictionary of Christian Biography mentions 137 men of the first
eight centuries who bore the name Eusebius, and of these at least forty
were contemporaries of our author. The best known among them were
Eusebius of Nicomedia (called by Arius the brother of Eusebius of
C'sarea), Eusebius of Emesa, and Eusebius of Samosata.
The exact date of our author's birth is unknown to
us, but his Ecclesiastical History contains notices which enable us to
fix it approximately. In H. E. V. 28 he reports that Paul of Samosata
attempted to revive again in his day (<greek>kaq</greek>
<greek>hmas</greek>) the heresy of Artemon. But Paul
of Samosata was deposed from the episcopate of Antioch in 272, and was
condemned as a heretic at least as early as 268, so that Eusebius must
have been born before the latter date, if his words are to be strictly
interpreted. Again, according to H. E. III. 28, Dionysius was bishop of
Alexandria in Eusebius' time (<greek>kaq</greek>
<greek>hmas</greek>). But Dionysius was bishop from 247 or
248 to 265, and therefore if Eusebius' words are to be interpreted
strictly here as in the former case, he must have been born before 265.
On the other hand, inasmuch as his death occurred about 340, we cannot
throw his birth much earlier than 260. It is true that the references
to Paul and to Dionysius do not prove conclusively that Eusebius was
alive in their day, for his words may have been used in a loose sense.
But in H. E. VII. 26, just before proceeding to give an account of Paul
of Samosata, he draws the line between his own and the preceding
generation, declaring that he is now about to relate the events of his
own age (<greek>thn</greek> <greek>kaq</greek>
<greek>hmas</greek>). This still further confirms the other
indications, and we shall consequently be safe in concluding that
Eusebius was born not far from the year 260 A.D. His birthplace cannot
be determined with certainty. The fact that he is called "Eusebius the
Palestinian" by Marcellus (Euseb. lib. adv. Marcell. I. 4), Bash (Lib.
ad. Amphil. de Spir. Sancto, c. 29), and others, does not prove that he
was a Palestinian by birth; for the epithet may be used to indicate
merely his place of residence (he was bishop of C'sarea in Palestine
for many years). Moreover, the argument urged by Stein and Lightfoot in
support of his Palestinian birth, namely, that it was customary to
elect to the episcopate of any church a native of the city in
preference to a native of some other place, does not count for much.
All that seems to have been demanded was that a man should have been
already a member of the particular church over which he was to be made
bishop, and even this rule was not universal (see Bingham's
Antiquities, II 10, 2 and 3). The fact that he was bishop of C'sarea
therefore would at most warrant us in concluding only that he had made
his residence in C'sarea for some time previous to his election to that
office. Nevertheless, although neither of these arguments proves his
Palestinian birth, it is very probable that he was a native of that
country, or at least of that section. He was acquainted with Syriac as
well as with Greek, which circumstance taken in connection with his
ignorance of Latin (see below, p. 47) points to the region of Syria as
his birthplace. Moreover, we learn from his own testimony that he was
in C'sarea while still a youth (Vita Canstantini, I. 19), and in his
epistle to the church of C'sarea (see below, p. 16) he says that he was
taught the creed of the C'sarean church in his childhood (or at least
at the beginning of his Christian life: <greek>en</greek>
<greek>th</greek> <greek>kathkhsei</greek>),
and that he accepted it at baptism. It would seem therefore that he
must have lived while still a child either in C'sarea itself, or in the
neighborhood, where its creed was in use. Although no one therefore
(except Theodorus Metochita of the fourteenth century, in his Cap.
Miscell. 17; Migne, Patr. Lat. CXLTV. 949) directly states that
Eusebius was a Palestinian by birth, we have every reason to suppose
him such. His parents are entirely unknown. Nicephorus Callistus (H. E.
VI. 37) reports that his mother was a sister of Pamphilus. He does not
mention his authority for this statement, and it is extremely unlikely,
in the face of the silence of Eusebius himself and of all other
writers, that it is true. It is far more probable that the relationship
was later assumed to account for the close intimacy of the two men.
Arius, in an epistle addressed to Eusebius of Nicomedia (contained in
Theodoret's Hist. Eccles. I. 5), calls Eusebius of C'sarea the latter's
brother. It is objected to this that Eusebius of Nicomedia refers to
Eusebius of C'sarea on one occasion as his
5
"master" (<greek>tou</greek>
<greek>despotou</greek>, in his epistle to Paulinus
contained in Theodoret's Hist. Eccles. I. 6), and that on the other
hand Eusebius of C'sarea calls Eusebius of Nicomedia, "the great
Eusebius" (Euseb. lib. adv. Marcell. I. 4), both of which expressions
seem inconsistent with brotherhood. Lightfoot justly remarks that
neither the argument itself nor the objections carry much weight. The
term <greek>adelFos</greek> may well have been used to
indicate merely theological or ecclesiastical association, while on the
other hand, brotherhood would not exclude the form of expression
employed by each in speaking of the other. Of more weight is the fact
that neither Eusebius himself nor any historian of that period refers
to such a relationship, and also the unlikelihood that two members of
one family should bear the same name.
From Eusebius' works we gather that he must have
received an extensive education both in secular philosophy and in
Biblical and theological science. Although his immense erudition was
doubtless the result of wide and varied reading continued throughout
life, it is highly probable that he acquired the taste for such reading
in his youth. Who his early instructors were we do not know, and
therefore cannot estimate the degree of their influence over him. As he
was a man, however, who cherished deep admiration for those whom he
regarded as great and good men, and as he possessed an unusually
acquisitive mind and a pliant disposition, we should naturally suppose
that his instructors must have possessed considerable influence over
him, and that his methods of study in later years must have been
largely molded by their example and precept. We see this exemplified in
a remarkable degree in the influence exerted over him by Pamphilus, his
dearest friend, and at the same time the preceptor, as it were, of his
early manhood. Certainly this great bibliopholist must have done much
to strengthen Eusebius' natural taste for omnivorous reading, and the
opportunities afforded by his grand library for the cultivation of such
a taste were not lost. To the influence of Pamphilus, the devoted
admirer and enthusiastic champion of Origen, was doubtless due also in
large measure the deep respect which Eusebius showed for that
illustrious Father, a respect to which we owe one of the most
delightful sections of his Church History, his long account of Origen
in the sixth book, and to which in part antiquity was indebted for the
elaborate Defense of Origen, composed by Pamphilus and himself, but
unfortunately no longer extant. Eusebius certainly owed much to the
companionship of that eager student and noble Christian hero, and he
always recognized with deep gratitude his indebtedness to him. (Compare
the account of Pamphilus given below in Bk. VII. chap. 32, § 25
sq.) The names of his earlier instructors, who were eminently
successful, at least in fostering his thirst for knowledge, are quite
unknown to us. His abiding admiration for Plato, whom he always placed
at the head of all philosophers (see Stein, p. 6), would lead us to
think that he received at least a part of his secular training from
some ardent Platonist, while his intense interest in apologetics, which
lasted throughout his life, and which affected all his works, seems to
indicate the peculiar bent of his early Christian education. Trithemius
concluded from a passage in his History (VII. 32) that Eusebius was a
pupil of the learned Dorotheus of Antioch, and Valesius, Lightfoot and
others are apparently inclined to accept his conclusion. But, as Stroth
remarks (Eusebii Kirchengeschichte, p. xix), all that Eusebius says is
that he had heard Dorotheus expound the Scriptures in the church
(<greek>toutou</greek> <greek>metriws</greek>
<greek>tas</greek> <greek>UraFas</greek>
<greek>eps</greek> <greek>epi</greek>
<greek>ths</greek> <greek>ekklhsias</greek>
<greek>dihUoumenou</greek>
<greek>kathkousamen</greek>), that is, that he had heard
him preach. To conclude from this statement that he was a pupil of
Dorotheus is certainly quite unwarranted.
Stroth's suggestion that he probably enjoyed the
instruction of Meletius for seven years during the persecution rests
upon no good ground, for the passage which he relies upon to sustain
his opinion (E. E. VII. 32. 28) says only that Eusebius "observed
Meletius well" (<greek>katenohsamen</greek>) during those
seven years.
In C'sarea Eusebius was at one time a presbyter of
the church, as we may gather from his words in the epistle to that
church already referred to, where, in speaking of the creed, he says,
"As we believed and taught in the presbytery and in the episcopate
itself." But the attempt to fix the date of his ordination to that
office is quite vain. It is commonly assumed that he
6
became presbyter while Agapius was bishop of C'sarea, and this is not
unlikely, though we possess no proof of it (upon Agapius see below, H.
E. VII. 32, note 39). In his Vita Constantini, I. 19, Eusebius reports
that he saw Constantine for the first time in C'sarea in the train of
the Emperor Diocletian. In his Chron. Eusebius reports that Diocletian
made an expedition against Egypt, which had risen in rebellion in the
year 296 A.D., and Theophanes, in his Chron., says that Constantine
accompanied him. It is probable therefore that it was at this time that
Eusebius first saw Constantine in C'sarea, when he was either on his
way to Egypt, or on his way back (see Tillemont's Hist. des Emp., IV.
p. 34).
During these years of quiet, before the great
persecution of Diocletian, which broke out in 303 A.D., Eusebius' life
must have been a very pleasant one. Pamphilus' house seems to have been
a sort of rendezvous for Christian scholars, perhaps a regular divinity
school; for we learn from Eusebius' Martyrs in Palestine (Cureton's
edition, pp. 13 and 14) that he and a number of others, including the
martyr Apphianus, were living together in one house at the time of the
persecution, and that the latter was instructed in the Scriptures by
Pamphilus and acquired from him virtuous habits and conduct. The great
library of Pamphilus would make his house a natural center for
theological study, and the immense amount of work which was done by
him, or under his direction, in the reproduction of copies of the Holy
Scriptures, of Origen's works (see Jerome's de vir. ill. 75 and 8r, and
contra Ruf. I. 9), and in other literary employments of the same kind,
makes it probable that he had gathered about him a large circle of
friends and students who assisted him in his labors and profited by his
counsel and instruction. Amidst these associations Eusebius passed his
early manhood, and the intellectual stimulus thus given him doubtless
had much to do with his future career. He was above all a literary man,
and remained such to the end of his life. The pleasant companionships
of these days, and the mutual interest and sympathy which must have
bound those fellow-students and fellow-disciples of Pamphilus very
close together, perhaps had much to do with that broad-minded spirit of
sympathy and tolerance which so characterized Eusebius in later years.
He was always as far as possible from the character of a recluse. He
seems ever to have been bound by very strong ties to the world itself
and to his fellow-men. Had his earlier days been filled with trials and
hardships, with the bitterness of disappointed hopes and unfulfilled
ambitions, with harsh experiences of others' selfishness and treachery,
who shall say that the whole course of his life might not have been
changed, and his writings have exhibited au entirely different spirit
from that which is now one of their greatest charms? Certainly he had
during these early years in C'sarea large opportunities for cultivating
that natural trait of admiration for other men, which was often so
strong as to blind him even to their faults, and that natural kindness
which led him to see good wherever it existed in his Christian
brethren. At the same time these associations must have had
considerable influence in fostering the apologetic temper. The pursuits
of the little circle were apparently exclusively Christian, and in that
day when Christianity stood always on its defense, it would naturally
become to them a sacred duty to contribute to that defense and to
employ all their energies in the task. It has been remarked that the
apologetic temper is very noticeable in Eusebius' writings. It is more
than that; we may say indeed in general terms that everything he wrote
was an apology for the faith. His History was written avowedly with an
apologetic purpose, his Chronicle was composed with the same end in
view. Even when pronouncing a eulogy upon a deceased emperor he seized
ever), possible opportunity to draw from that emperor's career, and
from the circumstances of his reign, arguments for the truth and
grandeur of the Christian religion. His natural temper of mind and his
early training may have had much to do with this habit of thought, but
certainly those years with Pamphilus and his friends in C'sarea must
have emphasized and developed it.
Another characteristic which Pamphilus and the
circle that surrounded him doubtless did something to develop in our
author was a certain superiority to the trammels of mere
traditionalism, or we might perhaps better say that they in some
measure checked the opposite tendency of
7
slavishness to the traditional which seems to have been natural to him.
Pamphilus' deep reverence for Origen proclaims him at once superior to
that kind of narrow conservatism which led many men as learned and
doubtless as conscientious as himself to pass severe and unconditional
condemnation upon Origen and all his teaching. The effect of
championing his cause must have fostered in this little circle, which
was a very hotbed of Origenism, a contempt for the narrow and unfair
judgments of mere traditionalists, and must have led them to seek in
some degree the truth solely for its own sake, and to become in a
measure careless of its relation to the views of any school or church.
It could hardly be otherwise than that the free and fearless spirit of
Origen should leave its impress through his writings upon a circle of
followers so devoted to him as were these C'sarean students. Upon the
impressionable Eusebius these influences necessarily operated. And yet
he brought to them no keen speculative powers, no deep originality such
as Origen himself possessed. His was essentially an acquisitive, not a
productive mind, and hence it was out of the question that he should
become a second Origen. It was quite certain that Origen's influence
over him would weaken somewhat his confidence in the traditional as
such,-a confidence which is naturally great in such minds as his,-- but
at the same time would do little to lessen the real power of the past
over him. He continued to get his truth from others, from the great men
of the past with whom he had lived and upon whose thought he had
feasted. All that he believed he had drawn from them; he produced
nothing new for himself, and his creed was a traditional creed. And yet
he had at the same time imbibed from his surroundings the habit of
questioning and even criticising the past, and, in spite of his abiding
respect for it, had learned to feel that the voice of the many is not
always the voice of truth, and that the widely and anciently accepted
is sometimes to be corrected by the clearer sight of a single man.
Though he therefore depended for all he believed so completely upon the
past, his associations had helped to free him from a slavish adherence
to all that a particular school had accepted, and had made him in some
small measure an eclectic in his relations to doctrines and opinions of
earlier generations. A notable instance of this eclecticism on his part
is seen in his treatment of the Apocalypse of John. He felt the force
of an almost universal tradition in favor of its apostolic origin, and
yet in the face of that he could listen to the doubts of Dionysius, and
could be led by his example, in a case where his own dissatisfaction
with the book acted as an incentive, almost, if not quite, to reject it
and to ascribe it to another John. Instances of a similar mode of
conduct on his part are quite numerous. While he is always a staunch
apologist for Christianity, he seldom, if ever, degenerates into a mere
partisan of any particular school or sect.
One thing in fact which is particularly noticeable
in Eusebius' works is the comparatively small amount of time and space
which he devotes to heretics. With his wide and varied learning and his
extensive acquaintance with the past, he had opportunities for
successful heresy hunting such as few possessed, and yet he never was a
heresy hunter in any sense. This is surprising when we remember what a
fascination this employment had for so many scholars of his own age,
and when we realize that his historical tastes and talents would seem
to mark him out as just the man for that kind of work. May it not be
that the lofty spirit of Origen, animating that C'sarean school, had
something to do with the happy fact that he became an apologist instead
of a mere polemic, that he chose the honorable task of writing a
history of the Church. instead of anticipating Epiphanius' Panarium?
It was not that he was not alive to the evils of
heresy. He shared with nearly all good church-men of his age an intense
aversion for those who, as he believed, had corrupted the true Gospel
of Christ. Like them he ascribed heresy to the agency of the evil one,
and was no more able than they to see any good in a man whom he looked
upon as a real heretic, or to do justice in any degree to the error
which he taught. His condemnations of heretics in his Church History
are most severe. Language is hardly strong enough to express his
aversion for them. And yet, although he is thus most thoroughly the
child of his age, the difference between him and most of his
contemporaries is very apparent. He mentions these heretics only to
dismiss them with dis-
8
approval or condemnation. He seldom, if ever, discusses and refutes
their views. His interests lie evidently in other directions; he is
concerned with higher things. A still more strongly marked difference
between himself and many churchmen of his age lies in his large
liberality towards those of his own day who differed with him in minor
points of faith, and his comparative indifference to the divergence of
views between the various parties in the Church. In all this we believe
is to be seen not simply the inherent nature of the man, but that
nature as trained in the school of Pamphilus, the disciple of Origen.
§ 3. The Persecution of Diocletian.
In this delightful circle and engaged in such
congenial tasks, the time must have passed very happily for Eusebius,
until, in 303, the terrible persecution of Diocletian broke upon the
Church almost like a thunderbolt out of a clear sky. The causes of the
sudden change of policy on Diocletian's part, and the terrible havoc
wrought in the Church, it is not my intention to discuss here (see
below, Bk. VIII. chap. 2, note 3 sq.). We are concerned with the
persecution only in so far as it bears upon the present subject. In the
first year of the persecution Procopius, the first martyr of Palestine,
was put to death at C'sarea (Eusebius' Martyrs of Palestine, Cureton's
ed. p. 4), and from that time on that city, which was an important
Christian center, was the scene of a tempest which raged with greater
or less violence, and with occasional cessations, for seven years.
Eusebius himself was an eyewitness of many martyrdoms there, of which
he gives us an account in his Martyrs of Palestine. The little circle
which surrounded Pamphilus did not escape. In the third year of the
persecution (Mart. of Pal. p. 12 sq.) a youth named Apphianus, or
Epiphanius (the former is given in the Greek text, the latter in the
Syriac), who "resided in the same house with us, confirming himself in
godly doctrine, and being instructed by that perfect martyr, Pamphilus"
(as Eusebius says), committed an act of fanatical daring which caused
his arrest and martyrdom. It seems that without the knowledge of his
friends, concealing his design even from those who dwelt in the same
house with him, he laid hold of the hand of the governor, Arbanus, who
was upon the point of sacrificing, and endeavored to dissuade him from
offering to "lifeless idols and wicked devils." His arrest was of
course the natural consequence, and he had the glory of witnessing a
good profession and suffering a triumphant death. Although Eusebius
speaks with such admiration of his conduct, it is quite significant of
the attitude of himself, and of most of the circle of which he was one,
that Apphianus felt obliged to conceal his purpose from them. He
doubtless feared that they would not permit him to perform the rash act
which he meditated, and we may conclude from that, that the circle in
the main was governed by the precepts of good common sense, and avoided
that fanaticism which so frequently led men, as in the present case it
led Apphianus, to expose themselves needlessly, and even to court
martyrdom. It is plain enough from what we know of Eusebius' general
character that he himself was too sensible to act in that way. It is
true that he speaks with admiration of Apphianus' conduct, and in H. E.
VIII. 5, of the equally rash procedure of a Nicomedian Christian; but
that does not imply that he considered their course the wisest one, and
that he would not rather recommend the employment of all proper and
honorable precautions for the preservation of life. Indeed, in H. E.
IV. 15, he speaks with evident approval of the prudent course pursued
by Polycarp in preserving his life so long as he could without
violating his Christian profession, and with manifest disapproval of
the rash act of the Phrygian Quintus, who presumptuously courted
martyrdom, only to fail when the test itself came. Pamphilus also
possessed too much sound Christian sense to advocate any such
fanaticism, or to practice it himself, as is plain enough from the fact
that he was not arrested until the fifth year of the persecution. This
unhealthy temper of mind in the midst of persecution was indeed almost
universally condemned by the wisest men of the Church, and yet the
boldness and the very rashness of those who thus voluntarily and
needlessly threw their lives away excited widespread admiration and too
often a degree
9
of commendation which served only to promote a wider growth of the same
unhealthy sentiment.
In the fifth year of the persecution Pamphilus was
arrested and thrown into prison, where he remained for two years, when
he finally, in the seventh year of the persecution, suffered martyrdom
with eleven others, some of whom were his disciples and members of his
own household. (Pal. Mart. Cureton's ed. p. 36 sq.; H. E. App. chap.
11.) During the two years of Pamphilus' imprisonment Eusebius spent a
great deal of time with him, and the two together composed five books
of an Apology for Origen, to which Eusebius afterward added a sixth
(see below, p. 36). Danz (p. 37) assumes that Eusebius was imprisoned
with Pamphilus, which is not an unnatural supposition when we consider
how much they must have been together to compose the Apology as they
did. There is, however, no other evidence that he was thus imprisoned,
and in the face of Eusebius' own silence it is safer perhaps to assume
(with most historians) that he simply visited Pamphilus in his prison.
How it happened that Pamphilus and so many of his followers were
imprisoned and martyred, while Eusebius escaped, we cannot tell. In his
Martyrs of Palestine, chap. 11, he states that Pamphilus was the only
one of the company of twelve martyrs that was a presbyter of the
C'sarean church; and from the fact that he nowhere mentions the
martyrdom of others of the presbyters, we may conclude that they all
escaped. It is not surprising, therefore, that Eusebius should have
done the same. Nevertheless, it is somewhat difficult to understand how
he could come and go so frequently without being arrested and condemned
to a like fate with the others. It is possible that he possessed
friends among the authorities whose influence procured his safety. This
supposition finds some support in the fact that he had made the
acquaintance of Constantine (the Greek in Vita Const. I. 19 has
<greek>egnwmen</greek>, which implies, as Danz remarks,
that he not only saw, but that he became acquainted with Constantine)
some years before in C'sarea. He could hardly have made his
acquaintance unless he had some friend among the high officials of the
city. Influential family connections may account in part also for the
position of prominence which he later acquired at the imperial court of
Constantine. If he had friends in authority in C'sarea during the
persecution his exemption from arrest is satisfactorily accounted for.
It has been supposed by some that Eusebius denied the faith during the
terrible persecution, or that he committed some other questionable and
compromising act of concession, and thus escaped martyrdom. In support
of this is urged the fact that in 335, at the council of Tyre, Potamo,
bishop of Heraclea, in Egypt, addressed Eusebius in the following
words: "Dost thou sit as judge, O Eusebius; and is Athanasius, innocent
as he is, judged by thee? Who can bear such things? Pray tell me, wast
thou not with me in prison during the persecution? And I lost an eye in
behalf of the truth, but thou appearest to have received no bodily
injury, neither hast thou suffered martyrdom, but thou hast remained
alive with no mutilation. How wast thou released from prison unless
thou didst promise those that put upon us the pressure of persecution
to do that which is unlawful, or didst actually do it?" Eusebius, it
seems, did not deny the charge, but simply rose in anger and dismissed
the council with the words, "If ye come hither and make such
accusations against us, then do your accusers speak the truth. For if
ye tyrannize here, much more do ye in your own country" (Epiphan. Har.
LXVIII. 8). It must be noticed, however, that Potamo does not directly
charge Eusebius with dishonorable conduct, he simply conjectures that
he must have acted dishonorably in order to escape punishment; as if
every one who was imprisoned with Potamo must have suffered as he did!
As Stroth suggests, it is quite possible that his peculiarly excitable
and violent temperament was one of the causes of his own loss. He
evidently in any case had no knowledge of unworthy conduct on Eusebius'
part, nor had any one else so far as we can judge. For in that age of
bitter controversy, when men's characters were drawn by their opponents
in the blackest lines, Eusebius must have suffered at the hands of the
Athanasian party if it had been known that he had acted a cowardly part
in the persecution. Athanasius himself refers to this incident (Contra
Arian. VIII. 1), but he only says that Eusebius was "accused of
sacrificing," he does
10
not venture to affirm that he did sacrifice; and thus it is evident
that he knew nothing of such an act. Moreover, he never calls Eusebius
"the sacrificer," as he does Asterius, and as he would have been sure
to do had he possessed evidence which warranted him in making the
accusation (cf. Lightfoot, p. 311). Still further, Eusebius' subsequent
election to the episcopate of C'sarea, where his character and his
conduct during the persecution must have been well known, and his
appointment in later life to the important see of Antioch, forbid the
supposition that he had ever acted a cowardly part in time of
persecution. And finally, it is psychologically impossible that
Eusebius could have written works so full of comfort for, and sympathy
with, the suffering confessors, and could have spoken so openly and in
such strong terms of condemnation of the numerous defections that
occurred during the persecution, if he. was conscious of his own guilt.
It is quite possible, as remarked above, that influential friends.
protected him without any act of compromise on his part; or, supposing
him to have been imprisoned with Potamo, it may be, as Lightfoot
suggests, that the close of the persecution brought him his release as
it did so many others. For it would seem natural to refer that
imprisonment to the latter part of the persecution, when in all
probability he visited Egypt, which was the home of Potamo. We must in
any case vindicate Eusebius from the unfounded charge of cowardice and
apostasy; and we ask, with Cave, "If every accusation against any man
at any time were to be believed, who would be guiltless?"
From his History and his Martyrs in Palestine we
learn that Eusebius was for much of the time in the very thick of the
fight, and was an eyewitness of numerous martyrdoms not only in
Palestine, but also in Tyre and in Egypt.
The date of his visits to the latter places (H. E.
VIII. 7, 9) cannot be determined with exactness. They are described in
connection with what seem to be the earlier events of the persecution,
and yet it is by no means certain that chronological order has been
observed in the narratives. The mutilation of prisoners--such as Potamo
suffered--seems to have become common only in the year 308 and
thereafter (see Mason's Persecution of Diocletian, p. 281), and hence
if Eusebius was imprisoned with Potamo during his visit to Egypt, as
seems most probable, there would be some reason for assigning that
visit to the later years of the persecution. In confirmation of this
might be urged the improbability that he would leave C'sarea while
Pamphilus was still alive, either before or after the latter's
imprisonment, and still further his own statement in H. E. VII. 32,
that he had observed Meletius escaping the fury of the persecution for
seven years in Palestine. It is therefore likely that Eusebius did not
make his journey to Egypt, which must have occupied some time, until
toward the very end of the persecution, when it raged there with
exceeding fierceness during the brief outburst of the infamous Maximin.
§ 4.
Eusebius' Accession to the Bishopric of C'sarea.
Not long after the close of the persecution,
Eusebius became bishop of C'sarea in Palestine, his own home, and held
the position until his death. The exact date of his accession cannot be
ascertained, indeed we cannot say that it did not take place even
before the close of the persecution, but that is hardly probable; in
fact, we know of no historian who places it earlier than 313. His
immediate predecessor in the episcopate was Agapius, whom he mentions
in terms of praise in H. E. VII. 32. Some writers have interpolated a
bishop Agricolaus between Agopins and Eusebius (see e.g. Tillemont,
Hist. Ecceles. VII. 42), on the ground that his name appears in one of
the lists of those present at the Council of Ancyra (c. 314), as bishop
of C'sarea in Palestine (see Labbei el Cossartii Conc. I. 1475). But,
as Hefele shows (Conciliengesch. I. 220), this list is of late date and
not to be relied upon. On the other hand, as Lightfoot points out, in
the Zibellus Synadicus (Conc. I. 1480), where Agricolaus is said to
have been present at the Council of Ancyra, he is called bishop of
C'sarea in Cappadocia; and this statement is confirmed by a Syriac list
given in Cowper's Miscellanies, p. 41. Though perhaps no great reliance
is to be
11
placed upon the correctness of any of these lists, the last two may at
any rate be set over against the first, and we may conclude that there
exists no ground for assuming that Agapius, who is the last C'sarean
bishop mentioned by Eusebius, was not the latter's immediate
predecessor. At what time Agapius died we do not know. That he suffered
martyrdom is hardly likely, in view of Eusebius' silence on the
subject. It would seem more likely that he outlived the persecution.
However that may be, Eusebius was already bishop at the time of the
dedication of a new and elegant Church at Tyre under the direction of
his friend Paulinus, bishop of that city. Upon this occasion he
delivered an address of considerable length, which he has inserted in
his Ecclesiastical History, Bk. X. chap. 4. He does not name himself as
its author, but the way in which he introduces it, and the very fact
that he records the whole speech without giving the name of the man who
delivered it, make its origin perfectly plain. Moreover, the last
sentence of the preceding chapter makes it evident that the speaker was
a bishop: "Every one of the rulers
(<greek>arkontwn</greek>) present delivered panegyric
discourses." The date of the dedication of this church is a matter of
dispute, though it is commonly put in the year 315. It is plain from
Eusebius' speech that it was uttered before Licinius had begun to
persecute the Christians, and also, as G"rres remarks, at a lime when
Constantine and Licinius were at least outwardly at peace with each
other. In the year 314 the two emperors went to war, and consequently,
if the persecution of Licinius began soon after that event, as it is
commonly supposed to have done, the address must have been delivered
before hostilities opened; that is, at least as early as 314, and this
is the year in which G"rres places it (Kritische Untersuchungen ueber
die licinianische Christenverfolgung, p. 8). But if G"rres' date (319
A.D.) for the commencement of the persecution be accepted (and though
he can hardly be said to have proved it, he has urged some strong
grounds in support of it), then the address may have been delivered at
almost any time between 315 and 319, for, as G"rres himself shows,
Licinius and Constantine were outwardly at peace during the greater
part of that time (ib. p. 14, sq.). There is nothing in the speech
itself which prevents this later date, nor is it intrinsically
improbable that the great basilica reached completion only in 315 or
later. In fact, it must be admitted that Eusebius may have become
bishop at any time between about 311 and 318.
The persecution of Licinius, which continued until
his defeat by Constantine, in 323, was but local, and seems never to
have been very severe. Indeed, it did not bear the character of a
bloody persecution, though a few bishops appear to have met their death
on one ground or another. Palestine and Egypt seem not to have suffered
to any great extent (see G"rres, ib. p. 32 sq.).
§ 5. The Outbreak of the Arian Controversy. The Attitude of
Eusebius.
About the year 318, while Alexander was bishop of
Alexandria, the Arian controversy broke out in that city, and the whole
Eastern Church was soon involved in the strife. We cannot enter here
into a discussion of Arius' views; but in order to understand the
rapidity with which the Arian party grew, and the strong hold which it
possessed from the very start in Syria and Asia Minor, we must remember
that Arius was not himself the author of that system which we know as
Arianism, but that he learned the essentials of it from his instructor
Lucian. The latter was one of the most learned men of his age in the
Oriental Church, and rounded an exegetico-theological school in
Antioch, which for a number of years stood outside of the communion of
the orthodox Church in that city, but shortly before the martyrdom of
Lucian himself (which took place in 311 or 312) made its peace with the
Church, and was recognized by it. He was held in the highest reverence
by his disciples, and exerted a great influence over them even after
his death. Among them were such men as Arius, Eusebius of Nicomedia,
Asterius, and others who were afterward known as staunch Arianists.
According to Harnack the chief points in the system of Lucian and his
disciples were the creation of the Son, the denial of his co-eternity
with the Father, and his immutability acquired by persistent progress
and steadfastness. His doctrine, which differed
12
from that of Paul of Samosata chiefly in the fact that it was not a man
but a created heavenly being who became "Lord," was evidently the
result of a combination of the teaching of Paul and of Origen. It will
be seen that we have here, at least in germ, all the essential elements
of Arianism proper: the creation of the Son out of nothing, and
consequently the conclusion that there was a time when he was not; the
distinction of his essence from that of the Father, but at the same
time the emphasis upon the fact that he "was not created as the other
creatures," and is therefore to be sharply distinguished from them.
There was little for Arius to do but to combine the elements given by
Lucian in a more complete and well-ordered system, and then to bring
that system forward clearly and publicly, and endeavor to make it the
faith of the Church at large. His christology was essentially opposed
to the Alexandrian, and it was natural that he should soon come into
conflict with that church, of which he was a presbyter (upon Lucian's
teaching and its relation to Arianism, see Harnack's Dogmengeschichte,
II. p. 183 sq.).
Socrates (H. E. I. 5 sq.), Sozomen (H. E. I. 15) and
Theodoret (H. E. I. 2 sq.), all of whom give accounts of the rise of
Arianism, differ as to the immediate occasion of the controversy, but
agree that Arius was excommunicated by a council convened at
Alexandria, and that both he and the bishop Alexander sent letters to
other churches, the latter defending his own course, the former
complaining of his harsh treatment, and endeavoring to secure adherents
to his doctrine. Eusebius of Nicomedia at once became his firm
supporter, and was one of the leading figures on the Arian side
throughout the entire controversy. His influential position as bishop
of Nicomedia, the imperial residence, and later of Constantinople, was
of great advantage to the Arian cause, especially toward the close of
Constantine's reign. From a letter addressed by this Eusebius to
Paulinus of Tyre (Theodoret, H. E. I. 6) we learn that Eusebius of
C'sarea was quite zealous in behalf of the Arian cause. The exact date
of the letter we do not know, but it must have been written at an early
stage of the controversy. Arius himself, in an epistle addressed to
Eusebius of Nicomedia (Theodoret, H. E. I. 5), claims Eusebius of
C'sarea among others as accepting at least one of his fundamental
doctrines ("And since Eusebius, your brother in C'sarea, and Theodotus,
and Paulinus, and Athanasius, and Gregory, and 'tius, and all the
bishops of the East say that God existed before the Son, they have been
condemned," etc.). More than this, Sozomen (H. E. I. 15 ) informs us
that Eusebius of C'sarea and two other bishops, having been appealed to
by Arius for "permission for himself and his adherents, as he had
already attained the rank of presbyter, to form the people who were
with them into a church," concurred with others "who were assembled in
Palestine," in granting the petition of Arius, and permitting him to
assemble the people as before; but they "enjoined submission to
Alexander, and commanded Arius to strive incessantly to be restored to
peace and communion with him." The addition of the last sentence is
noticeable, as showing that they did not care to support a presbyter in
open and persistent rebellion against his bishop. A fragment of a
letter written by our Eusebius to Alexander is still extant, and is
preserved in the proceedings of the Second Council of Nic'a, Act. VI.
Tom. V. (Labbei et Cossartii Conc. VII. col. 497). In this epistle
Eusebius strongly remonstrates with Alexander for having misrepresented
the views of Arius. Still further, in his epistle to Alexander of
Constantinople, Alexander of Alexandria (Theodoret, H. E. I. 4)
complains of three Syrian bishops "who side with them [i.e. the Arians]
and excite them to plunge deeper and deeper into iniquity." The
reference here is commonly supposed to be to Eusebius of C'sarean, and
his two friends Paulinus of Tyre and Theodotus of Laodicea, who are
known to have shown favor to Arius. It is probable, though not certain,
that our Eusebius is one of the persons meant. Finally, many of the
Fathers (above all Jerome and Photius), and in addition to them the
Second Council of Nic'a, directly accuse Eusebius of holding the Arian
heresy, as may be seen by examining the testimonies quoted below on p.
67 sq. In agreement with these early Fathers, many modern historians
have attacked Eusebius with great severity, and have endeavored to show
that the opinion that he was an Arian is supported by his own writings.
Among those who have judged him most harshly are Baronins (ad ann. 340,
c. 38 sq.), Petavius
13
(Dogm. Theol. de Trin. I. c. 11 sq.), Scaliger (In Elencho Trih'resii,
c. 27, and De emendatione temporum, Bk. VI. c. 1), Mosheim
(Ecclesiastical History, Murdock's translation, I. p. 287 sq.),
Montfaucon (Pr'lim. in Comment. ad Psalm. c. VI.), and Tillemont (H. E.
VII. p. 67 sq. 2d ed.).
On the other hand, as may be seen from the testimonies in Eusebius'
favor, quoted below on, p. 57 sq., many of the Fathers, who were
themselves orthodox, looked upon Eusebius as likewise sound on the
subject of the Trinity. He has been defended in modern times against
the charge of Arianism by a great many prominent scholars; among others
by Valesius in his Life Eusebius, by Bull (Def. Fid. Nic. II. 9. 20,
III. 9. 3, 11), Cave (Lives of the Fathers, II. p. 135 sq.), Fabricius
(Bibl. Gr'c. VI. p. 32 sq.), Dupin (Bibl. Eccles. IL p. 7 sq.), and
most fully and carefully by Lee in his prolegomena to his edition of
Eusebius' Theaphania, p. xxiv. sq. Lightfoot also defends him against
the charge of heresy, as do a great many other writers whom it is not
necessary to mention here. Confronted with such diversity of opinion,
both ancient and modern, what are we to conclude? It is useless to
endeavor, as Lee does, to clear Eusebius of all sympathy with and
leaning toward Arianism. It is impossible to explain such widespread
and continued condemnation of him by acknowledging only that there are
many expressions in his works which are in themselves perfectly
orthodox but capable of being wrested in such a way as to produce a
suspicion of possible Arianistic tendencies, for there are such
expressions in the works of multitudes of ancient writers whose
orthodoxy has never been questioned. Nor can the widespread belief that
he was an Arian be explained by admitting that he was for a time the
personal friend of Arius, but denying that he accepted, or in any way
sympathized with his views (cf. Newman's Arians, p. 262). There are in
fact certain fragments of epistles extant, which are, to say the least,
decidedly Arianistic in their modes of expression, and these must be
reckoned with in forming an opinion of Eusebius' views; for there is no
reason to deny, as Lee does, that they are from Eusebius' own hand. On
the other hand, to maintain, with some of the Fathers and many of the
moderns, that Eusebius was and continued through life a genuine Arian,
will not do in the face of the facts that contemporary and later
Fathers were divided as to his orthodoxy, that he was honored highly by
the Church of subsequent centuries, except at certain periods, and was
even canonized (see Lightfoot's article, p. 348), that he solemnly
signed the Nicene Creed, which contained an express condemnation of the
distinctive doctrines of Arius, and finally that at least in his later
works he is thoroughly orthodox in his expressions, and is explicit in
his rejection of the two main theses of the Arians,--that there was a
time when the Son of God was not, and that he was produced out of
nothing. It is impossible to enter here into a detailed discussion of
such passages in Eusebius' works as bear upon the subject under
dispute. Lee has considered many of them at great length, and the
reader may be referred to him for further information.
A careful examination of them will, I believe, serve
to convince the candid student that there is a distinction to be drawn
between those works written before the rise of Arius, those written
between that time and the Council of Nic'a, and those written after the
latter. It has been very common to draw a distinction between those
works written before and those written after the Council, but no one,
so far as I know, has distinguished those productions of Eusebius' pen
which appeared between 318 and 325, and which were caused by the
controversy itself, from all his other writings. And yet such a
distinction seems to furnish the key to the problem. Eusebius'
opponents have drawn their strongest arguments from the epistles which
Eusebius wrote to Alexander and to Euphration; his defenders have drawn
their arguments chiefly from the works which he produced subsequent to
the year 325; while the exact bearing of the expressions used in his
works produced before the controversy broke out has always been a
matter of sharp dispute. Lee has abundantly shown his Contra Marcel.,
his De Eccl. Theol., his Thephania (which was written after the Council
of Nic'a, and not, as Lee supposes, before it), and other later works,
to be thoroughly orthodox and to contain nothing which a trinitarian
might not have written. In his Hist. Eccl., Pr'paratio Evang.,
Demanstratio Evang., and other earlier works,
14
although we find some expressions employed which it would not have been
possible for an orthodox trinitarian to use after the Council of Nic'a,
at least without careful limitation to guard against misapprehension,
there is nothing even in these works which requires us to believe that
he accepted the doctrines of Arius' predecessor, Lucian of Antioch;
that is, there is nothing distinctly and positively Arianistic about
them, although there are occasional expressions which might lead the
reader to expect that the writer would become an Arian if he ever
learned of Arius' doctrines. But if there is seen to be a lack of
emphasis upon the divinity of the Son, or rather a lack of clearness in
the conception of the nature of that divinity, it must be remembered
that there was at this time no especial reason for emphasizing and
defining it, but there was on the contrary very good reason for laying
particular stress upon the subordination of the Son over against
Sabellianism, which was so widely prevalent during the third century,
and which was exerting an influence even over many orthodox theologians
who did not consciously accept Sabellianistic tenets. That Eusebius was
a decided subordinationist must be plain to every one that reads his
works with care, especially his earlier ones. It would be surprising if
he had not been, for he was born at a time when Sabellianism
(monarchianism) was felt to be the greatest danger to which orthodox
christology was exposed, and he was trained under the influence of the
followers of Origen, who had made it one of his chief aims to emphasize
the subordination of the Son over against that very monarchianism. [1]
The same subordinationism may be clearly seen in the writings of
Dionysius of Alexandria and of Gregory Thaumaturgus, two of Origen's
greatest disciples. It must not be forgotten that at the beginning of
the fourth century the problem of how to preserve the Godhood of Christ
and at the same time his subordination to the Father (in opposition to
the monarchianists) had not been solved. Eusebius in his earlier
writings shows that he holds both (he cannot be convicted of denying
Christ's divinity), but that he is as far from a solution of the
problem, and is just as uncertain in regard to the exact relation of
Father and Son, as Tertullian, Hippolytus, Origen, Dionysius, and
Gregory Thaumaturgus were; is just as inconsistent in his modes of
expression as they, and yet no more so (see Harnack's Dogmengeschichte,
I. pp. 628 sq. and 634 sq., for an exposition of the opinions of these
other Fathers on the subject). Eusebius, with the same immature and
undeveloped views which were held all through the third century, wrote
those earlier works which have given rise to so much dispute between
those who accuse him of Arianism and those who defend him against the
charge. When he wrote them he was neither Arian nor Athanasian, and for
that reason passages may be found in them which if written after the
Council of Nicaea might prove him an Arian, and other passages which
might as truly prove him an Athanasian, just as in the writings of
Origen were found by both parties passages to support their views, and
in Gregory Thaumaturgus passages apparently teaching Arianism, and
others teaching its opposite, Sabellianism (see Harnack, ib. p. 646).
Let us suppose now that Eusebius, holding fast to
the divinity of Christ, and yet convinced just as firmly of his
subordination to the Father, becomes acquainted through Arius, or other
like-minded disciples of Lucian of Antioch, with a doctrine which seems
to preserve the Godhood, while at the same time emphasizing strongly
the subordination of the Son, and which formulates the relation of
Father and Son in a clear and rational manner. That he should accept
such a doctrine eagerly is just what we should expect, and just what we
find him doing. In his epistles to Alexander and Euphration, he shows
himself an Arian, and Arius and his followers were quite
15
right in claiming him as a supporter. There is that in the epistles
which is to be found nowhere in his previous writings, and which
distinctly separates him from the orthodox party. How then are we to
explain the fact that a few years later he signed the Nicene creed and
anathematized the doctrines of Arius? Before we can understand his
conduct, it is necessary to examine carefully the two epistles in
question. Such an examination will show us that what Eusebius is
defending in them is not genuine Arianism. He evidently thinks that it
is, evidently supposes that he and Arius are in complete agreement upon
the subjects under discussion; but he is mistaken. The extant fragments
of the two epistles are given below on p. 70. It will be seen that
Eusebius in them defends the Arian doctrine that there was a time when
the Son of God was not. It will be seen also that he finds fault with
Alexander for representing the Arians as teaching that the "Son of God
was made out of nothing, like all creatures," and contends that Arius
teaches that the Son of God was begotten, and that he was not produced
like all creatures. We know that the Arians very commonly applied the
word "begotten" to Christ, using it in such cases as synonymous with
"created," and thus not implying, as the Athanasians did when they used
the word, that he was of one substance with the Father (compare, for
instance, the explanation of the meaning of the term given by Eusebius
of Nicomedia in his epistle to Paulinns; Theod. H. E. I. 6). It is
evident that the use of this word had deceived our Eusebius, and that
he was led by it to think that they taught that the Son was of the
Father in a peculiar sense, and did in reality partake in some way of
essential Godhood. And indeed it is not at all surprising that the
words of Arius, in his epistle to Alexander of Alexandria (see Athan.
Ep. de conc. Arim. et Seleuc., chap. II. § 3; Oxford edition of
Athanasius' Tracts against Arianism, P. 97), quoted by Eusebius in his
epistle to the same Alexander, should give Eusebius that impression.
The words are as follows: "The God of the law, and of the prophets, and
of the New Testament before eternal ages begat an only-begotten Son,
through whom also He made the ages and the universe. And He begat him
not in appearance, but in truth, and subjected him to his own will,
unchangeable and immutable, a perfect creature of God, but not as one
of the creatures." Arius' use here of the word "begat," and his
qualification of the word "creature" by the adjective "perfect," and by
the statement that he was "not as one of the creatures" naturally
tended to make Eusebius think. that Arius acknowledged a real divinity
of the Son, and that appeared to him to be all that was necessary.
Meanwhile Alexander in his epistle to Alexander of Constantinople
(Theod. H. E. I. 4) had, as Eusebius says, misstated Arius' opinion, or
at least had attributed to him the belief that Christ was "made like
all other men that have ever been born," whereas Arius expressly
disclaims such a belief. Alexander undoubtedly thought that that was
the legitimate result to which the other views of Arius must lead; but
Eusebius did not think so, and felt himself called upon to remonstrate
with Alexander for what seemed to him the latter's unfairness in the
matter.
When we examine the C'sarean creed[1] which Eusebius
presented to the Council as a fair statement of his belief, we find
nothing in it inconsistent with the acceptance of the kind of Arianism
which he defends in his epistle to Alexander, and which he evidently
supposed to be practically the Arianism of Arius himself. In his
epistle to Euphration, however, Eusebius seems at first glance to go
further and to give up the real divinity of the Son. His words are,
"Since the Son is himself God, but not true God." But we have no right
to interpret these words, torn as they are from the context which might
make their meaning perfectly plain, without due regard to Eusebius'
belief expressed elsewhere in this epistle, and in his epistle to
Alexander which was evidently written about the same time. In the
epistle to Alexander he clearly reveals a belief in the real divinity
of the Son, while in the other fragment of his epistle to Euphration he
dwells upon the subordination of the Son and approves the Arian
opinion, which he had defended also in the other epistle, that the
"Father was before the Son." The expression, "not true God" (a very
common Arian expression; see Athan. Orat. c. Arian. I. 6) seems
therefore to have been
16
used by Eusebius to express a belief, not that the Son did not possess
real divinity (as the genuine Arians used it), but that he was not
equal to the Father, who, to Eusebius' thought, was "true God." He
indeed expressly calls the Son <greek>qeos</greek>, which
shows -- when the sense in which he elsewhere uses the word is
considered -- that he certainly did believe him to partake of Godhood,
though, in some mysterious way, in a smaller degree, or in a less
complete manner than the Father. That Eusebius misunderstood Arius, and
did not perceive that he actually denied all real deity to the Son, was
due doubtless in part to his lack of theological insight (Eusebius was
never a great theologian), in part to his habitual dread of
Sabellianism (of which Arius had accused Alexander, and toward which
Eusebius evidently thought that the latter was tending), which led him
to look with great favor upon the pronounced subordinationism of Arius,
and thus to overlook the dangerous extreme to which Arius carried that
subordinationism.
We are now, the writer hopes, prepared to admit that
Eusebius, after the breaking out of the Arian controversy, became an
Arian, as he understood Arianism, and supported that party with
considerable vigor; and that not as a result of mere personal
friendship, but of theological conviction. At the same time, he was
then, as always, a peace-loving man, and while lending Arius his
approval and support, he united with other Palestinian bishops in
enjoining upon him submission to his bishop (Sozomen, H. E. I. 15). As
an Arian, then, and yet possessed with the desire of securing, if it
were possible, peace and harmony between the two factions, Eusebius
appeared at the Council of Nic'a, and there signed a creed containing
Athanasian doctrine and anathematizing the chief tenets of Arius. How
are we to explain his conduct? We shall, perhaps, do best to let him
explain his own conduct. In his letter to the church of C'sarea
(preserved by Socrates, H. E. I. 8, as well as by other authors), he
writes as follows:--
"What was transacted concerning ecclesiastical faith
at the Great Council assembled at Nic'a you have probably learned,
Beloved, from other sources, rumour being wont to precede the accurate
account of what is doing. But lest in such reports the circumstances of
the case have been misrepresented, we have been obliged to transmit to
you, first, the formula of faith presented by ourselves; and next, the
second, which the Fathers put forth with some additions to our words.
Our own paper, then, which was read in the presence of our most pious
Emperor, and declared to be good and unexceptionable, ran thus:--
"'As we have received from the Bishops who preceded
us, and in our first catechisings, and when we received the Holy Layer,
and as we have learned from the divine Scriptures, and as we believed
and taught in the presbytery, and in the Episcopate itself, so
believing also at the time present, we report to you our faith, and it
is this:--
"'We believe in One God, the Father Almighty, the
Maker of all things visible and invisible. And in One Lord Jesus
Christ, the Word of God, God from God, Light from Light, Life from
Life, Son Only-begotten, first-born of every creature, before all the
ages, begotten from the Father, by whom also all things were made; who
for our salvation was made flesh, and lived among men, and suffered,
and rose again the third day, and ascended to the Father, and will come
again in glory to judge quick and dead, And we believe also in One Holy
Ghost; believing each of These to be and to exist, the Father truly
Father, and the Son truly Son, and the Holy Ghost truly Holy Ghost, as
also our Lord, sending forth His disciples for the preaching, said, Go,
teach all nations, anathematizing every godless heresy. That this we
have ever thought from our heart and soul, from the time we recollect
ourselves, and now think and say in truth, before God Almighty and our
Lord Jesus Christ do we witness, being able by proofs to show and to
convince you, that, even in times past, such has been our belief and
preaching.'
"On this faith being publicly put forth by us, no
room for contradiction appeared; but our most pious Emperor, before any
one else, testified that it comprised most orthodox statements. He
confessed, moreover, that such were his own sentiments; and he advised
all present to agree to it, and to subscribe its articles and to assent
to them, with the insertion of the single word, 'One in substance'
(<greek>omoousios</greek>), which, moreover, he interpreted
as not in the sense of the affections of bodies, nor as if the Son
subsisted from the Father, in the way of division, or any sever-
17
ance; for that the immaterial and intellectual and incorporeal nature
could not be the subject of any corporeal affection, but that it became
us to conceive of such things in a divine and ineffable manner. And
such were the theological remarks of our most wise and most religious
Emperor; but they, with a view to the addition of 'One in substance,'
drew up the following formula:--
"'We believe in One God, the Father Almighty, Maker
of all things visible and invisible:-- And in One Lord Jesus Christ,
the Son of God, begotten of the Father, Only-begotten, that is, from
the Substance of the Father; God from God, Light from Light, very God
from very God, begotten, not made, One in substance with the Father, by
whom all things were made, both things in heaven and things in earth;
who for us men and for our salvation came down and was made flesh, was
made man, suffered, and rose again the third day, ascended into heaven,
and cometh to judge quick and dead.
"'And in the Holy Ghost. But those who say, "Once He
was not," and "Before His generation He was not," and "He came to be
from nothing," or those who pretend that the Son of God is "Of other
subsistence or substance," or "created," or "alterable," or "mutable,"
the Catholic Church anathematizes.'
"On their dictating this formula, we did not let it
pass without inquiry in what sense they introduced of the substance of
the Father' and 'one in substance with the Father.' Accordingly
questions and explanations took place, and the meaning of the words
underwent the scrutiny of reason. And they professed that the phrase
'of the substance' was indicative of the Son's being indeed from the
Father, yet without being as if a part of Him. And with this
understanding we thought good to assent to the sense of such religious
doctrine, teaching, as it did, that the Son was from the Father, not,
however, a part of His substance. On this account we assented to the
sense ourselves, without declining even the term 'One in substance,'
peace being the object which we set before us, and steadfastness in the
orthodox view. In the same way we also admitted 'begotten, not made';
since the Council alleged that 'made' was an appellative common to the
other creatures which came to be through the Son, to whom the Son had
no likeness. Wherefore, said they, He was not a work resembling the
things which through Him came to be, but was of a substance which is
too high for the level of any work, and which the Divine oracles teach
to have been generated from the Father, the mode of generation being
inscrutable and incalculable to every generated nature. And so, too, on
examination there are grounds for saying that the Son is 'one in
substance' with the Father; not in the way of bodies, nor like mortal
beings, for He is not such by division of substance, or by severance;
no, nor by any affection, or alteration, or changing of the Father's
substance and power (since from all such the ingenerate nature of the
Father is alien), but because 'one in substance with the Father'
suggests that the Son of God bears no resemblance to the generated
creatures, but that to His Father alone who begat Him is He in every
way assimilated, and that He is not of any other subsistence and
substance, but from the Father.
"To which term also, thus interpreted, it appeared
well to assent; since we were aware that, even among the ancients, some
learned and illustrious Bishops and writers have used the term 'one in
substance' in their theological teaching concerning the Father and Son.
So much, then, be said concerning the faith which was published; to
which all of us assented, not without inquiry, but according to the
specified senses, mentioned before the most religious Emperor himself,
and justified by the fore-mentioned considerations. And as to the
anathematism published by them at the end of the Faith, it did not pain
us, because it forbade to use words not in Scripture, from which almost
all the confusion and disorder of the Church have come. Since, then, no
divinely inspired Scripture has used the phrases, 'out of nothing' and
'once He was not,' and the rest which follow, there appeared no ground
for using or teaching them; to which also we assented as a good
decision, since it had not been our custom hitherto to use these terms.
Moreover, to anathematize 'Before His generation He was not' did not
seem preposterous, in that it is confessed by all that the Son of God
was before the generation according to the flesh. Nay, our most
religious Emperor did at the time prove, in a speech, that He was in
being even according to His divine generation which is before all ages,
since even before he was generated
18
in energy, He was in virtue with the Father ingenerately, the Father
being always Father, as King always and Saviour always, having all
things in virtue, and being always in the same respects and in the same
way. This we have been forced to transmit to you, Beloved, as making
clear to you the deliberation of our inquiry and assent, and how
reasonably we resisted even to the last minute, as long as we were
offended at statements which differed from our own, but received
without contention what no longer pained us, as soon as, on a candid
examination of the sense of the words, they appeared to us to coincide
with what we ourselves have professed in the faith which we have
already published."[1]
It will be seen that while the expressions "of the
substance of the Father," "begotten not made," and "One in substance,"
or "consubstantial with the Father," are all explicitly
anti-Arianistic, yet none of them contradicts the doctrines held by
Eusebius before the Council, so far as we can learn them from his
epistles to Alexander and Euphration and from the C'sarean creed. His
own explanation of those expressions, which it is to be observed was
the explanation given by the Council itself, and which therefore he was
fully warranted in accepting,--even though it may not have been so
rigid as to satisfy an Athanasius,--shows us how this is. He had
believed before that the Son partook of the Godhood in very truth, that
He was "begotten," and therefore "not made," if "made" implied
something different from "begotten," as the Nicene Fathers held that it
did; and he had believed before that the "Son of God has no resemblance
to created' things, but is in every respect like the Father only who
begat him, and that He is of no other substance or essence than the
Father," and therefore if that was what the word "Consubstantial"
(<greek>omoousios</greek>) meant he could not do otherwise
than accept that too.
It is clear that the dread of Sabellianism was still
before the eyes of Eusebius, and was the cause of his hesitation in
assenting to the various changes, especially to the use of the word
<greek>ouoousios</greek>, which had been a Sabellian word
and had been rejected on that account by the Synod of Antioch, at which
Paul of Samosata had been condemned some sixty years before.
It still remains to explain Eusebius' sanction of
the anathemas attached to the creed which expressly condemn at least
one of the beliefs which he had himself formerly held, viz.: that the
"Father was before the Son," or as he puts it elsewhere, that "He who
is begat him who was not." The knot might of course be simply cut by
supposing an act of hypocrisy on his part, but the writer is convinced
that such a conclusion does violence to all that we know of Eusebius
and of his subsequent treatment of the questions involved in this
discussion. It is quite possible to suppose that a real change of
opinion on his part took place during the sessions of the Council.
Indeed when we realize how imperfect and incorrect a conception of
Arianism he had before the Council began, and how clearly its true
bearing was there brought out by its enemies, we can see that he could
not do otherwise than change; that he must have become either an out
and-out Arian, or an opponent of Arianism as he did. When he learned,
and learned for the first time, that Arianism meant the denial of all
essential divinity to Christ, and when he saw that it involved the
ascription of mutability and of other finite attributes to him, he must
either change entirely his views on those points or he must leave the
Arian party. To him who with all his subordinationism had laid in all
his writings so much stress on the divinity of the Word (even though he
had not realized exactly what that divinity involved) it would have
been a revolution in his Christian life and faith to have admitted what
he now learned that Arianism involved. Sabellianism had been his dread,
but now this new fear, which had aroused so large a portion of the
Church, seized him too, and he felt that stand must be made against
this too great separation of Father and Son, which was leading to
dangerous results. Under the pressure of this fear it is not surprising
that he should become convinced that the Arian formula--"there was a
time when the Son was not "--involved serious consequences, and that
Alexander and his followers should have succeeded in pointing out to
him its untruth, because it led necessarily to a false conclusion. It
is not surprising, moreover, that they should have succeeded in
explaining to him at least
19
partially their belief, which, as his epistle to Alexander shows, had
before been absolutely incomprehensible, that the Son was generated
from all eternity, and that therefore the Father did not exist before
him in a temporal sense.
He says toward the close of his epistle to the
C'sarean church that he had not been accustomed to use such expressions
as "There was a time when he was not," "He came to be from nothing,"
etc. And there is no reason to doubt that he speaks the truth. Even in
his epistles to Alexander and Euphration he does not use those phrases
(though he does defend the doctrine taught by the first of them), nor
does Arius himself, in the epistle to Alexander upon which Eusebius
apparently based his knowledge of the system, use those expressions,
although he too teaches the same doctrine. The fact is that in that
epistle Arius studiously avoids such favorite Arian phrases as might
emphasize the differences between himself and Alexander, and Eusebius
seems to have avoided them for the same reason. We conclude then that
Eusebius was not an Arian (nor an adherent of Lucian) before 318, that
soon after that date he became an Arian in the sense in which he
understood Arianism, but that during the Council of Nic'a he ceased to
be one in any sense. His writings in later years confirm the course of
doctrinal development which we have supposed went on in his mind. He
never again defends Arian doctrines in his works, and yet he never
becomes an Athanasian in his emphasis upon the
<greek>omoousion</greek>. In fact he represents a mild
orthodoxy, which is always orthodox- when measured by the Nicene creed
as interpreted by the Nicene Council--and yet is always mild. Moreover,
he never acquired an affection for the word
<greek>omoousios</greek>, which to his mind was bound up
with too many evil associations ever to have a pleasant sound to him.
He therefore studiously avoided it in his own writings, although
clearly showing that he believed fully in what the Nicene Council had
explained it to mean. It must be remembered that during many years of
his later life he was engaged in controversy with Marcellus, a
thorough-going Sabellian, who had been at the time of the Council one
of the strongest of Athanasius' colleagues. In his contest with him it
was again anti-Sabellianistic polemics which absorbed him and increased
his distaste for <greek>omoousion</greek> and minimized his
emphasis upon the distinctively anti-Arianistie doctrines formulated at
Nic'a. For any except the very wisest minds it was a matter of enormous
difficulty to steer between the two extremes in those times of strife;
and while combating Sabeilianism not to fall into Arianism, and while
combating the latter not to be engulfed in the former. That Eusebius
under the constant pressure of the one fell into the other at one time,
and was in occasional danger of falling into it again in later years,
can hardly be cited as an evidence either of wrong heart or of weak
head. An Athanasius he was not, but neither was he an unsteady
weather-cock, or an hypocritical time-server.
§ 6. The Council of Niccea.
At the Council of Nic'a, which met pursuant to an
imperial summons in the year 315 Ensebius played a very prominent part.
A description of the opening scenes of the Council is given in his Vita
Constantini, III. 10 sq. After the Emperor had entered in pomp and had
taken his seat, a bishop who sat next to him upon his right arose and
delivered in his honor the opening oration, to which the Emperor
replied in a brief Latin address. There can be no doubt that this
bishop was our Eusebius. Sozomen (H. E. I. 19) states it directly; and
Eusebius, although he does not name the speaker, yet refers to him, as
he had referred to the orator at the dedication of Paulinus' church at
Tyre, in such a way as to make it clear that it was himself; and
moreover in his Fita Constantini, I. 1, he mentions the fact that he
had in the midst of an assembly of the servants of God addressed an
oration to the Emperor on the occasion of the latter's vicennalia, i.e.
in 325 A.D. On the other hand, however, Theodoret (H. E. I. 7) states
that this opening oration was delivered by Eustathius, bishop of
Antioch; while Theodore of Mopsuestia and Philostorgius (according to
Nicetas Choniates, Thes. de arthod. rid. V. 7) assign it to Alexander
of Alexandria. As Lightfoot suggests, it is possible to explain the
discrepancy in the reports by
20
supposing that Eustathius and Alexander, the two great patriarchs,
first addressed a few words to the Emperor and that then Eusebius
delivered the regular oration. This supposition is not at all unlikely,
for it would be quite proper for the two highest ecclesiastics present
to welcome the Emperor formally in behalf of the assembled prelates,
before the regular oration was delivered by Eusebius. At the same time,
the supposition that one or the other of the two great patriarchs must
have delivered the opening address was such a natural one that it may
have been adopted by Theodoret and the other writers referred to
without any historical basis. It is in any case certain that the
regular oration was delivered by Eusebius himself (see the convincing
arguments adduced by Stroth, p. xxvii. sq.). This oration is no longer
extant, but an idea of its character may be formed from the address
delivered by Eusebius at the Emperor's tricennalia (which is still
extant under the title De laudibus Canstantini; see below, p. 43) and
from the general tone of his Life of Constantine. It was avowedly a
panegyric, and undoubtedly as fulsome as it was possible to make it,
and his powers in that direction were by no means slight.
That Eusebius, instead of the bishop of some more
prominent church, should have been selected to deliver the opening
address, may have been in part owing to his recognized standing as the
most learned man and the most famous writer in the Church, in part to
the fact that he was not as pronounced a partisan as some of his
distinguished brethren; for instance, Alexander of Alexandria, and
Eusebius of Nicomedia; and finally in some measure to his intimate
relations with the Emperor. How and when his intimacy with the latter
grew up we do not know. As already remarked, he seems to have become
personally acquainted with him many years before, when Constantine
passed through C'sarea in the train of Diocletian, and it may be that a
mutual friendship, which was so marked in later years, began at that
time. However that may be, Eusebius seems to have possessed special
advantages of one kind or another, enabling him to come into personal
contact with official circles, and once introduced to imperial notice,
his wide learning, sound common sense, genial temper and broad charity
would insure him the friendship of the Emperor himself, or of any other
worthy officer of state. We have no record of an intimacy between
Constantine and Eusebius before the Council of Nic'a, but many clear
intimations of it after that time. In fact, it is evident that during
the last decade at least of the Emperor's life, few, if any, bishops
stood higher in his esteem or enjoyed a larger measure of his
confidence. Compare for instance the records of their conversations
(contained in the Vita Canstantini, I. 28 and II. 9), of their
correspondence (ib. II. 46, III. 61, IV. 35 and 36), and the words of
Constantine himself (ib. III. 60). The marked attention paid by him to
the speeches delivered by Eusebius in his presence (ib. IV. 33 and 46)
is also to be noticed. Eusebius' intimacy with the imperial family is
shown likewise in the tone of the letter which he wrote to Constantia,
the sister of Constantine and wife of Licinius, in regard to a likeness
of Christ which she had asked him to send her. The frankness and
freedom with which he remonstrates with her for what he considers
mistaken zeal on her part, reveal a degree of familiarity which could
have come only from long and cordial relations between himself and his
royal correspondent. Whatever other reasons therefore may have combined
to indicate Eusebius as the most fitting person to deliver the oration
in honor of the Emperor at the Council of Nic'a, there can be little
doubt that Constantine's personal friendship for him had much to do
with his selection. The action of the Council on the subject of
Arianism, and Eusebius' conduct in the matter, have already been
discussed. Of the bishops assembled at the Council, not far from three
hundred in number (the reports of eye-witnesses vary from two hundred
and fifty to three hundred and eighteen), all but two signed the Nicene
creed as adopted by the Council. These two, both of them Egyptians,
were banished with Arius to Illyria, while Eusebius of Nicomedia, and
Theognis of Nic'a, who subscribed the creed itself but refused to
assent to its anathemas, were also banished for a time, but soon
yielded, and were restored to their churches.
Into the other purposes for which the Nicene Council
was called,--the settlement of the dispute respecting the time of
observing Easter and the healing of the Meletian schism,--it is not
neces-
21
sary to enter here. We have no record of the part which Eusebius took
in these transactions. Lightfoot has abundantly shown (p. 313 sq.) that
the common supposition that Eusebius was the author of the paschal
cycle of nineteen years is false, and that there is no reason to
suppose that he had anything particular to do with the decision of the
paschal question at this Council. § 7. Continuance of the Arian
Controversy. Eusebius' Relations to the Two Parties.
The Council of Nic'a did not bring the Arian
controversy to an end. The orthodox party was victorious, it is true,
but the Arians were still determined, and could not give up their
enmity against the opponents of Arius, and their hope that they might
in the end turn the tables on their antagonists. Meanwhile, within a
few years after the Council, a quarrel broke out between our Eusebius
and Eustathius, bishop of Antioch, a resolute supporter of Nicene
orthodoxy. According to Socrates (H. E. I. 23) and Sozomen (H. E. II.
18) Eustathius accused Eusebius of perverting the Nicene doctrines,
while Eusebius denied the charge, and in turn taxed Eustathius with
Sabellianism. The quarrel finally became so serious that it was deemed
necessary to summon a Council for the investigation of Eustathius'
orthodoxy and the settlement of the dispute. This Council met in
Antioch in 330 A.D. (see Tillemont, VII. p. 651 sq., for a discussion
of the date), and was made up chiefly of bishops of Arian or semi-Arian
tendencies. This fact, however, brings no discredit upon Eusebius. The
Council was held in another province, and he can have had nothing to do
with its composition. In fact, convened, as it was, in Eustathius' own
city, it must have been legally organized; and indeed Eustathius
himself acknowledged its jurisdiction by appearing before it to answer
the charges made against him. Theodoret's absurd account of the origin
of the synod and of the accusations brought against Eustathius (H. E.
I. 21) bears upon its face the stamp of falsehood, and is, as Hefele
has shown (Canciliengeschichte, I. 451), hopelessly in error in its
chronology. It is therefore to be rejected as quite worthless. The
decision of the Council doubtless fairly represented the views of the
majority of the bishops of that section, for we know that Arianism had
a very strong hold there. To think of a packed Council and of illegal
methods of procedure in procuring the verdict against Eustathius is
both unnecessary and unwarrantable. The result of the Council was the
deposition of Eustathius from his bishopric and his banishment by the
Emperor to Illyria, where he afterward died. There is a division of
opinion among our sources in regard to the immediate successor of
Eustathius. All of them agree that Eusebius was asked to become bishop
of Antioch, but that he refused the honor, and that Euphronius was
chosen in his stead. Socrates and Sozomen, however, inform us that the
election of Eusebius took place immediately after the deposition of
Eustathius, while Theodoret (H. E. I. 22) names Eulalius as Eustathius'
immediate successor, and states that he lived but a short time, and
that Eusebius was then asked to succeed him. Theodoret is Supported by
Jerome (Chron., year of Abr. 2345) and by Philostorgius (H. E. III.
15), both of whom insert a bishop Eulalius between Eustathius and
Euphronius. It is easier to suppose that Socrates and Sozomen may have
omitted so unimportant a name at this point than that the other three
witnesses inserted it without warrant. Socrates indeed implies in the
same chapter that his knowledge of these affairs is limited, and it is
not surprising that Eusebius' election, which caused a great stir,
should have been connected in the mind of later writers immediately
with Eustathius' deposition, and the intermediate steps forgotten. It
seems probable, therefore, that immediately after the condemnation of
Eustathius, Eulalius was appointed in his place, perhaps by the same
Council, and that after his death, a few months later, Eusebius, who
had meanwhile gone back to C'sarea, was elected in due order by another
Council of neighboring bishops summoned for the purpose, and that he
was supported by a large party of citizens. It is noticeable that the
letter written by the Emperor to the Council, which wished to transfer
Eusebius to Antioch (see Vita Const. III. 62), mentions in its
salutation the names of five bishops, but among them is only one
(Theodotus who is elsewhere named as present at the Council which
deposed Eusta-
22
thius, while Eusebius of Nicomedia, and Theognis of Nic'a, as well as
others whom we know to have been on hand on that occasion, are not
referred to by the Emperor. This fact certainly seems to point to a
different council.
It is greatly to Eusebius' credit that he refused
the call extended to him. Had he been governed simply by selfish
ambition he would certainly have accepted it, for the patriarchate of
Antioch stood at that time next to Alexandria in point of honor in the
Eastern Church. The Emperor commended him very highly for his decision,
in his epistles to the people of Antioch and to the Council (Vita
Const. III. 60, 62 ), and in that to Eusebius himself (ib. III. 61). He
saw in it a desire on Eusebius' part to observe the ancient canon of
the Church, which forbade the transfer of a bishop from one see to
another. But that in itself can hardly have been sufficient to deter
the latter from accepting the high honor offered him, for it was broken
without scruple on all sides. It is more probable that he saw that the
schism of the Antiochenes would be embittered by the induction into the
bishopric of that church of Eustathius' chief opponent, and that he did
not feel that he had a right so to divide the Church of God. Eusebius'
general character, as known to us, justifies us in supposing that this
high motive had much to do with his decision. We may suppose also that
so difficult a place can have had no very great attractions for a man
of his age and of his peace-loving disposition and scholarly tastes. In
C'sarea he had spent his life; there he had the great library of
Pamphilus at his disposal, and leisure to pursue his literary work. In
Antioch he would have found himself compelled to plunge into the midst
of quarrels and seditions of all kinds, and would have been obliged to
devote his entire attention to the performance of his official duties.
His own tastes therefore must have conspired with his sense of duty to
lead him to reject the proffered call and to remain in the somewhat
humbler station which he already occupied.
Not long after the deposition of Eustathius, the
Arians and their sympathizers began to work more energetically to
accomplish the ruin of Athanasius, their greatest foe. He had become
Alexander's successor as bishop of Alexandria in the year 326, and was
the acknowledged head of the orthodox party. If he could be brought
into discredit, there might be hopes of restoring Arius to his position
in Alexandria, and of securing for Arianism a recognition, and finally
a dominating influence in the church at large. To the overthrow of
Athanasius therefore all good Arians bent their energies. They found
ready accomplices in the schismatical Meletians of Egypt, who were
bitter enemies of the orthodox church of Alexandria. It was useless to
accuse Athanasius of heterodoxy; he was too widely known as the pillar
of the orthodox faith. Charges must be framed of another sort, and of a
sort to stir up the anger of the Emperor against him. The Arians
therefore and the Meletians began to spread the most vile and at the
same time absurd stories about Athanasius (see especially the latter's
Apol. c. Arian. § 59 sq.). These at last became so notorious that
the Emperor summoned Athanasius to appear and make his defense before a
council of bishops to be held in C'sarea (Sozomen, H. E. II. 25;
Theodoret, H. E. I. 28). Athanasius, however, fearing that the Council
would be composed wholly of his enemies, and that it would therefore be
impossible to secure fair play, excused himself and remained away. But
in the following year (see Sozomen, H. E. II, 25) he received from the
Emperor a summons to appear before a council at Tyre. The summons was
too peremptory to admit of a refusal, and Athanasius therefore
attended, accompanied by many of his devoted adherents (see Sozomen,
ib.; Theodoret, H. E. I. 30; Socrates, H. E. I. 28; Athanasius, Apol.
c. Arian. § 71 sq.; Eusebius, Vita Const. IV. 41 sq., and
Epiphanius, H'r. LXVIII. 8). After a time, perceiving that he had no
chance of receiving fair play, he suddenly withdrew from the Council
and proceeded directly to Constantinople, in order to lay his case
before the Emperor himself, and to induce the latter to allow him to
meet his accusers in his presence, and plead his cause before him.
There was nothing for the Synod to do after his flight but to sustain
the charges brought against him, some of which he had not stayed to
refute, and to pass condemnation upon him. Besides various immoral and
sacrilegious deeds of which he was accused, his refusal to appear
before the Council of
23
C'sarea the previous year was made an important item of the
prosecution. It was during this Council that Potamo flung at Eusebius
the taunt of cowardice, to which reference was made above, and which
doubtless did much to confirm Eusebius' distrust of and hostility to
the Athanasian party-Whether Eusebius of C'sarea, as is commonly
supposed, or Eusebius of Nicomedia, or some other bishop, presided at
this Council we are not able to determine. The account of Epiphanius
seems to imply that the former was presiding at the time that Potamo
made his untimely accusation. Our sources are, most of them, silent on
the matter, but according to Valesius, Eusebius of Nicomedia is named
by some of them, but which they are I have not been able to discover.
We learn from Socrates (H. E. I. 28), as well as from other sources,
that this Synod of Tyre was held in the thirtieth year of Constantine's
reign, that is, between July, 334, and July, 335. As the Council was
closed only in time for the bishops to reach Jerusalem by July, 335, it
is probable that it was convened in 335 rather than in 334. From
Sozomen (H. E. II. 25) we learn also that the Synod of C'sarea had been
held the preceding year, therefore in 333 or 334 (the latter being the
date commonly given by historians). While the Council of Tyre was still
in session, the bishops were commanded by Constantine to proceed
immediately to Jerusalem to take part in the approaching festival to be
held there on the occasion of his tricennalia. The scene was one of
great splendor. Bishops were present from all parts of the world, and
the occasion was marked by the dedication of the new and magnificent
basilica which Constantine had erected upon the site of Calvary
(Theodoret, I. 31; Socrates, I. 28 and 33; Sozomen, II. 26; Eusebius,
Vita Canst. IV. 41 and 43). The bishops gathered in Jerusalem at this
time held another synod before separating. In this they completed the
work begun at Tyre, by re-admitting Arius and his adherents to the
communion of the Church (see Socrates, 1. 33, and Sozomen, II. 27).
According to Sozomen the Emperor, having been induced to recall Arius
from banishment in order to reconsider his case, was presented by the
latter with a confession of faith, which was so worded as to convince
Constantine of his orthodoxy. He therefore sent Arius and his companion
Euzoius to the bishops assembled in Jerusalem with the request that
they would examine the confession, and if they were satisfied with its
orthodoxy would re-admit them to communion. The Council, which was
composed largely of Arius' friends and sympathizers, was only too glad
to accede to the Emperor's request.
Meanwhile Athanasius had induced Constantine, out of
a sense of justice, to summon the bishops that had condemned him at
Tyre to give an account of their proceedings before the Emperor himself
at Constantinople. This unexpected, and, doubtless, not altogether
welcome summons came while the bishops were at Jerusalem, and the
majority of them at once returned home in alarm, while only a few
answered the call and repaired to Constantinople. Among these were
Eusebius of Nicomedia, Theognis of Nic'a, Patrophilus of Scythopolis,
and other prominent Arians, and with them our Eusebius (Athanasius,
Apol. c. Arian. §§ 86 and 87; Socrates, I. 33-35; Sozomen,
II. 28). The accusers of Athanasius said nothing on this occasion in
regard to his alleged immoralities, for which he had been condemned at
Tyre, but made another equally trivial accusation against him, and the
result was his banishment to Gaul. Whether Constantine banished him
because he believed the charge brought against him, or because he
wished to preserve him from the machinations of his enemies (as
asserted by his son Constantine, and apparently believed by Athanasius
himself; see his Apol. c. Arian. § 87), or because he thought that
Athanasius' absence would allay the troubles in the Alexandrian church
we do not know. The latter supposition seems most probable. In any case
he was not recalled from banishment until after Constantine's death.
Our Eusebius has been severely condemned by many historians for the
part taken by him in the Eustathian controversy and especially in the
war against Athanasius. In justice to him a word or two must be spoken
in his defense. So far as his relations to Eustathius are concerned, it
is to be noticed that the latter commenced the controversy by accusing
Eusebius of heterodoxy. Eusebius himself did not begin the quarrel, and
very likely had no desire to engage in any such doctrinal strife; but
he was compelled to defend him-
24
self, and in doing so he could not do otherwise than accuse Eustathius
of Sabellianism; for if the latter was not satisfied with Eusebius'
orthodoxy, which Eusebius himself believed to be truly Nicene, then he
must be leaning too far toward the other extreme; that is, toward
Sabellianism. There is no reason to doubt that Eusebius was perfectly
straightforward and honorable throughout the whole controversy, and at
the Council of Antioch itself. That he was not actuated by unworthy
motives, or by a desire for revenge, is evinced by his rejection of the
proffered call to Antioch, the acceptance of which would have given him
so good an opportunity to triumph over his fallen enemy. It must be
admitted, in fact, that Eusebius comes out of this controversy without
a stain of any kind upon his character. He honestly believed Eustathius
to be a Sabellian, and he acted accordingly.
Eusebius has been blamed still more severely for his
treatment of Athanasius. But again the facts must be looked at
impartially. It is necessary always to remember that Sabellianism was
in the beginning and remained throughout his life the heresy which he
most dreaded, and which he had perhaps most reason to dread. He must,
even at the Council of Nic'a, have suspected Athanasius, who laid so
much stress upon the unity of essence on the part of Father and Son, of
a leaning toward Sabellianistic principles; and this suspicion must
have been increased when he discovered, as he believed, that
Athanasitis' most staunch supporter, Eustathius, was a genuine
Sabellian. Moreover, on the other side, it is to be remembered that
Eusebius of Nicomedia, and all the other leading Arians, had signed the
Nicene creed and had proclaimed themselves thoroughly in sympathy with
its teaching. Our Eusebius, knowing the change that had taken place in
his own mind upon the controverted points, may well have believed that
their views had undergone even a greater change, and that they were
perfectly honest in their protestations of orthodoxy. And finally, when
Arius himself presented a confession of faith which led the Emperor,
who had had a personal interview with him, to believe that he had
altered his views and was in complete harmony with the Nicene faith, it
is not surprising that our Eusebius, who was naturally unsuspicious,
conciliatory and peace-loving, should think the same thing, and be glad
to receive Arius back into communion, while at the same time remaining
perfectly loyal to the orthodoxy of the Nicene creed which he had
subscribed. Meanwhile his suspicions of the Arian party being in large
measure allayed, and his distrust of the orthodoxy of Athanasius and of
his adherents being increased by the course of events, it was only
natural that he should lend more or less credence to the calumnies
which were so industriously circulated against Athanasius. To charge
him with dishonesty for being influenced by these reports, which seem
to us so absurd and palpably calumnious, is quite unwarranted.
Constantine, who was, if not a theologian, at least a clear-headed and
sharp-sighted man, believed them, and why should Eusebius not have done
the same? The incident which took place at the Council of Tyre in
connection with Potamo and himself was important; for whatever doubts
he may have had up to that time as to the truth of the accusations made
against Athanasius and his adherents, Potamo's conduct convinced him
that the charges of tyranny and high-handed dealing brought against the
whole party were quite true. It could not be otherwise than that he
should believe that the good of the Alexandrian church, and therefore
of the Church at large, demanded the deposition of the seditious and
tyrannous archbishop, who was at the same time quite probably
Sabellianistic in his tendencies. It must in justice be noted that
there is not the slightest reason to suppose that our Eusebius had
anything to do with the dishonorable intrigues of the Arian party
throughout this controversy. Athanasius, who cannot say enough in
condemnation of the tactics of Eusebius of Nicomedia and his
supporters, never mentions Eusebius of C'sarea in a tone of bitterness.
He refers to him occasionally as a member of the opposite party, but he
has no complaints to utter against him, as he has against the others.
This is very significant, and should put an end to all suspicions of
unworthy conduct on Eusebius' part. It is to be observed that the
latter, though having good cause as he believed to condemn Athanasius
and his adherents, never acted as a leader in the war against them. His
name, if mentioned at all, occurs always toward the end of the list as
one of
25
the minor combatants, although his position and his learning would have
entitled him to take the most prominent position in the whole affair,
if he had cared to. He was but true to his general character in
shrinking from such a controversy, and in taking part in it only in so
far as his conscience compelled him to. We may suspect indeed that he
would not have made one of the small party that repaired to
Constantinople in response to the Emperor's imperious summons had it
not been for the celebration of Constantine's tricennalia, which was
taking place there at the time, and at which he delivered, on the
special invitation of the Emperor and in his presence, one of his
greatest orations. Certain it is, from the account which he gives in
his Vita Constantini, that both in Constantinople and in Jerusalem the
festival of the tricennalia, with its attendant ceremonies, interested
him much more than did the condemnation of Athanasius.
§ 8. Eusebius and Marcellus.
It was during this visit to Constantinople that
another synod was held, at which Eusebius was present, and the result
of which was the condemnation and deposition of the bishop Marcellus of
Ancyra (see Socrates, I. 36; Sozomen, II. 33; Eusebius, Contra Marc.
II. 4). The attitude of our Eusebius toward Marcellus is again
significant of his theological tendencies. Marcellus had written a book
against Asterius, a prominent Arian, in which, in his zeal for the
Nicene orthodoxy, he had laid himself open to the charge of
Sabellianism. On this account he was deposed by the Constantinopolitan
Synod, and our Eusebius was urged to write a work exposing his errors
and defending the action of the Council. As a consequence he composed
his two works against Marcelins which will be described later. That
Eusebius, if not in the case of Athanasius and possibly not in that of
Eustathius, had at least in the present case good ground for the belief
that Marcellus was a Sabellian, or Sabellianistic in tendency, is
abundantly proved by the citations which he makes from Marcellus' own
works; and, moreover, his judgment and that of the Synod was later
confirmed even by Athanasius himself. Though not suspecting Marcellus
for some time, Athanasius finally became convinced that he had deviated
from the path of orthodoxy, and, as Newman has shown (in his
introduction to Athanasius' fourth discourse against the Arians, Oxford
Library of the Fathers, vol. 19, p. 503 sq.), directed that discourse
against his errors and those of his followers.
The controversy with Marcellus seems to have been
the last in which Eusebius was engaged, and it was opposition to the
dreaded heresy of Sabellius which moved him here as in all the other
cases. It is important to emphasize, however, what is often overlooked,
that though Eusebius during these years was so continuously engaged in
controversy with one or another of the members of the anti-Arian party,
there is no evidence that he ever deviated from the doctrinal position
which he took at the Council of Nic'a. After that date it was never
Arianism which he consciously supported; it was never the Nicene
orthodoxy which he opposed. He supported those members of the old Arian
party who had signed the Nicene creed and protested that they accepted
its teaching, against those members of the opposite party whom he
believed to be drifting toward Sabellianism, or acting tyrannously and
unjustly toward their opponents. The anti-Sabellianistic interest
influenced him all the time, but his post-Nicene writings contain no
evidence that he had fallen back into the Arianizing position which he
had held before 325. They reveal, on the contrary, a fair type of
orthodoxy, colored only by its decidedly anti-Sabellian emphasis.
§ 9. The Death of Eusebius.
In less than two years after the celebration of his
tricennalia, on May 22, 337 A.D., the great Constantine breathed his
last, in Nicomedia, his former Capital. Eusebius, already an old man,
produced a lasting testimonial of his own unbounded affection and
admiration for the first Christian emperor, in his Life of Constantine.
Soon afterward he followed his imperial friend at the
26
advanced age of nearly, if not quite, eighty years. The exact date of
his death is unknown, but it can be fixed approximately. We know from
Sozomen (H. E. III. 5) that in the summer of 341, when a council was
held at Antioch (on the date of the Council, which we are able to fix
with great exactness, see Hefele, Conciliengesch. I. p. 502 sq.)
Acacius, Eusebius' successor, was already bishop of C'sarea. Socrates
(H. E. II. 4) and Sozomen (H. E. III. 5) both mention the death of
Eusebius and place it shortly before the death of Constantine the
younger, which took place early in 340 (see Tillemont's Hist. des Emp.
IV. p. 357 sq.), and after the intrigues had begun which resulted in
Athanasius' second banishment. We are thus led to place Eusebius' death
late in the year 339, or early in the year 340 (cf. Lightfoot's
article, p. 318).
CHAPTER II.
THE WRITINGS OF
EUSEBIUS. § I. Eusebius as a Writer.
EUSEBIUS was one of the most voluminous writers of
antiquity, and his labors covered almost every field of theological
learning. In the words of Lightfoot he was "historian, apologist,
topographer, exegete, critic, preacher, dogmatic writer, in turn." It
is as an historian that he is best known, but the importance of his
historical writings should not cause us to overlook, as modern scholars
have been prone to do, his invaluable productions in other departments.
Light-foot passes a very just judgment upon the importance of his works
in the following words: "If the permanent utility of an author's labors
may be taken as a test of literary excellence, Eusebius will hold a
very high place indeed. The Ecclesiastical History is absolutely unique
and indispensable. The Chronicle is the vast storehouse of information
relating to the ancient monarchies of the world. The Preparation and
Demonstration are the most important contributions to theology in their
own province. Even the minor works, such as the Martyrs of Palestine,
the Life of Constantine, the Questions addressed to Stephanus and to
Marinus, and others, would leave an irreparable blank, if they were
obliterated. And the same permanent value attaches also to his more
technical treatises. The Canons and Sections have never yet been
superseded for their particular purpose. The Topography of Palestine is
the most important contribution to our knowledge in its own department.
In short, no ancient ecclesiastical writer has laid posterity under
heavier obligations."
If we look in Eusebius' works for evidences of
brilliant genius we shall be disappointed. He did not possess a great
creative mind like Origen's or Augustine's. His claim to greatness
rests upon his vast erudition and his sterling sense. His powers of
acquisition were remarkable and his diligence in study unwearied. He
had at his command undoubtedly more acquired material than any man of
his age, and he possessed that true literary and historical instinct
which enabled him to select from his vast stores of knowledge those
things which it was most worth his while to tell to the world. His
writings therefore remain valuable while the works of many others,
perhaps no less richly equipped than himself for the mission of adding
to the sum of human knowledge, are entirely forgotten. He thus had the
ability to do more than acquire; he had the ability to impart to others
the very best of that which he acquired, and to make it useful to them.
There is not in his writings the brilliancy which we find in some
others, there is not the same sparkle and freshness of new and
suggestive thought, there is not the same impress of an overmastering
individuality which transforms everything it touches. There is,
however, a true and solid merit which marks his works almost without
exception, and raises them above the commonplace. His exegesis is
superior to that of most of his contemporaries, and his apologetics is
marked by fairness of statement, breadth of treatment, and instinctive
appreciation of the difference between the important and the
unimportant points under discussion, which give to his apologetic works
a
27
permanent value. His wide acquaintance, too, with other systems than
his own, and with the products of Pagan as well as Christian thought,
enabled him to see things in their proper relations and to furnish a
treatment of the great themes of Christianity adapted to the wants of
those who had looked beyond the confines of a single school. At the
same time it must be acknowledged that he was not always equal to the
grand opportunities which his acquaintance with the works and lives of
other men and other peoples opened before him. He does not always
reveal the possession of that high quality of genius which is able to
interpret the most various forces and to discover the higher principles
of unity which alone make them intelligible; indeed, he often loses
himself completely in a wilderness of thoughts and notions which have
come to him from other men and other ages, and the result is dire
confusion.
We shall be disappointed, too, if we seek in the
works of Eusebius for evidences of a refined literary taste, or for any
of the charms which attach to the writings of a great master of
composition. His style is, as a rule, involved and obscure, often
painfully rambling and incoherent. This quality is due in large part to
the desultoriness of his thinking. He did not often enough clearly
define and draw the boundaries of his subject before beginning to write
upon it. He apparently did much of his thinking after he had taken pen
in hand, and did not subject what he had thus produced to a
sufficiently careful revision, if to any revision at all. Thoughts and
suggestions poured in upon him while he was writing; and he was not
always able to resist the temptation to insert them as they came, often
to the utter perversion of his train of thought, and to the ruin of the
coherency and perspicuity of his style. It must be acknowledged, too,
that his literary taste was, on the whole, decidedly vicious. Whenever
a flight of eloquence is attempted by him, as it is altogether too
often, his style becomes hopelessly turgid and pretentious. At such
times his skill in mixing metaphors is something astounding (compare,
for instance, H. E. II. 14). On the other hand, his works contain not a
few passages of real beauty. This is especially true of his Martyrs of
Palestine, where his enthusiastic admiration for and deep sympathy with
the heroes of the faith cause him often to forget himself and to
describe their sufferings in language of genuine fire or pathos. At
times, too, when he has a sharply defined and absorbing aim in mind,
and when the subject with which he is dealing does not seem to him to
demand rhetorical adornment, he is simple and direct enough in his
language, showing in such cases that his commonly defective style is
not so much the consequence of an inadequate command of the Greek
tongue as of desultory thinking and vicious literary taste.
But while we find much to criticise in Eusebius'
writings, we ought not to fail to give him due credit for the
conscientiousness and faithfulness with which he did his work. He wrote
often, it is true, too rapidly for the good of his style, and he did
not always revise his works as carefully as he should have done; but we
seldom detect undue haste in the collection of materials or
carelessness and negligence in the use of them. He seems to have felt
constantly the responsibilities which rested upon him as a scholar and
writer, and to have done his best to meet those responsibilities. It is
impossible to avoid contrasting him in this respect with the most
learned man of the ancient Latin Church, St. Jerome. The haste and
carelessness with which the latter composed his De Viris Illustribus,
and with which he translated and continued Eusebius' Chronicle, remain
an everlasting disgrace to him. An examination of those and of some
others of Jerome's works must tend to raise Eusebius greatly in our
esteem. He was at least conscientious and honest in his work, and never
allowed himself to palm off ignorance as knowledge, or to deceive his
readers by sophistries, misstatements, and pure inventions. He aimed to
put the reader into possession of the knowledge which he had himself
acquired, but was always conscientious enough to stop there, and not
attempt to make fancy play the r"le of fact.
One other point, which was mentioned some pages
back, and to which Lightfoot calls particular attention, should be
referred to here, because of its bearing upon the character of
Eusebius' writings. He was, above all things, an apologist; and the
apologetic aim governed both the selection of his subjects and method
of his treatment. He composed none of his works with a
28
purely scientific aim. He thought always of the practical result to be
attained, and his selection of material and his choice of method were
governed by that. And yet we must recognize the fact that this aim was
never narrowing in its effects. He took a broad view of apologetics,
and in his lofty conception of the Christian religion he believed that
every field of knowledge might be laid under tribute to it. He was bold
enough to be confident that history, philosophy, and science all
contribute to our understanding and appreciation of divine truth; and
so history and philosophy and science were studied and handled by him
freely and fearlessly. He did not feel the need of distorting truth of
any kind because it might work injury to the religion which he
professed. On the contrary, he had a sublime faith which led him to
believe that all truth must have its place and its mission, and that
the cause of Christianity will be benefited by its discovery and
diffusion. As an apologist, therefore, all fields of knowledge had an
interest for him; and he was saved that pettiness of mind and
narrowness of outlook which are sometimes characteristic of those who
write with a purely practical motive.
§ 2. Catalogue of his Works.
There is no absolutely complete edition of Eusebius' extant works. The
only one which can lay claim even to relative completeness is that of
Migne: Eusebii Pamphili, C'sarea Palestin' Episcopi, Opera omnia qu'
extant, curis variorum, nempe: Henrici Valesii, Francisci Vigeri,
Bernardi Montfauconii, Card. Angelo Maii edita; collegit et denuo
recognovit J. P. Migne. Par. 1857. 6 vols (tom. XIX.-XXIV. of Migne's
Patrologia Gr'ca). This edition omits the works which are extant only
in Syriac versions, also the Topica, and some brief but important Greek
fragments (among them the epistles to Alexander and Euphration). The
edition, however, is invaluable and cannot be dispensed with.
References to it (under the simple title Opera) will be given below in
connection with those works which it contains. Many of Eusebius'
writings, especially the historical, have been published separately.
Such editions will be mentioned in their proper place in the Catalogue.
More or less incomplete lists of our author's
writings are given by Jerome (De vir. ill. 87); by Nicephorus Callistus
(H. E. VI. 37); by Ebedjesu (in Assemani's Bibl. Orient. III. p. 18
sq.); by Photius (Bibl. 9-13, 27, 39, 127); and by Suidas (who simply
copies the Greek version of Jerome). Among modern works all the lives
of Eusebius referred to in the previous chapter give more or less
extended catalogues of his writings. In addition to the works mentioned
there, valuable lists are also found in Lardner's Credibility, Part II
chap. 72, and especially in Fabricius' Bibl. Gr'ca (ed. 1714), vol. VI.
p. 30 sq.
The writings of Eusebius that are known to us,
extant and non-extant, may be classified for convenience' sake under
the following heads: I. Historical. II. Apologetic. III. Polemic. IV.
Dogmatic. V. Critical and Exegetical. VI. Biblical Dictionaries. VII.
Orations. VIII. Epistles. IX. Spurious or doubtful works. The
classification is necessarily somewhat artificial, and claims to be
neither exhaustive nor exclusive. [1]
1. HISTORICAL WORKS.
Life of Pamphilus
(<greek>h</greek> <greek>tou</greek>
II<greek>amfilou</greek> <greek>biou</greek>
<greek>analrafh</greek>; see H. E. VI. 32). Eusebius
himself refers to this work in four passages (H. E. VI. 32, VII. 32,
VIII. 13, and Mart. Pal. c. In the last he informs us that it consisted
of three books. The work is mentioned also more than once by Jerome (De
vir. ill. 81; Ep. ad Marcellam, Migne's ed. Ep. 34; Contra Ruf. I. 9),
who speaks of it in terms of praise, and in the last passage gives a
brief extract from the third book, which is, so far as known, the only
extant fragment of the work. The date of its composition can be fixed
within comparatively narrow limits. It must of course have been written
before the shorter recension of the Martyrs of Palestine, which
contains a reference to it (on its relation to the
29
longer recension, which does not mention it, see below, p. 30), and
also before the History (i.e. as early as 313 A.D. (?), see below, p.
45). On the other hand, it was written after Pamphilus' death (see H.
E. VII. 32, 25), which occurred in 310.
Martyrs of Palestine
(<greek>peri</greek> <greek>tpn</greek>
<greek>en</greek> II<greek>alaistanh</greek>
<greek>marturhsantwn</greek>). This work is extant in two
recensions, a longer and a shorter. The longer has been preserved
entire only in a Syriac version, which was published, with English
translation and notes, by Cureton in 1861. A fragment of the original
Greek of this work as preserved by Sirecon Metaphrastes had previously
been published by Papebroch in the Acta Sanctorum (June, tom. I. p. 64;
reprinted by Fabricius, II. p. 217), but had been erroneously regarded
as an extract. from Eusebius' Life Cureton's publication of the Syriac
version of the Martyrs of Palestine showed that it was a part of the
original of that work. There are extant also, in Latin, the Acts of St.
Procopius, which were published by Valesius (in his edition of
Eusebius' Hist. Eccles. in a note on the first chapter of the Mart.
Pal.; reprinted by Cureton, Mart. Pal. p. 50 sq.). Moreover, according
to Cureton, Assemani's Acta SS. Martyrum Orient el Occidentalium, part
II. p. 169 sq. (Rom', 1748) contains another Syriac version of
considerable portions of this same work. The Syriac version published
by Cureton was made within less than a century after the composition of
the original work (the manuscript of it dates from 411 A.D.; see
Cureton, ib., preface, p. i.), perhaps within a few years after it, and
there is every reason to suppose that it represents that original with
considerable exactness. That Eusebius himself was the author of the
original cannot be doubted. In addition to this longer recension there
is extant in Greek a shorter form of the same work which is found
attached to the Ecclesiastical History in most MSS. of the latter. In
some of them it is placed between the eighth and ninth books, in others
at the close of the tenth book, while one MS. inserts it in the middle
of VIII. 13. In some of the most important MSS. it is wanting entirely,
as likewise in the translation of Rufinus, and, according to Lightfoot,
in the Syriac version of the History. Most editions of Eusebius'
History print it at the close of the eighth book. Migne gives it
separately in Opera, II. 1457 sq. In the present volume the translation
of it is given as an appendix to the eighth book, on p. 342 sq.
There can be no doubt that the shorter form is
younger than the longer. The mention of the Life of Pamphilus which is
contained in the shorter, but is not found in the corresponding passage
of the longer form would seem to indicate that the former was a
remodeling of the latter rather than the latter of the former (see
below, p. 30). Moreover, as Cureton and Lightfoot both point out, the
difference between the two works both in substance and in method is
such as to make it clear that the shorter form is a revised abridgment
of the longer. That Eusebius himself was the author of the shorter as
well as of the longer form is shown by the fact that not only in the
passages common to both recensions, but also in those peculiar to the
shorter one, the author speaks in the same person and as an eye-witness
of many of the events which he records. And still further, in Chap. 11
he speaks of having himself written the Life of Pamphilus in three
books, a notice which is wanting in the longer form and therefore must
emanate from the hand of the author of the shorter. It is interesting
to inquire after Eusebius' motive in publishing an abridged edition of
this work. Cureton supposes that he condensed it simply for the purpose
of inserting it in the second edition of his History. Lightfoot, on the
other hand, suggests that it may have formed "part of a larger work, in
which the sufferings of the martyrs were set off against the deaths of
the persecutors," and he is inclined to see in the brief appendix to
the eighth book of the History (translated below on p. 340) "a fragment
of the second part of the treatise of which the Martyrs of Palestine in
the shorter recension formed the first." The suggestion is, to say the
least, very plausible. If it be true, the attachment of the shorter
form of the Martyrs of Palestine to the Ecclesiastical History was
probably the work, not of Eusebius himself, but of some copyist or
copyists, and the disagreement among the various MSS. as to its
position in the History is more easily explained on this supposition
than on Cureton's theory that it was attached to a later edition of the
latter work by Eusebius himself.
30
The date at which the Martyrs of Palestine was
composed cannot be determined with certainty. It was at any rate not
published until after the first nine books of the Ecclesiastical
History (i.e. not before 313, see below, p. 45), for it is referred to
as a projected work in H. E. VIII. 13. 7. On the other hand, the
accounts contained in the longer recension bear many marks of having
been composed on the spot, while the impressions left by the martyrdoms
witnessed by the author were still fresh upon him. Moreover, it is
noticeable that in connection with the account of Pamphilus' martyrdom,
given in the shorter recension, reference is made to the Life of
Pamphilus as a book already published, while in the corresponding
account in the longer recension no such book is referred to. This would
seem to indicate that the Life of Pamphilus was written after the
longer, but before the shorter recension of the Martyrs. But on the
other hand the Life was written before the Ecclesiastical History (see
above, p. 29), and consequently before the publication of either
recension of the Martyrs. May it not be that the accounts of the
various martyrdoms were written, at least some of them, during the
persecution, but that they were not arranged, completed, and published
until 313, or later? If this be admitted we may suppose that the
account of Pamphilus' martyrdom was written soon after his death and
before the Life was begun. When it was later embodied with the other
accounts in the one work On the Martyrs of Palestine it may have been
left just as it was, and it may not have occurred to the author to
insert a reference to the Life of Pamphilus which had meanwhile been
published. But when he came to abridge and in part rewrite for a new
edition the accounts of the various martyrdoms contained in the work On
Martyrs he would quite naturally refer the reader to the Life for
fuller particulars.
If we then suppose that the greater part of the
longer recension of the Martyrs was already complete before the end of
the persecution, it is natural to conclude that the whole work was
published at an early date, probably as soon as possible after the
first edition of the History. How much later the abridgment was made we
cannot tell. [1]
The differences between the two recensions lie
chiefly in the greater fullness of detail on the part of the longer
one. The arrangement and general mode of treatment is the same in both.
They contain accounts of the Martyrs that suffered in Palestine during
the years 303-310, most of whom Eusebius himself saw. Collection of
Ancient Martyrdoms (<greek>arkaiwn</greek>
<greek>marturiwn</greek>
<greek>sunagwgh</greek>). This work is mentioned by
Eusebius in his H. E. IV. 15, V. pr'f., 4, 21. These notices indicate
that it was not an original
31
composition, but simply a compilation; a collection of extant accounts
of martyrdoms which had taken place before Eusebius' day. The work is
no longer extant, but the accounts of the martyrdom of Pamphilus and
others at Smyrna, of the persecution in Lyons and Vienne, and of the
defense of Apollonius in Rome, which Eusebius inserts in his
Ecclesiastical History (IV. xS, V. 1, V. 21), are taken, as he informs
us, from this collection. As to the time of compilation, we can say
only that it antedates the composition of the earlier books of the
History (on whose date, see below, p. 45).
Chronicle (<greek>kronikoi</greek>
<greek>kanones</greek>). Eusebius refers to this work in
his Church History (I. 1), in his Pr'paratio Evang. X. 9, and at the
beginning of his Eclog' prophetica'. It is divided into two books, the
first of which consists of an epitome of universal history drawn from
various sources, the second of chronological tables, which "exhibit in
parallel columns the succession of the rulers of different nations in
such a way that the reader can see at a glance with whom any given
monarch was contemporary." The tables "are accompanied by notes,
marking the years of some of the more remarkable historical events,
these notes also constituting an epitome of history." Eusebius was not
the first Christian writer to compose a work on universal chronology.
Julius Africanus had published a similar work early in the third
century, and from that Eusebius drew his model and a large part of the
material for his own work. At the same time his Chronicle is more than
a simple revision of Africanus' work, and contains the result of much
independent investigation on his own part. The work of Africanus is no
longer extant, and that of Eusebius was likewise lost for a great many
centuries, being superseded by a revised Latin edition, issued by
Jerome. Jerome's edition, which comprises only the second book of
Eusebius' Chronicle, is a translation of the original work, enlarged by
notices taken from various writers concerning human history, and
containing a continuation of the chronology down to his own time. This,
together with numerous Greek fragments preserved by various ancient
writers, constituted our only source for a knowledge of the original
work, until late in the last century an Armenian translation of the
whole work was discovered and published in two volumes by J. B. Aucher:
Venice, 1818. The Armenian translation contains a great many errors and
not a few lacun', but it is our most valuable source for a knowledge of
the original work.
The aim of the Chronicle was, above all, apologetic,
the author wishing to prove by means of it that the Jewish religion, of
which the Christian was the legitimate continuation, was older than the
oldest of heathen cults, and thus deprive pagan opponents of their
taunt of novelty, so commonly hurled against Christianity. As early as
the second century, the Christian apologists had emphasized the
antiquity of Judaism; but Julius Africanus was the first to devote to
the matter scientific study, and it was with the same idea that
Eusebius followed in his footsteps. The Chronology, in spite of its
errors, is invaluable for the light it throws on many otherwise dark
periods of history, and for the numerous extracts it contains from
works no longer extant.
There are good and sufficient reasons (as is pointed
out by Salmon in his article in Smith and Wace's Dictionary of
Christian Biography) for supposing that two editions of the Chronicle
were published by Eusebius. But two of these reasons need be stated
here: first, the chronology of the Armenian version differs from that
of Jerome's edition in many important particulars, divergencies which
can be satisfactorily accounted for only on the supposition of a
difference in the sources from which they respectively drew; secondly,
Jerome states directly that the work was brought down to the vicennalia
of Constantine,--that is, to the year 325,--but the Chronicle is
referred to as an already published work in the Eclog' prophetic' (I.
1), and in the Pr'paratio Evang. (X. 9), both of which were written
before 313. We may conclude, then, that a first edition of the work was
published during, or more probably before, the great persecution, and
that a second and revised edition was issued probably in 325, or soon
thereafter.
For further particulars in regard to the Chronicle
see especially the article of Salmon already referred to. The work has
been issued separately a great many times. We may refer here to the
edition of Scaliger, which was published in 1606 (2d ed. 1658), in
which he attempted
32
to restore the Greek text from the fragments of Syncellus and other
ancient writers, and to the new edition of Mai, which was printed in
1833 in his Scriptorum veterum nova collectio, Tom. VIII., and
reprinted by Migne, Eusebii Opera, I. 99-598. The best and most recent
edition, however, and the one which supersedes all earlier editions, is
that of Alfred Schoene, in two volumes: Berlin, 1875 and 1866.
Ecclesiastical History (<greek>ekklhsiastikh</greek>
<greek>istoria</greek>). For a discussion of this work see
below, p. 45 sq. Life of Constantine (<greek>eis</greek>
<greek>ton</greek> <greek>bion</greek>
<greek>tou</greek> <greek>makarioh</greek>
<greek>kwnstantinou</greek> <greek>tou</greek>
<greek>basilews</greek>).For particulars in regard to this
work, see the prolegomena of Dr. Richardson, on pp. sq., of this volume.
II. APOLOGETIC WORKS.
Against Hierocles (<greek>pros</greek>
<greek>tous</greek> <greek>uper</greek>
A<greek>pollwniou</greek> <greek>tou</greek>
<greek>tuanews</greek>
I<greek>erokleous</greek>
<greek>logous</greek>, as Photius calls it in his Bibl.
39). Hierocles was governor of Bithynia during the early years of the
Diocletian persecution, and afterwards governor of Egypt. In both
places he treated the Christians with great severity, carrying out the
edicts of the emperors to the fullest extent, and even making use of
the most terrible and loathsome forms of persecution (see Lactantius,
De Mort. Pers. 16, and Eusebius, Mart. Pal. 5, Cureton's ed. p. 18). He
was at the same time a Neo-Platonic philosopher, exceedingly well
versed in the Scriptures and doctrines of the Christians. In a work
against the Christians entitled <greek>logos</greek>
<greek>filalhqhs</greek> <greek>nros</greek>
<greek>tous</greek> <greek>kristianous</greek>,
he brought forward many scriptural difficulties and alleged
contradictions, and also instituted a comparison between Christ and
Apollonius of Tyana, with the intention of disparaging the former.
Eusebius feels called upon to answer the work, but confines himself
entirely to that part of it which concerned Christ and Apollonius,
leaving to some future time a refutation of the remainder of the work,
which indeed, he says, as a mere reproduction of the arguments of
Celsus, had been already virtually answered by Origen (see chap. 1).
Eusebius admits that Apollonius was a good man, but refuses to concede
that he was anything more, or that he can be compared with Christ. He
endeavors to show that the account of Apollonius given by Philostratus
is full of contradictions and does not rest upon trustworthy evidence.
The tone of the book is mild, and the arguments in the main sound and
well presented. It is impossible to fix the date of the work with any
degree of certainty. Valesius assigns it to the later years of the
persecution, when Eusebius visited Egypt; Stein says that it may have
been written about 312 or 313, or even earlier; while Lightfoot simply
remarks, "it was probably one of the earliest works of Eusebius." There
is no ground for putting it at one time rather than another except the
intrinsic probability that it was written soon after the work to which
it was intended to be a reply. In fact, had a number of years elapsed
after the publication of Hierocles' attack, Eusebius would doubtless,
if writing against it at all, have given a fuller and more complete
refutation of it, such as he suggests in the first chapter that he may
yet give. The work of Hierocles, meanwhile, must have been written at
any rate some time before the end of the persecution, for it is
mentioned in Lactantius' Div. Inst. V. 2.
Eusebius' work has been published by Gaisford:
Eusebii Pamph. contra Hieroclem et Marcellum libri, Oxon. 1852; and
also in various editions of the works of Philostratus. Migne, Opera IV.
795 sq., reprints it from Olearius' edition of Philostratus' works
(Lips. 1709).
Against Porphyry (<greek>kata</greek>
II<greek>orfurion</greek>). Porphyry, the celebrated
Neo-Platonic philosopher, regarded by the early Fathers as the
bitterest and most dangerous enemy of the Church, wrote toward the end
of the third century a work against Christianity in fifteen books,
which was looked upon as the most powerful attack that had ever been
made, and which called forth refutations from some of the greatest
Fathers of the age: from Methodius of Tyre, Eusebius of C'sarea, and
Apollinaris of Laodicea; and even as late as the end of the fourth or
beginning of the fifth century the historian Philostorgius thought it
necessary to write another reply to it (see his H. E. X. 10).
Porphyry's work is no longer extant, but the fragments of it which
remain show us that it was both learned and skillful. He made much of
the alleged contra-
33
dictions in the Gospel records, and suggested difficulties which are
still favorite weapons in the hands of skeptics. Like the work of
Porphyry, and all the other refutations of it, the Apology of Eusebius
has entirely perished. It is mentioned by Jerome (de vir. ill. 81 and
Ep. ad Magnum, § 3, Migne's ed. Ep. 70), by Socrates (H. E. III.
23), and by Philostorgius (H. E. VIII. 14). There is some dispute as to
the number of books it contained. In his Ep. ad Magn. Jerome says that
"Eusebius et Apollinaris viginti quinque, et triginta volumina
condiderunt," which implies that it was composed of twenty-five books;
while in his de ver. ill. 81, he speaks of thirty books, of which he
had seen only twenty. Vallarsi says, however, that all his MSS. agree
in reading "twenty-five" instead of "thirty" in the latter passage, so
that it would seem that the vulgar text is incorrect.
It is impossible to form an accurate notion of the
nature and quality of Eusebius' refutation. Socrates speaks of it in
terms of moderate praise ("which [i.e. the work of Porphyry] has been
ably answered by Eusebius"), and Jerome does the same in his Ep. ad
Magnum ("Alteri [i.e. Porphyry] Methodius, Eusebius, et Apollinaris
fortissime responderunt"). At the same time the fact that Apollinaris
and others still thought it necessary to write against Porphyry would
seem to show that Eusebius' refutation was not entirely satisfactory.
In truth, Jerome (Ep. ad Pammachium et Oceanum, § 2, Migne's ed.
Ep. 84) appears to rank the work of Apollinaris above that of Eusebius,
and Philostorgius expressly states that the former far surpassed the
latter (<greek>epi</greek> <greek>polu</greek>
<greek>kratein</greek>
<greek>hUwnismemn</greek>
E<greek>usebiw</greek> <greek>kat</greek>
<greek>autou</greek>). The date of Eusebius' work cannot be
determined. The fact that he never refers to it, although he mentions
the work of Porphyry a number of times, has been urged by Valesius and
others as proof that he did not write it until after 325 A.D.; but it
is quite possible to explain his silence, as Lardner does, by supposing
that his work was written in his earlier years, and that afterward he
felt its inferiority and did not care to mention it. It seems, in fact,
not unlikely that he wrote it as early, or even earlier than his work
against Hierocles, at any rate before his attention was occupied with
the Arian controversy and questions connected with it.
On the Numerous Progeny of the Ancients
(<greek>peri</greek> <greek>ths</greek>
<greek>ppn</greek> <greek>palaipn</greek>
<greek>andrpn</greek>
<greek>polupaidias</greek>). This work is mentioned by
Eusebius in his Praep. Evang. VII. 8. 20 (Migne, Opera, III. 525), but
by no one else, unless it be the book to which Basil refers in his De
Spir. Saneta, 29, as Difficulties respecting the Polygamy of the
Ancients. The work is no longer extant, but we can gather from the
connection in which it is mentioned in the Preparatio, that it aimed at
accounting for the polygamy of the Patriarchs and reconciling it with
the ascetic ideal of the Christian life which prevailed in the Church
of Eusebius' lifetime. It would therefore seem to have been written
with an apologetic purpose.
Pr'paratio Evangelica
(<greek>proparaskeuh</greek>) and Demonstratio Evangelica
(E'<greek>uaUUelikh</greek>
<greek>apodeixis</greek>). These two treatises together
constitute Eusebius' greatest apologetic work. The former is directed
against heathen, and aims to show that the Christians are justified in
accepting the sacred books of the Hebrews and in rejecting the religion
and philosophy of the Greeks. The latter endeavors to prove from the
sacred books of the Hebrews themselves that the Christians do right in
going beyond the Jews, in accepting Jesus as their Messiah, and in
adopting another mode of life. The former is therefore in a way a
preparation for the latter, and the two together constitute a defense
of Christianity against all the world, Jews as well as heathen. In
grandeur of conception, in comprehensiveness of treatment, and in
breadth of learning, this apology undoubtedly surpasses all other
apologetic works of antiquity. Lightfoot justly says, "This great
apologetic work exhibits the same merits and defects which we find
elsewhere in Eusebius. There is the same greatness of conception marred
by the same inadequacy of execution, the same profusion of learning
combined with the same inability to control his materials, which we
have seen in his History. The divisions are not kept distinct; the
topics start up unexpectedly and out of season. But with all its faults
this is probably the most important apologetic work of the early
Church. It necessarily lacks the historical interest of the apologetic
34
writings of the second century; it falls far short of the
thoughtfulness and penetration which give a permanent value to Origen's
treatise against Celsus as a defense of the faith; it lags behind the
Latin apologists in rhetorical vigor and expression. But the forcible
and true conceptions which it exhibits from time to time, more
especially beating on the theme which may be briefly designated 'God in
history,' arrest our attention now, and must have impressed his
contemporaries still more strongly; while in learning and
comprehensiveness it is without a rival." The wide acquaintance with
classical literature exhibited by Eusebius in the Preparatio is very
remarkable. Many writers are referred to whose names are known to us
from no other source, and many extracts are given which constitute our
only fragments of works otherwise totally lost. The Preparatio thus
does for classical much what the History does for Christian literature.
A very satisfactory summary of the contents of the
Pr'paratio is given at the beginning of the fifteenth book. In the
first, second, and third books, the author exposes the absurdities of
heathen mythology, and attacks the allegorical theology of the
Neo-Platonists; in the fourth and fifth books he discusses the heathen
oracles; in the sixth he refutes the doctrine of fate; in the seventh
he passes over to the Hebrews, devoting the next seven books to an
exposition of the excellence of their system, and to a demonstration of
the proposition that Moses and the prophets lived before the greatest
Greek writers, and that the latter drew their knowledge from the
former; in the fourteenth and fifteenth books he exposes the
contradictions among Greek philosophers and the vital errors in their
systems, especially in that of the Peripatetics. The Pr'paratio is
complete in fifteen books, all of which are still extant.
The Demonstratio consisted originally of twenty
books (see Jerome's de vir. ill. 81, and Photius' Bibl. 10). Of these
only ten are extant, and even in the time of Nicephones Callistus no
more were known, for he gives the number of the books as ten (H. E. VI.
37). There exists also a fragment of the fifteenth book, which was
discovered and printed by Mai (Script. vet. nova call. I. 2, p. 173).
In the first book, which is introductory, Eusebius shows why the
Christians pursue a mode of life different from that of the Jews,
drawing a distinction between Hebraism, the religion of all pious men
from the beginning, and Judaism, the special system of the Jews, and
pointing out that Christianity is a continuation of the former, but a
rejection of the latter, which as temporary has passed away. In the
second book he shows that the calling of the Gentiles and the
repudiation of the Jews are foretold in Scripture. In books three to
nine he discusses the humanity, divinity, incarnation, and earthly life
of the Saviour, showing that all were revealed in the prophets. In the
remainder of the work we may assume that the same general plan was
followed, and that Christ's death, resurrection, and ascension, and the
spread of his Church, were the subjects discussed in this as in nearly
all works of the kind.
There is much dispute as to the date of these two
works. Stroth and Cave place them after the Council of Nica'a, while
Valesius, Lightfoot, and others, assign them to the ante-Nicene period.
In two passages in the History Eusebius has been commonly supposed to
refer to the Demonstratio (H. E. I. 2 and 6), but it is probable that
the first, and quite likely the second also, refers to the Eclog'
Proph. We can, therefore, base no argument upon those passages. But in
Pre second a'p. Evang. XII. 10 (Opera, III. 969) there is a reference
to the persecution, which seems clearly to imply that it was still
continuing; and in the Demonstratio (III. 5 and IV. 6; Opera, IV. 213
and 307), which was written after the Preparatio, are still more
distinct indications of the continuance of the persecution. On the
other hand, in V. 3 and VI. 20 (Opera, IV. 364 and 474) there are
passages which imply that the persecution has come to an end. It seems
necessary then to conclude, with Lightfoot, that the Demonstratio was
begun during the persecution, but not completed until peace had been
established. The Pr'paratio, which was completed before the
Demonstratio was begun (see the pro'mium to the latter), must have been
finished during the persecution. It contains in X. 9 (Opera, III. 807)
a reference to the Chronicle as an already published work (see above,
p. 31).
35
The Pr'paratio and Demonstratio are found in Migne's edition of the
Opera, III. and IV. 9 sq. A more recent text is that of Dindorf in
Teubner's series, 1867. The Pr'paratio has been published separately by
Heinichen, 2 vols., Lips. 1842, and by Gaisford, 4 vols., Oxon. 1843.
The latter contains a full critical apparatus with Latin translation
and notes, and is the most useful edition which we have. Seguier in
1846 published a French translation with notes. The latter are printed
in Latin in Migne's edition of the Opera, III. 1457 sq. The French
translation I have not seen. The Demonstratio was also published by
Gaisford in 2 vols., Oxon. 1852, with critical apparatus and Latin
translation. H'nell has made the two works the subject of a monograph
entitled De Eusebio C'sariensi religionis Christianae subject of'e
Defensore (Gotting Christianae subject of a monograph entitled', 1843)
which I know only from the mention of it by Stein and Lightfoot.
Pr'paratio Ecclesiastica
('E<greek>kklhsiastikh</greek>
II<greek>roparaskeuh</greek>), and Demanstratio
Ecclesiastica ('E <greek>kklhQiastikh</greek>
'A<greek>podeixis</greek> ). These two works are no longer
extant. We know of the former only from Photius' reference to it in
Bibl. 11, of the latter from his mention of it in Bibl.
Lightfoot says that the latter is referred to also
in the Fus Gr'co-Romanum (lib. IV. p. 295; ed. Leunclav.). We know
nothing about the works (except that the first according to Photius
contained extracts), and should be tempted to think them identical with
the Pr'paratio and Demonstratio Evang. were it not that Photius
expressly mentions the two latter in another part of his catalogue
(Bibl. 10). Lightfoot supposes that the two lost works did for the
society what the Pr'p. and Dem. Evang. do for the doctrines of which
the society is the depositary, and he suggests that those portions of
the Theophania (Book IV.) which relate to the foundation of the Church
may have been adopted from the Dem. Ecclesiastica, as other portions of
the work (Book V.) are adopted from the Dem. Evang.
If there is a reference in the Pr'p. Evang. I. 3
(Opera, III 33) to the Demanstratio Eccles., as Lightfoot thinks there
may be, and as is quite possible, the latter work, and consequently in
all probability the Pr'p. Eccles, also, must have been written before
313 A.D. Two Books of Objection and Defense
('E<greek>leUkou</greek> <greek>kai</greek>
'A<greek>poloUias</greek> <greek>loUoi</greek>
<greek>duo</greek>). These are no longer extant, but are
mentioned by Photius in his Bibl. 13. We gather from Photius' language
that two editions of the work were extant in his time. The books, as
Photius clearly indicates, contained an apology for Christianity
against the attacks of the heathen, and not, as Cave supposed, a
defense of the author against the charge of Arianism. The tract
mentioned by Gelasius of Cyzicus (see below, p. 64) is therefore not to
be identified with this work, as Cave imagined that it might be.
Theophania or Divine Manifestation
(<greek>qeoFaneia</greek>). A Syriac version of this work
is extant in the same MS. which contains the Martyrs of Palestine, and
was first published by Lee in 1842. In 1843 the same editor issued an
English translation with notes and extended prolegomena (Cambridge, 1
vol.). The original work is no longer extant in its entirety, but
numerous Greek fragments were collected and published by Mai in 1831
and 1833 (Script. vet. nov. call. I. and VIII.), and again with
additions in 1847 (Bibl. Nova Patrum, IV. 110 and 310; reprinted by
Migne, Opera, VI. 607-690. Migne does not give the Syriac version). The
manuscript which contains the Syriac version was written in 411, and
Lee thinks that the translation itself may have been made even during
the lifetime of Eusebius. At any rate it is very old and, so far as it
is possible to judge, seems to have reproduced the sense of the
original with comparative accuracy. The subject of the work is the
manifestation of God in the incarnation of the Word. It aims to give,
with an apologetic purpose, a brief exposition of the divine authority
and influence of Christianity. It is divided into five books which
handle successively the subject and the recipients of the revelation,
that is, the Logos on the one hand, and man on the other; the necessity
of the revelation; the proof of it drawn from its effects; the proof of
it drawn from its fulfillment of prophecy; finally, the common
objections brought by the heathen against Christ's character and
wonderful works. Lee says of the work: "As a brief exposition of
Christianity,
36
particularly of its Divine authority, and amazing influence, it has
perhaps never been surpassed." "When we consider the very extensive
range of inquiry occupied by our author, the great variety both of
argument and information which it contains, and the small space which
it occupies; we cannot, I think, avoid coming to the conclusion, that
it is a very extraordinary work, and one which is as suitable to our
own times as it was to those for which it was written. Its chief
excellency is, that it is argumentative, and that its arguments are
well grounded, and logically conducted."
The Theophania contains much that is found also in
other works of Eusebius. Large portions of the first, second, and third
books are contained in the Oratio de Laudibus Constantini, nearly the
whole of the fifth book is given in the Dem. Evang., while many
passages occur in the Pr'p. Evang.
These coincidences assist us in determining the date
of the work. That it was written after persecution had ceased and peace
was restored to the Church, is clear from II. 76, III. 20, 79, V. 52.
Lee decided that it was composed very soon after the close of the
Diocletian persecution, but Lightfoot has shown conclusively (p. 333)
from the nature of the parallels between it and other writings of
Eusebius, that it must have been written toward the end of his life,
certainly later than the De Laud. Canst. (335 A.D.), and indeed it is
not improbable that it remained unfinished at the time of his death.
III Polemic Works.
Defense of Origen
('A<greek>poloUia</greek> <greek>uper</greek>
<greek>Wrisenous</greek>). This was the joint work of
Eusebius and Pamphilus, as is distinctly stated by Eusebius himself in
his H. E. VI. 33, by Socrates, H. E. III. 7, by the anonymous collector
of the Synodical Epistles ( Ep. 198), and by Photius, Bibl. 118. The
last writer informs us that the work consisted of six books, the first
five of which were written by Eusebins and Pamphilus while the latter
was in prison, the last book being added by the former after Pamphilus'
death (see above, p. 9). There is no reason to doubt the statement of
Photius, and we may therefore assign the first five books to the years
307-309, and assume that the sixth was written soon afterward. The
Defense has perished, with the exception of the first book, which was
translated by Rufinus (Rufin. ad Hieron. I. 582 ), and is still extant
in his Latin version. Rufinus ascribed this book expressly to
Pamphilus, and Pamphilus' name alone appears in the translation. Jerome
(Contra Ruf. I. 8; II. 15, 23; III. 12) maintains that the whole work
was written by Eusebius, not by Pamphilus, and accuses Rufinus of
having deliberately substituted the name of the martyr Pamphilus for
that of the Arianizing Eusebius in his translation of the work, in
order to secure more favorable acceptance for the teachings of Origen.
Jerome's unfairness and dishonesty in this matter have been pointed out
by Lightfoot (p. 340). In spite of his endeavor to saddle the whole
work upon Eusebius, it is certain that Pamphilus was a joint author of
it, and it is quite probable that Rufinus was true to his original in
ascribing to Pamphilus all the explanations which introduce and connect
the extracts from Origen, which latter constitute the greater part of
the book. Eusebius may have done most of his work in connection with
the later books.
The work was intended as a defense of Origen against
the attacks of his opponents (see Eusebius' H. E. VI 33, and the
Preface to the Defense itself). According to Socrates (H. E. VI. 13),
Methodius, Eustathius, Apollinaris, and Theophilus all wrote against
Origen. Of these only Methodius had written before the composition of
the Defense, and he was expressly attacked in the sixth book of that
work, according to Jerome (Contra Ruf. I. 11). The wide opposition
aroused against Origen was chiefly in consequence not of his personal
character, but of his theological views. The Apology, therefore, seems
to have been devoted in the main to a defense of those views over
against the attacks of the men that held and taught opposite opinions,
and may thus be regarded as in some sense a regular polemic. The extant
book is devoted principally to a discussion of Origen's views on the
Trinity and the Incarnation. It is not printed in Migne's edition of
Eusebius' Opera, but is published in the various editions of
37
Origen's works (in Lommatzsch's edition, XXIV. 289-412). For further
particulars in regard to the work, see Delarue's introduction to it
(Lommatzsch, XXIV. 263 sq.), and Lightfoot's article on Eusebius, pp.
340 and 341.
Against Marcellus, Bishop of Ancyra
(<greek>kata</greek> M<greek>?rkellou</greek>
<greek>tou</greek> 'A<greek>Ukuras</greek>
<greek>episkopou</greek>). The occasion of this work has
been already described (see p. 25), and is explained by Eusebius
himself in Book II. chap, 4. The work must have been written soon after
the Council at which Marcellus was condemned. It aims simply to expose
his errors, exegetical as well as theological. The work consists of two
books, and is still extant (Opera, VI. 707-824).
On the Theology of the Church, a Refutation of
Marcellus (<greek>oi</greek>
<greek>pros</greek> M<greek>arkellon</greek>
<greek>eleUkoi</greek> <greek>peri</greek>
<greek>ths</greek>
<greek>ekklhsiastikhs</greek>
<greek>QeoloUias</greek>). The occasion of this work is
stated in the first chapter. In the previous work Eusebius had aimed
merely to expose the opinions of Marcellus, but in this he devotes
himself to their refutation, fearing that some might be led astray by
their length and plausibility. The work, which consists of three books,
is still extant, and is given by Migne in the Opera, VI. 825-1046. Both
it and the preceding are published with the Contra Hieroclem in
Gaisford's Euseb. Pamph. contra Hieroclem et Marcellum, Oxon. 1852.
Zahn has written a valuable monograph entitled Marcellus von Ancyra
(Gotha, 1867).
Against the Manicheans. Epiphanius (H'r. LXVI. 21)
mentions, among other refutations of the Manicheans, one by our
Eusebius. The work is referred to nowhere else, and it is possible that
Epiphanius was mistaken in his reference, or that the refutation he has
in mind formed only a part of some other work, but we are hardly
justified in asserting, as Lightfoot does, that the work cannot have
existed.
IV. Dogmatic Works.
General Elementary Introduction ('H
<greek>kaqolou</greek>
<greek>stoikeiwdhs</greek>
<greek>eisaUwUh</greek>). This work consisted of ten books,
as we learn from a reference to it in the Eclog' Propheticae, as we
learn from a reference to it in the Eclog', IV. 35. It was apparently a
general introduction to the study of theology, and covered a great
variety of subjects. Five brief fragments have been preserved, all of
them apparently from the first book, which must have dealt largely with
general principles of ethics. The fragments were published by Mai
(Bibl. Nova Patrum, IV. 316), and are reprinted by Migne (Opera, IV.
1271 sq.). In addition to these fragments, the sixth, seventh, eighth,
and ninth books of the work are extant under the title:
Prophetical Extracts
(II<greek>roFhtikai</greek>
'E<greek>kloUai</greek>). Although this formed a part of
the larger work, it is complete in itself, and circulated independently
of the rest of the Introduction. It contains extracts of prophetical
passages from the Old Testament relating to the person and work of
Christ, accompanied by explanatory notes. It is divided into four
books, the first containing extracts from the historical Scriptures,
the second from the Psalms, the third from the other poetical books and
from the prophets, the fourth from Isaiah alone. The personality of the
Logos is the main topic of the work, which is thus essentially
dogmatic, rather than apologetic, as it might at first glance seem to
be. It was composed during the persecution, which is clearly referred
to in Book I. chap. 8 as still raging; it must have been written
therefore between 303 and 313. The date of these books, of course,
fixes the date of the General Introduction, of which they formed a
part. The Eclog' are referred to in the History, I. 2. On the other
hand, they mention the Chronicle as a work already written (I. I:
Opera, p. 1023); a reference which goes to prove that there were two
editions of the Chronicle (see above, p. 31). The four books of the
Prophetical Extracts were first published by Gaisford in 1842 (Oxford)
from a Vienna MS. The MS. is mutilated in many places, and the
beginning, including the title of the work, is wanting. Migne has
reprinted Gaisford's edition in the Opera, IV. 1017 sq.
On the Paschal Festival
(<greek>peri</greek> <greek>ths</greek>
<greek>tou</greek> <greek>paska</greek>
<greek>eorths</greek>). This work, as Eusebius informs us
in his Vita Const. IV. 34, was addressed to the Emperor Constantine,
who commends it very highly in an epistle to Eusebius preserved in the
Vita Const. IV. 35. From this epistle we learn, more-
38
over, that the work had been translated into Latin. It is no longer
extant in its entirety, but a considerable fragment of it was
discovered by Mai in Nicetas' Catena on Luke, and published by him in
his Bibl. Nova Patrum, IV. p. 208 sq. The extant portion of it contains
twelve chapters, devoted partly to a discussion of the nature of the
Passover and its typical significance, partly to an account of the
settlement of the paschal question at the Council of Nic'a, and partly
to an argument against the necessity of celebrating the paschal feast
at the time of the Jewish Passover, based on the ground that Christ
himself did not keep the Passover on the same day as the Jews.
Jerome, although he does not mention this work in
his catalogue of Eusebius' writings (de vir. ill. 81), elsewhere (ib.
61) states that Eusebius composed a paschal canon with a cycle of
nineteen years. This cycle may have been published (as Lightfoot
remarks) as a part of the writing under discussion. The date of the
work cannot be determined with exactness. It was written after the
Council of Nic'a, and, as would seem from the connection in which it is
mentioned in the Vita Canstantini, before the Emperor's tricennalia
(335 A.D.), but not very long before. The extant fragment, as published
by Mai, is reprinted by Migne in the Opera, VI. 693-706.
V. Critical and Exegetical Works.
Biblical Texts. We learn from Jerome (Pr'f. in
librum Paralip.) that Eusebius and Pamphilus published a number of
copies of Origen's edition of the LXX., that is, of the fifth column of
the Hexapla. A colophon found in a Vatican MS., and given in fac-simile
in Migne's Opera, IV. 875, contains the following account of their
labors (the translation is Lightfoot's): "It was transcribed from the
editions of the Hexapla, and was corrected from the Tetrapla of Origen
himself, which also had been corrected and furnished with scholia in
his own handwriting; whence I, Eusebius, added the scholia, Pamphilus
and Eusebius corrected [this copy]." Compare also Field's Hexapla, I.
p. xcix.
Taylor, in the Dictionary of Christian Biography,
III. p. 21, says: "The whole work [i.e. the Hexapla] was too massive
for multiplication; but many copies of its fifth column alone were
issued from C'sarea under the direction of Pamphilus the martyr and
Eusebius, and this recension of the LXX. came into common use. Some of
the copies issued contained also marginal scholia, which gave inter
alia a selection of readings from the remaining versions in the
Hexapla. The oldest extant MS. of this recension is the Leiden Codex
Sarravianus of the fourth or fifth century." These editions of the LXX.
must have been issued before the year 309, when Pamphilus suffered
martyrdom, and in all probability before 307, when he was imprisoned
(see Lardner's Credibility, Part II. chap. 72.
In later years we find Eusebius again engaged in the
publication of copies of the Scriptures. According to the Vita Const.
IV. 36, 37, the Emperor wrote to Eusebius, asking him to prepare fifty
sumptuous copies of the Scriptures for use in his new
Constantinopolitan churches. The commission was carefully executed, and
the MSS. prepared at great cost. It has been thought that among our
extant MSS. may be some of these copies which were produced under
Eusebius' supervision, but this is extremely improbable (see Lightfoot,
p. 334).
Ten Evangelical Canons, with the Letter to Carpianus
prefixed (<greek>kanones</greek>
<greek>deka</greek>; Canones decem harmoniae evangeliorum
pr'missa ad Carpianum epistola). Ammonius of Alexandria early in the
third century had constructed a harmony of the Gospels, in which,
taking Matthew as the standard, he placed alongside of that Gospel the
parallel passages from the three others. Eusebius' work was suggested
by this Harmony, as he tells us in his epistle to Carpianus. An
inconvenient feature of Ammonius' work was that only the Gospel of
Matthew could be read continuously, the sequence of the other Gospels
being broken in order to bring their parallel sections into the order
followed by Matthew. Eusebius, desiring to remedy this defect,
constructed his work on a different principle. He made a table of ten
canons, each containing a list of passages as follows: Canon I.
passages common to all four Gospels; II. those common to Matthew, Mark,
and Luke; III. those common to Matt, Luke, and John; IV. those
45
Fabricius (Bibl. Gr. VI. 104) reports that the
following works are extant in MS.: Fragmentum de Mensuris ac Ponderibus
(MSS. Is. Vossii, n. 179); De Morte Herodis (MS. in Bibl. Basil.);
Pr'fatio ad Canticum Mosis in Exodo (Lambec. III. p. 35).
CHAPTER III.
EUSEBIUS' CHURCH HISTORY.
§ 1. Date of its Composition.
THE work with which we are especially concerned at
this time is the Church History, the original Greek of which is still
extant in numerous MSS. It consists of ten books, to which is added in
most of the MSS. the shorter form of the Martyrs of Palestine (see
above, p. 29). The date of the work can be determined with considerable
exactness. It closes with a eulogy of Constantine and his son Crispus;
and since the latter was put to death by his father in the summer of
326, the History must have been completed before that time. On the
other hand, in the same chapter Eusebius refers to the defeat of
Licinius, which took place in the year 323 A.D. This gives a fixed
terminus a quo. It is not quite certain from Eusebius' words whether
the death of Licinius had already taken place at the time he wrote, but
it seems probable that it had, and if so, the completion of the work
must be put as late as the Summer of 324. On the other band, not the
slightest reference is made to the Council of Nic'a, which met in the
summer of 325; and still further the tenth book is dedicated to
Paulinus, at one time bishop of Tyre and afterward bishop of Antioch
(see Euseb. Contra Marc. I. 4, and Philost. H. E. III 15), who was
already dead in the summer of 325: for at the Nicene Council, Zeno
appears as bishop of Tyre, and Eustathius as bishop of Antioch (see for
further particulars Lightfoot, p. 322). We are thus led to place the
completion of the History in the year 324, or, to give the widest
possible limits, between the latter part of 323 and the early part of
325 A.D.
But the question has been raised whether the earlier
books may not have been composed some years before this. Lightfoot
(following Westcott) supposes that the first nine books were completed
not long after the edict of Milan and before the outbreak of the
quarrel between Constantine and Licinius in 314. There is considerable
to be said in favor of this theory. The language used in the dedication
of the tenth book seems to imply that the nine books had been completed
some time before, and that the tenth is added as a sort of postscript.
The close of the ninth book strengthens that conclusion. Moreover, it
would seem from the last sentences of that book that Constantine and
Licinius were in perfect harmony at the time it was written, a state of
affairs which did not exist after 314. On the other hand, it must be
noticed that in Book IX. chap. 9 Licinius' "madness" is twice referred
to as having "not yet" seized him (in § 1
<greek>oupw</greek> <greek>manentos</greek>
<greek>tote</greek>, and in § 12
<greek>o</greek><?><greek>nw</greek>
<greek>tote</greek> <greek>ef</greek>
<greek>hn</greek> <greek>usteron</greek>
<greek>ekpeptwke</greek> <greek>manian</greek>,
<greek>thn</greek> <greek>dianaian</greek>
<greek>ektrapeis</greek>). It is necessary either to
interpret both these clauses as later insertions (possibly by Eusebius'
own hand at the time when he added the tenth book; cf. also p. 30,
above), or to throw the composition of the ninth book down to the year
319 or later. It is difficult to decide between these alternatives, but
I am inclined on the whole to think that Westcott's theory is probably
correct, and that the two clauses can best be interpreted as later
insertions. The very nature of his History would at any rate lead us to
think that Eusebius spent some years in the composition of it, and that
the earlier books, if not published, were at least completed long
before the issue of the ten books as a whole. The Chronicle is referred
to as already written in I. 1; the Eclogae Proph. (? see below, p. 85)
in I. 2 and 6; the Collection of Ancient Martyrdoms in IV. 15, V.
preface, 4, and 22; the Defense of Origen in VI. 23, 33, and 36; the
Life of Pamphilus in VI. 32, VII. 32, and VIII. 13. In VIII. 13
Eusebius speaks also of his intention of relating the sufferings of the
martyrs in another work (but see above, p. 30).
46
§ 5. The Author's Design.
That the composition of a history of the Church was
Eusebius' own idea, and was not due to any suggestion from without,
seems clear, both from the absence of reference to any one else as
prompting it, and from the lack of a dedication at the beginning of the
work. The reasons which led him to undertake its composition seem to
have been both scientific and apologetic. He lived, and he must have
realized the fact, at the opening of a new age in the history of the
Church. He believed, as he frequently tells us, that the period of
struggle had come to an end, and that the Church was now about entering
upon a new era of prosperity. He must have seen that it was a
peculiarly fitting time to put on record for the benefit of posterity
the great events which had taken place within the Church during the
generations that were past, to sum up in one narrative all the trials
and triumphs which had now emerged in this final and greatest triumph,
which he was witnessing. He wrote, as any historian of the present day
would write, for the information and instruction of his contemporaries
and of those who should come after, and yet there was in his mind all
the time the apologetic purpose, the desire to exhibit to the world the
history of Christianity as a proof of its divine origin and efficacy.
The plan which he proposed to himself is stated at the very beginning
of his work: "It is my purpose to write an account of the successions
of the holy apostles, as well as of the times which have elapsed from
the days of our Saviour to our own; and to relate how many and how
important events are said to have occurred in the history of the
Church; and to mention those who have governed and presided over the
Church in the most prominent parishes, and those who in each generation
have proclaimed the divine word either orally or in writing. It is my
purpose also to give the names and the number and the times of those
who through love of innovation have run into the greatest errors, and
proclaiming themselves discoverers of knowledge, falsely so-called,
have, like fierce wolves, unmercifully devastated the flock of Christ.
It is my intention, moreover, to recount the misfortunes which
immediately came upon the whole Jewish nation in consequence of their
plots against our Saviour, and to record the ways and the times in
which the divine word has been attacked by the Gentiles, and to
describe the character of those who at various periods have contended
for it in the face of blood and tortures, as well as the confessions
which have been made in our own days, and finally the gracious and
kindly succour which our Saviour afforded them all." It will be seen
that Eusebius had a very comprehensive idea of what a history of the
Church should comprise, and that he was fully alive to its importance.
§ 3. Eusebius as a Historian. The Merits and Defects of his
History.
The whole Christian world has reason to be thankful
that there lived at the opening of the fourth century a man who, with
his life spanning one of the greatest epochs that has occurred in the
history of the Church, with an intimate experimental knowledge of the
old and of the new condition of things, was able to conceive so grand a
plan and possessed the means and the ability to carry it out. Had he
written nothing else, Eusebius' Church History would have made him
immortal; for if immortality be a fitting reward for large and lasting
services, few possess a clearer title to it than the author of that
work. The value of the History to us lies not in its literary merit,
but in the wealth of the materials which it furnishes for a knowledge
of the early Church. How many prominent figures of the first three
centuries are known to us only from the pages of Eusebius; how many
fragments, priceless on account of the light which they shed upon
movements of momentous and far-reaching consequence, have been
preserved by him alone; how often a hint dropped, a casual statement
made in passing, or the mention of some apparently trifling event,
gives the clue which enables us to unravel some perplexing labyrinth,
or to fit into one whole various disconnected and apparently unrelated
elements, and thus to trace the steps in the development of some
important historical movement whose rise and whose bearing must
47
otherwise remain an unsolved riddle. The work reveals no sympathy with
Ebionism, Gnosticism, and Montanism, and little appreciation of their
real nature, and yet our knowledge of their true significance and of
their place in history is due in considerable part to facts respecting
the movements or their leaders which Eusebius alone has recorded or
preserved. To understand the development of the Logos Christology we
must comprehend the significance of the teaching of Paul of Samosata,
and how inadequate would our knowledge of the nature of that teaching
be without the epistle quoted in Book VII. chap. 30. How momentous were
the consequences of the paschal controversies, and how dark would they
be were it not for the light shed upon them by our author. How
important, in spite of their tantalizing brevity and obscurity, the
fragments of Papias' writings; how interesting the extracts from the
memoirs of Hegesippus; how suggestive the meager notices from Dionysius
of Corinth, from Victor of Rome, from Melito, from Caius; how
instructive the long and numerous quotations from the epistles of
Dionysius of Alexandria! He may often fail to appreciate the
significance of the events which he records, he may in many cases draw
unwarranted conclusions from the premises which he states, he may
sometimes misinterpret his documents and misunderstand men and
movements, but in the majority of cases he presents us with the
material upon which to form our own judgments, and if we differ with
him we must at the same time thank him for the data which have enabled
us independently to reach other results.
But the value of Eusebius' Church History does not
lie solely in the fact that it contains so many original sources which
would be otherwise unknown to us. It is not merely a thesaurus, it is a
history in the truest sense, and it possesses an intrinsic value of its
own, independent of its, quotations from other works. Eusebius
possessed extensive sources of knowledge no longer accessible to us.
His History contains the results of his extended perusal of many works
which are now irrecoverably lost, of his wide acquaintance with the
current traditions of his day, of his familiar intercourse with many of
the chief men of the age. If we cut out all the documents which he
quotes, there still remains an extensive history whose loss would leave
an irreparable blank in our knowledge of the early Church. How
invaluable, for instance, to mention but one matter, are the researches
of our author in regard to the circulation of the books of the New
Testament: his testimony to the condition of the canon in his own time,
and to the more or less widespread use of particular writings by the
Fathers of preceding centuries. Great as is the value of the sources
which Eusebius quotes, those that he does not give are still more
extensive, and it is the knowledge gained from them which he has
transmitted to us.
The worth of these portions of his History must
depend in the first place upon the extent and reliability of his
sources, and in the second place upon the use which he made of them.
A glance at the list of his authorities given in the
index, reveals at once the immense range of his materials. The number
of books which he either quotes or refers to as read is enormous. When
to these are added the works employed by him in the composition of his
Pr'p. Evang., as well as the great number which he must have perused,
but does not mention, we are amazed at the extent of his reading. He
must have been a voracious reader from his earliest years, and he must
have possessed extraordinary acquisitive powers. It is safe to say that
there was among the Fathers, with the possible exception of Origen, no
more learned man than he. He thus possessed one of the primary
qualifications of the historian. And yet even in this respect he had
his limitations. He seems to have taken no pains to acquaint himself
with the works of heretics, but to have been content to take his
knowledge of them at second hand. And still further, he was sadly
ignorant of Latin literature and of the Latin Church in general (see
below, p. 106); in fact, we must not expect to glean from his History a
very thorough or extended knowledge of western Christendom.
But his sources were not confined to literary
productions. He had a wide acquaintance with the world, and he was
enabled to pick up much from his intercourse with other men and with
different peoples that he could not have found upon the shelves of the
C'sarean or of any other
48
library. Moreover, he had access to the archives of state and gathered
from them much information quite inaccessible to most men. He was thus
peculiarly fitted, both by nature and by circumstances, for the task of
acquiring material, the first task of the genuine historian.
But the value of his work must depend in the second
place upon the wisdom and honesty with which he used his sources, and
upon the faithfulness and accuracy with which he reproduced the results
thus reached. We are therefore led to enquire as to his qualifications
for this part of his work.
We notice, in the first place, that he was very
diligent in the use of his sources. Nothing seems to have escaped him
that might in any way bear upon the particular subject in hand. When he
informs us that a certain author nowhere mentions a book or an event,
he is, so far as I am aware, never mistaken. When we realize how many
works he read entirely through for the sake of securing a single
historical notice, and how many more he must have read without finding
anything to his purpose, we are impressed with his untiring diligence.
To-day, with our convenient indexes, and with the references at hand
which have been made by many other men who have studied the writings of
the ancients, we hardly comprehend what an amount of labor the
production of a History like Eusebius' must have cost him, a pioneer in
that kind of work.
In the second place, we are compelled to admire the
sagacity which our author displays in the selection of his materials.
He possessed the true instinct of the historian, which enabled him to
pick out the salient points and to present to the reader just that
information which he most desires. We shall be surprised upon examining
his work to see how little it contains which it is not of the utmost
importance for the student of early Church history to know, and how
shrewdly the author has anticipated most of the questions which such a
student must ask. He saw what it was in the history of the first three
centuries of the Church which posterity would most desire to know, and
he told them. His wisdom in this respect is all the more remarkable
when compared with the unwisdom of most of his successors, who filled
their works with legends of saints and martyrs, which, however
fascinating they may have been to the readers of that age, possess
little either of interest or of value for us. When he wishes to give us
a glimpse of the persecutions of those early days, his historical and
literary instinct leads him to dwell especially upon two thoroughly
representative cases,--the martyrdom of Polycarp and the sufferings of
the churches of Lyons and Vienne,--and to preserve for posterity two of
the noblest specimens of martyrological literature which the ancient
Church produced. It is true that he sometimes erred in his judgment as
to the wants of future readers; we could wish that he had been somewhat
fuller and clearer on many points, and that he had not so entirely
neglected some others; but on the whole I am of the opinion that few
historical works, ancient or modern, have in the same compass better
fulfilled their mission in this respect.
In the third place, we can hardly fail to be
impressed by the wisdom with which Eusebius discriminated between
reliable and unreliable sources. Judged by the modern standard he may
fall short as a literary critic, but judged by the standard of
antiquity he must be given a very high rank. Few indeed are the
historians of ancient times, secular or ecclesiastical, who can compare
with Eusebius for sound judgment in this matter. The general freedom of
his work from the fables and prodigies, and other improbable or
impossible tales which disfigure the pages of the great majority even
of the soberest of ancient historians, is one of its most marked
features. He shows himself uncommonly particular in demanding good
evidence for the circumstances which he records, and uncommonly shrewd
in detecting spurious and unreliable sources. When we remember the
great number of pseudonymous works which were current in his day we are
compelled to admire his care and his discrimination. Not that he always
succeeded in detecting the false. More than once he was sadly at fault
(as for instance in regard to the Abgarus correspondence and Josephus'
testimony to Christ), and has in consequence been severely denounced or
held up to unsparing ridicule by many modern writers. But the wonder
certainly is not that he erred as often as he did, but that he did not
err oftener; not that he was sometimes careless in
49
regard to the reliability of his sources, but that he was ever as
careful as, in the majority of cases, he has proved himself to be. In
fact, comparing him with other writers of antiquity, we cannot commend
too highly the care and the skill with which he usually discriminated
between the true and the false.
In the fourth place, he deserves all praise for his
constant sincerity and unfailing honesty. I believe that emphasis
should be laid upon this point for the reason that Eusebius' reputation
has often suffered sadly in consequence of the unjust imputations, and
the violent accusations, which it was for a long time the fashion to
make against him, and which lead many still to treat his statements
with distrust, and his character with contempt. Gibbon's estimate of
his honesty is well known and has been unquestioningly accepted in many
quarters, but it is none the less unjust, and in its implications quite
untrue to the facts. Eusebius does dwell with greater fullness upon the
virtues than upon the vices of the early Church, upon its glory than
upon its shame, and he tells us directly that it is his intention so to
do (H. E. VIII. 2), but he never undertakes to conceal the sins of the
Christians, and the chapter immediately preceding contains a
denunciation of their corruptness and wickedness uttered in no faint
terms. In fact, in the face of these and other candid passages in his
work, it is the sheerest injustice to charge him with dishonesty and
unfairness because he prefers, as almost any Christian historian must,
to dwell with greater fullness of detail upon the bright than upon the
dark side of the picture. Scientific, Eusebius' method, in this
respect, doubtless is not; but dishonest, no one has a right to call
it. The most severe attack which has been made upon Eusebius in recent
years is found in an article by Jachmann (see below, p. 55). The
evident animus which runs through his entire paper is very unpleasant;
the conclusions which he draws are, to say the least, strained. I
cannot enter here into a consideration of his positions; most of them
are examined below in the notes upon the various passages which he
discusses. The whole article, like most similar attacks, proceeds upon
the supposition that our author is guilty, and then undertakes simply
to find evidence of that which is already presupposed. I submit that
few writers could endure such an ordeal. If Eusebius is tried according
to the principles of common justice, and of sound literary criticism, I
am convinced, after long and careful study, that his sincerity and
honesty of purpose cannot be impeached. The particular instances which
have been urged as proving his dishonesty will be discussed below in
the notes upon the respective passages, and to those the reader is
referred (compare especially pp. 88, 98, 100, 111, 112, 114, 127, 194).
Eusebius' critics are wont to condemn him severely
for what they are pleased to call the dishonesty displayed by him in
his Vita Constantini. Such critics forget, apparently, that that work
pretends to be, not a history, but a panegyric. Judging it as such, I
am unable to find anything in it which leads me to entertain for a
moment a suspicion of the author's honesty, It is true that Eusebius
emphasizes the Emperor's good qualities, and fails to mention the
darker spots in his character; but so far as I am aware he misstates no
facts, and does only what those who eulogize deceased friends are
accustomed to do the world over. For a discussion of this matter the
reader is referred to the prolegomena of Dr. Richardson, pp. 467 sq. of
this volume. I am pleased to learn from him that his study of the Vita
has shown him nothing which justifies the charge of dishonesty brought
against Eusebius.
One of the most decisive marks of veracity upon the
part of our author is the frankness with which he confesses his lack of
knowledge upon any subject (cf. IV. 5), and the care with which he
distinguishes between the different kinds of evidence upon which he
bases his statements. How frequently the phrases
<greek>logos</greek> <greek>ekei</greek>,
<greek>fasi</greek>, <greek>legetai</greek>,
&c., occur in connection with accounts which a less scrupulous
historian would not hesitate to record as undoubted fact. How
particular he is to mention his sources for any unusual or startling
event. If the authorities seem to him quite inadequate, he simply omits
all reference to an occurrence which most of his con-temporaries and
successors would have related with the greatest gusto; if the testimony
seems to him strong, he records the circumstance and expressly mentions
his authority, whether oral
50
tradition, the testimony of eye-witnesses, or written accounts, and we
are thus furnished the material from which to form our own judgments.
He is often blamed by modern writers for what they
are pleased to call his excessive credulity. Those who accuse him thus
seem to forget that he lived in the fourth, not in the nineteenth
century. That he believed many things which we now declare to be
incredible is perfectly true, but that he believed things that other
Christians of his day pronounced incredible is not true. Judged, in
fact, according to the standard of his age--and indeed of eleven
succeeding centuries--he must be pronounced remarkably free from the
fault of over-credulity, in truth uncommonly skeptical in his attitude
toward the marvelous. Not that he denies the occurrence of prodigies
and wonders in his own and other ages, but that he always demands the
strongest testimony before he allows himself to be convinced of their
truth. Compare, e.g., the care with which he gives his authorities for
the anecdote in regard to the Thundering Legion (V. 5), and his final
suspension of judgment in the matter; compare also the emphasis which
he lays upon the personal testimony of the Emperor in the matter of the
appearance of the sign of the cross in the sky( Vita Const. I. 28 sq.),
a phenomenon which he himself tells us that he would have believed upon
,no ordinary evidence. His conduct in this matter is a sign rather of a
skepticism uncommon in his age than of an excessive and unusual
credulity. Gibbon himself gives our author due credit in this respect,
when he speaks of his character as "less tinctured with credulity, and
more practiced in the arts of courts, than that of almost any of his
contemporaries" (Decline and Fall, chap. XVI.).
On the other hand, Eusebius as an historian had many
very grave faults which it is not my wish in the least to palliate or
conceal. One of the most noticeable of these is his complete lack of
any conception of historiography as a fine art. His work is interesting
and instructive because of the facts which it records, but that
interest is seldom if ever enhanced by his mode of presentation. There
is little effective grouping, almost no sense of perspective, utter
ignorance of the art of suggesting by a single line or phrase a
finished picture of a man or of a movement. He was not, in other words,
a Thucydides or a Tacitus; but the world has seen not many such as they.
A second and still more serious fault is our
author's want of depth, if I may so express myself, his failure to look
beneath the surface and to grasp the real significance of things, to
trace the influence of opinions and events. We feel this defect upon
every page. We read the annals, but we are conscious of no masterful
mind behind them, digesting and comprehending them into one organic and
imposing whole. This radical weakness in our author's method is
revealed perhaps most clearly in his superficial and transcendental
treatment of heretics and heresies, his failure to appreciate their
origin and their bearing upon the progress of Christian thought. Of a
development in theology, in fact, he knows nothing, and hence his work
lacks utterly that which we now look upon as the most instructive part
of Church history,--the history of doctrine.
In the third place, severe censure must be passed
upon our author for his carelessness and inaccuracy in matters of
chronology. We should expect that one who had produced the most
extensive chronological work that had ever been given to the world,
would be thoroughly at home in that province, but in truth his
chronology is the most defective feature of his work. The difficulty is
chiefly due to his inexcusable carelessness, we might almost say
slovenliness, in the use of different and often contradictory sources
of information. Instead of applying himself to the discrepancies, and
endeavoring to reach the truth by carefully weighing the respective
merits of the sources, or by testing their conclusions in so far as
tests are possible, he adopts in many cases the results of both,
apparently quite unsuspicious of the confusion consequent upon such a
course. In fact, the critical spirit which actuates him in dealing with
many other matters seems to leave him entirely when he is concerned
with chronology; and instead of proceeding with the care and
circumspection of an historian, he accepts what he finds with the
unquestioning faith.
51
of a child. There is no case in which he can be convicted of
disingenuousness, but at times his obtuseness is almost beyond belief.
An identity of names, or a resemblance between events recorded by
different authors, will often be enough to lead him all unconsciously
to himself into the most absurd and contradictory conclusions.
Instances of this may be seen in Book I. chap. 5, and in II. 11. His
confusion in regard to the various Antonines (see especially the note
on the preface to Book V.) is not at all unusual among the writers of
his day, and in view of the frequent and perplexing use of the same
names by the different emperors, might be quite excusable in a less
scholarly man than Eusebius, but in his case it is evidence of
unpardonable want of care. This serious defect in our author's method
is not peculiar to him. Many historians, critical almost to a fault in
most matters, accept the received chronology without question, and
build upon it as if it were the surest of foundations. Such a
consideration does not excuse Eusebius; it relieves him, however, of
the stigma of peculiarity.
Finally, the character of the History is greatly
impaired by our author's desultory method. This is a characteristic of
his literary work in general, and, was referred to in the previous
chapter. All his works are marred by it, but few suffer more noticeably
than the History. The author does not confine himself as strictly as he
should to the logical limits of the subject which he is treating, but
allows himself to be led away from the main point by the suggestions
that pour in upon him from all sides. As Lightfoot remarks, "We have
not unfrequently to pick out from various parts of his work the notices
bearing on one definite and limited subject. He relates a fact, or
quotes an authority bearing upon it, in season or out of season,
according as it is recalled to his memory by some accidental
connexion." This unfortunate habit of Eusebius' is one into which men
of wide learning are very apt to fall. The richness of their
acquisitions embarrasses them, and the immense number of facts in their
possession renders a comprehension of them all into one logical whole
very difficult; and yet unless the facts be thus comprehended, unless
they be thoroughly digested and arranged, the result is confusion and
obscurity. To exclude is as necessary as to include, if one would write
history with the highest measure of success; to exclude rigidly at one
time what it is just as necessary to include at another. To men like
Eusebius there is perhaps nothing more difficult than this. Only a mind
as intensive as it is extensive, with a grasp as strong as its reach is
wide, can accomplish it, and few are the minds that are blessed with
both qualities. Few are the writers whose histories stand upon our
shelves that fail not sadly in the one or in the other; and in few
perhaps does the failure seem more marked than in our author.
And yet, though it is apparent that the value of
Eusebius' work is greatly impaired by its desultory method of
treatment, I am confident that the defect is commonly exaggerated. The
paragraph which Lightfoot quotes from Westcott on this subject leaves a
false impression. Altogether too often our author introduces irrelevant
matters, and repeats himself when repetition "mars the symmetry of his
work"; and yet on the whole he follows a fairly well ordered plan with
fairly good success. He endeavors to preserve a strictly chronological
sequence in his arrangement of the books, and he adheres for the most
part to his purpose. Though there may be disorder and confusion within
the various periods, for instance within the apostolic age, the age of
Trajan, of Hadrian, of the Antonines, &c., yet the periods
themselves are kept reasonably distinct from one another, and having
finished his account of one of them the author seldom returns to it.
Even in his treatment of the New Testament canon, which is especially
desultory, he says most of what he has to say about it in connection
with the apostles themselves, and before passing on to the second
century. I would not overlook the exceeding flagrancy of his
desultoriness and repetitiousness in his accounts of the writings of
many of the Fathers, especially of the two Clements, and yet I would
emphasize the fact that he certainly had an outline plan which he
designed to follow, and for which due credit should be given him. He
compares favorably in this respect with at least most of the writers of
antiquity. Only with our modern method of dividing history into
periods, separated by natural boundary lines, and of handling it
52
under clearly defined rubrics, have we become able wholly to avoid the
confused and illogical treatment of Eusebius and of others like him.
§ 4. Editions and Versions.
The original Greek of Eusebius' History has been published in many
editions.
1. The editio princeps is that of Robert Stephanus,
which appeared at Paris in 1544, and again, with a few changes, and
with the Latin translation of Christophorsonus and the notes of
Suffridus Petrus, at Geneva in 1612.
2. Henr. Valesius (de Valois) published his first
edition of the Greek text, with a new Latin translation and with
copious critical and explanatory notes, at Paris in 1659. His edition
was reprinted at Mainz in 1672, but the reprint is full of errors. In
1677, after Valesius' death, a revised edition was issued at Paris,
which in 1695 was reprinted with some corrections at Amsterdam. In 1720
Valesius' edition of Eusebius, together with his edition of Socrates,
Sozomen, and the other Greek historians, was republished at Cambridge
by William Reading, in three folio volumes. This is the best edition of
Valesius, the commentary being supplemented by MS. notes which he had
left among his papers, and increased by large additions from other
writers under the head of Variorum. A reprint of Reading's edition was
issued in 1746-1748, but according to Heinichen it is not as accurate
as that of 1720. For the elucidation of Eusebius' History we owe more
to Valesius than to any other man. His edition of the text was an
immense advance upon that of Stephanus, and has formed the basis of all
subsequent editions, while his notes are a perfect storehouse of
information from which all annotators of Eusebius have extensively
drawn. Migne's edition (Opera, IL 45-906) is a reprint of Valesius'
edition of 1659.
3. F. A. Stroth (Halle, 1779). A new edition of the
Greek text, of which, however, only the first volume appeared,
comprising Books I.-VII.
4. E. Zimmermann (Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1822). A
new edition of the Greek text, containing also the Latin translation of
Valesius, and a few critical notes.
5. F.A. Heinichen (Leipzig, 1827 and 1828). An
edition of the Greek text in three volumes, with a reprint of the
entire commentary of Valesius, and with the addition of Variorum notes.
The critical apparatus, printed in the third volume, is very meager. A
few valuable excursuses close the work. Forty years later Heinichen
published a second edition of the History in his Eusebii Pamphili
Scripta Historica (Lips. 1868-1870, 3 vols.). The first volume contains
the Greek text of the History, with valuable prolegomena, copious
critical apparatus and very useful indices; the second volume contains
the Vita Constantini, the Panegyricus or De laudibus Constantini, and
Constantine's Oratio ad Sanctorum coetum, also accompanied with
critical apparatus and indices; the third volume contains an extensive
commentary upon the works included in the first two volumes, together
with twenty-nine valuable excursuses. This entirely supersedes the
first, and is on the whole the most complete and useful edition of the
History which we have. The editor made diligent use of the labors of
his predecessors, especially of Laemmer's. He did no independent work,
however, in the way of collecting material for the criticism of the
text, and was deficient in critical judgment. As a consequence his text
has often to be amended on the basis of the variant readings, which he
gives with great fullness. His commentary, is made up largely of
quotations from Valesius and other writers, and is valuable for the
material it thus contains as well as for its references to other works.
It labors under the same incompleteness, however, that mars Valesius'
commentary, and, moreover, contains almost nothing of independent value.
6. E. Burton (Oxford, 1838). The Greek text in two
volumes, with the translation of Valesius and with critical apparatus;
and again in 1845, with the critical apparatus omitted, but with the
notes of Valesius, Heinichen and others added. Burton made large
contributions to the criticism of the text, and had he lived to
superintend the issue of the second edition, would perhaps have
succeeded in giving us a better text than any which we now possess, for
he was a far more
53
sagacious critic than Heinichen. As it is, his edition is marred by
numerous imperfections, largely caused by the inaccuracy of those who
collated MSS. for him. His text, with the translation, notes, and
critical apparatus omitted, was reprinted by Bright at Oxford in 1872,
and again in 1881, in a single volume. This is a very handy edition,
and for school use is unsurpassed. The typography is superb, and the
admirable plan is followed of discarding quotation marks and printing
all citations in smaller type, thus making plain to the eye at a glance
what is Eusebius' own and what is another's. The text is preceded by a
very interesting and graphic life of the historian.
7. Schwegler (Tübingen, 1852, in one volume).
The Greek text with critical apparatus, but without translation and
notes. An accurate and useful edition.
8. Laemmer (Schaffhausen, 1859-1862). The Greek text
in one volume, with extensive critical apparatus, but without
explanatory notes. Laemmer had unusual opportunities for collecting
material, and has made larger additions to the critical apparatus than
any one else. His edition was issued, however, in a most slovenly
manner, and swarms with mistakes. Great care should therefore be
exercised in the use of it.
9. Finally must be mentioned the text of Dindorf
(Lips. 1871), which is published in the Teubner series, and like most
of the volumes of that series is handy and convenient, but of little
value to the critical student.
There are few writings of the Fathers which more
sadly need and more richly deserve a new critical edition than the
History of Eusebius. The material for the formation of a reliable text
is extensive and accessible, but editors have contented themselves too
much in the past with the results of their predecessors' labors, and
unfortunately those labors have not always been accurate and thorough.
As a consequence a new and more careful collation of most of the MSS.
of the original, together with those of Rufinus' translation, must lie
at the foundation of any new work which is to be done in this line. The
publication of the Syriac version will doubtless furnish much valuable
material which the next editor of the History, will be able to use to
advantage. Anything less than such a thorough work as I have indicated
will be of little worth. Unless the new edition be based upon extensive
and independent labors, it will be little if any improvement upon that
of Heinichen. It is to be hoped that a critical text, up to the
standard of those of some other patristic works which we already
possess, may yet be issued, which shall give us this, one of the
noblest productions of the ancient Church, in a fitting and
satisfactory form.
Translations of Eusebius' History are very numerous.
Probably the earliest of all is the ancient Syriac version which is
preserved in great part in two MSS., one of which is at St. Petersburg
and contains the entire History with the exception of Book VI. and
large portions of Books V. and VII. The MS. is dated 462 A.D. (see
Wright's description of it in his Catalogue of the Syriac MSS. in the
British Museum acquired since the year 1838, Part III. p. xv. sq.). The
second MS. is in the British Museum, and contains Books I.-V., with
some mutilations at the beginning of the first book. The MS. dates from
the sixth century (see Wright's description of it in his Catalogue, p.
1039). From these MSS. Wright was engaged in preparing an edition of
the Syriac, which remained unfinished at the time of his death. Whether
he left his work in such shape that it can soon be issued by some one
else I have not yet learned. The version was probably made at a very
early date, possibly within the lifetime of Eusebius himself, though of
that we can have no assurance. I understand that it confirms in the
main the Greek text as now printed in our best editions.
The original Latin version was made by Rufinus in
the early years of the fifth century. He translated only nine books,
and added to them two of his own, in which he brought the history down
to the death of Theodosius the Great. He allowed himself his customary
license in translating, and yet, although his version is by no means
exact, it is one of our best sources for a knowledge of the true text
of Eusebius, for it is possible, in many doubtful cases where our MSS.
are hopelessly divided, to ascertain from his rendering what stood in
the original Greek.
54
The version of Rufinus had a large circulation, and became in the
Western Church a substitute for the original throughout the Middle
Ages. It was first printed, according to Fabricius (ib. p. 59), in 1476
at Rome, afterward a great many times there and elsewhere. The first
critical edition, which still remains the best, is that of Cacciari
(Rome, 1740), which has become rare, and is very difficult to find. A
new edition is a great desideratum. An important work upon Rufinus'
version is Kimmel's De Rufino Eusebii Interprete, Ger', 1838.
A new Latin translation, by Wolfgang Musculus, was
published in Basle, in 1549, and again in 1557, 1562, and 1611,
according to Fabricius (Bibl. Gr. VI. p. 60). I have myself seen only
the edition of 1562.
Still another Latin version, from the hand of
Christophorsonus, was published at Louvain in 1570. This is the only
edition of Christophorsonus which I have seen, but I have notices of
Cologne editions of 1570, 1581 and 1612, and of a Paris edition of
1571. According to Fabricius the Paris edition, and according to
Brunnet the Cologne edition of 1581, contain the notes of Suffridus
Petrus. A revision of Christophorsonus' version is said by Crusè
to have been published by Curterius, but I have not seen it, nor am I
aware of its date.
Another translation, by Gryn'us, was published at
Basle in 1611. This is the only edition of Gryn'eus' version which I
have seen, and I find in it no reference to an earlier one. I have been
informed, however, that an edition appeared in 1591. Hanmer seems to
imply, in his preface, that Grynseus' version is only a revision of
that of Musculus, and if that were so we should have to identify the
1611 edition with the 1611 edition of Musculus mentioned by Fabricius
(see above). I am able, however, to find no hint in Gryn'us' edition
itself that his version is a revision of that of Musculus.
The translation of Valesius, which was first
published in 1659 (see above), was a great improvement upon all that
had preceded it, and has been many times reprinted in other editions of
Eusebius, as well as in his own.
The first German translation was published by Caspar
Hedio. The date of publication is given by Fabricius as 1545, but the
copy which I have seen is dated 1582, and contains no reference to an
earlier edition. It comprises only nine books of Eusebius, supplemented
by the two of Rufinus. The title runs as follows: Chronica, das
ist: wahrhaftige Beschreibunge aller alten Christlichen Kirchen;
zum ersten, die hist. eccles. Eusebii Pamphili C'sariensis, Eilff
Bücher; zum andern, die hist. eccles. tripartita Sozomeni,
Socratis und Theodoreti, Zw"lff Bucher; zum dritten die hist. eccles.
sampt andern treffenlichen Geschichten, die zuvor in Teutschef Sprache
wenig gelesen sind, ouch Zwolff Bucher. Von der Zeit an da die hist.
eccles. tripartita aufhoret: das ist, yon der jarzal an, vierhundert
nach Christi geburt, biss auff das jar MDXLV, durch D. Caspar Hedion zu
Strassburg verteutscht und zusamen getragen. Getruckt zu. Franckfurt am
Mayn, im jar 1582.
A second German translation of the entire History
(with the exception of the Martyrs of Palestine, and the Oration an the
Building of the Churches, X. 4), together with the Life of Constantine,
was published by F. A. Stroth in Quedlinburg in 1777, in two volumes.
Stroth prefaced the translation with a very valuable Life of Eusebius,
and added a number of excellent notes of his own. The translation is
reasonably accurate.
A much more elegant German version (including the
Oration, but omitting the Martyrs of Palestine) was published by Closs
in Stuttgart in 1839, in one volume. This is in my opinion the best
translation of the History that exists. Its style is admirable, but
pure German idiom is sometimes secured at the expense of faithfulness.
In fact the author has aimed to produce a free, rather than a literal
translation, and has occasionally allowed himself to depart too far
from the original. A few brief notes, most of them taken from Valesius
or Stroth, accompany the translation.
More recently a German translation has been
published by Stigloher (Kempten, 1880) in the Kempten Bibliothek der
Kirchenväter. It purports to be a new translation, but is
practically
55
nothing more than a poorly revised edition of Closs' version. The
changes which are made are seldom improvements.
Fabricius mentions a French translation by Cloudius
Seysselius, but does not give the date of it, and I have not myself
seen it. Dr. Richardson, however, informs me that he has a copy of this
translation (which is from the Latin, not from the Greek) bearing the
following title: L'Histoire ecclesiastique translate de Latin au
Français, par M. Claude de Seyssel, evesque lors de Marseille,
et depuis archevesque de Thurin. Paris, 1532 [or 33], f°. He
informs me also that there exist editions of the years 1537 and 1567.
More than a century later appeared a new French
translation by Louis Cousin, bearing the following title: Historic de
l'Eglise écritoric de l'Eglise acrité par Eusebe Cesaree,
Socrate, Sozomene, Theodoret et Evangre, avec l'abrege de Philostorge
par Photius, et de Theodore par Nicephore Calliste. Paris, 1675-1676. 4
vol. 4°. Another edition appeared in Holland in 1686, 5 vol.
12°.
The first English translation was made by Hanmer,
and was issued in 1584, and, according to Crusè, passed through
five editions. The fourth edition, which lies before me, was published
in London in 1636. The volume contains the Histories of Eusebius, of
Socrates, and of Evagrius; Dorotheus' Lives, and Eusebius' Life of
Constantine.
Another translation is said by Crusè to have
been published about a century later by T. Shorting, and to be a
decided improvement upon that of Hanmer. I have seen no copy bearing
Shorting's name, but have examined an anonymous translation which bears
the following title: The Ecclesiastical. History of Eusebius Pamphilus
in ten books. Made into English from that edition set forth by
Valesius, and printed at Paris in the year 1659; together with
Valesius' notes on the said historian, which are done into English and
set at their proper place in the margin. Hereto also is annexed an
account of the life and writings of the aforesaid historian, collected
by Valesius and rendered into English. Cambridge: John Hayes, 1683.
This is evidently the translation of Shorting referred to by
Crusè, for it answers perfectly the description which he gives
of it.
An abridgment of this version, made by Porker, is
mentioned both by Fabricius (ib. p. 62) and by Crusè, but I have
not myself seen it. Fabricius gives its date as 1703, and Dr.
Richardson informs me that he has seen an edition bearing the date
1729, and that he has a note of another published in 1703 or 1720.
The latest English translation was made by the Rev.
C. F. Crusè, an American Episcopalian of German descent, and was
published first in Philadelphia in 1833, with a translation, by Parker,
of Valesius' Life of Eusebius prefixed. It has been reprinted a great
many times both in England and America, and is included in Bohn's
Ecclesiastical Library. In Bohn's edition are printed a few scattered
notes from Valesius' commentary, and in some other editions an
historical account of the Council of Nic'a, by Isaac Boyle, is added.
The translation is an improvement upon its predecessors, but is
nevertheless very faulty and unsatisfactory. The translator is not
thoroughly at home in the English, and, moreover, his version is marred
by many serious omissions and interpolations which reveal an
inexcusable degree of carelessness on his part.
§ 5. Literature.
The literature upon Eusebius' History is very
extensive. Many of the editions already mentioned discuss, in their
prolegomena, the History itself and Eusebius' character as a historian,
as do also all the lives of Eusebius referred to above, and all the
larger histories of the Church. In addition to these we have numerous
important monographs and essays, of which the following may be
mentioned here: M"ller, de Fide Eusebii in rebus christianis
enarrandis, Havn. 1813; Danz, de Eusebio C'sariensi Hist. Ecclesiastiae
Scriptore, Jen', 1815. This was mentioned in Chapter I. as containing a
valuable discussion of the life of Eusebius. Its chief importance lies
in its treatment of the sources of the Church History, to which the
author devotes the whole of
56
Chap. III. which bears the title, de fontibus, quibus usus, historiam
ecclesiasticam conscripsit Eusebius, pp. 76-144. Kestner, de Eusebii
Historiae Eccles. conditoris auctoritate, et fide diplomatica, sive de
ejus Fontibus et Ratione qua eis usus est, Gotting', 1816; and by the
same author, Ueber die Einseitigkeit und Partheiligkeit des Eusebius
als Geschichtschreibers, Jen', 1819; Reuterdahl, de Fontibus Historiae
Eccles. Eusebian', Londini Gothorum, 1826; Reinstra, de Fontibus, ex
quibus Histori' Eccles. opus hausit Eusebius Pamphili, et de Ratione,
qua iis usus est, Trajecti ad Rhenum, 1833; F. C. Baur, Comparatur
Eusebius Histori' Eccles. Parens cum Parente Histori' Herodoto,
Tüb. 1834; and pp. 9-26 of the same author's Epochen der
kirchlichen Geschichtschreibung, Tüb. 1852; Dowling, Introduction
to the Critical Study of Eccles. History, London, 1838, pp. 11-18;
Hély, Eusèbe de Césaree, premier Historien de
l'Église, Paris, 1877; J. Burckhardt, Zeit Constantins, 2d ed.
1880, pp. 307 sq. Burckhardt depreciates Eusebius' value and questions
his veracity. The review articles that have been written on Eusebius'
History are legion. I shall mention only Engelhardt's Eusebius als
Kirchengeschichtschreiber, in the Zeitschrift für hist. Theol.
1852, pp. 652-657; and Jachmann's Bermerkungen über die
Kirchengeschichte des Eusebius, ib. 1839, II. pp. 10-60. The latter
contains one of the most unsparing attacks upon Eusebius' honesty that
has ever been made (see above, p. 49).
TESTIMONIES OF THE ANCIENTS IN FAVOR OF
EUSEBIUS.(1)
From Constantine's Letter to the Antiochians (in Eusebius' Life of
Constantine, Book III. chap. 60).
"I confess, then, that on reading your records I
perceived, by the highly eulogistic testimony which they bear to
Eusebius, bishop of C'sarea (whom I have myself long well known and
esteemed for his learning and moderation), that you are strongly
attached to him and desire to appropriate him as your own prelate. What
thoughts then do you suppose that I entertain on this subject, desirous
as I am to seek for and act on the strict principles of right? What
anxiety do you imagine this desire of yours has caused me? O holy
faith, who givest us in our Saviour's words and precepts a model, as it
were, of what our life should be, how hardly wouldst thou thyself
resist the course of sin were it not that thou refusest to subserve the
purposes of gain! In my own judgment, he whose first object is the
maintenance of peace seems to be superior to Victory herself; and where
a right and honorable course lies open to one's choice, surely no one
would hesitate to adopt it. I ask then, brethren, why do we so decide
as to inflict an injury on others by our choice? Why do we covet those
objects which will destroy the credit of our own character? I myself
highly esteem the individual whom ye judge worthy of your respect and
affection; notwithstanding, it cannot be right that those principles
should be entirely disregarded which should be authoritative and
binding on all alike; for example, that each should be content with the
limits assigned them, and that all should enjoy their proper
privileges; nor can it be right in considering the claims of rival
candidates to suppose but that not one only, but many, may appear
worthy of comparison with this person. For as long as no violence or
harshness are suffered to disturb the dignities of the Church, they
continue to be on an equal footing, and worthy of the same
consideration everywhere. Nor is it reasonable that an enquiry into the
qualifications of one person should be made to the detriment of others;
since the judgment of all churches, whether reckoned of greater
importance in themselves, is equally capable of receiving and
maintaining the divine ordinances, so that one is in no way inferior to
another (if we will but boldly declare the truth), in regard to that
standard of practice which is common to all. If this be so, we must say
that you will be chargeable, not with retaining this prelate, but with
wrongfully removing him; your conduct will be characterized rather by
violence than justice; and whatever may be generally thought by others,
I dare clearly and boldly affirm that this measure will furnish ground
of accusation against you, and will provoke factious disturbances of
the most mischievous kind; for even timid flocks can show the use and
power of their teeth when the watchful care of their shepherd declines,
and they find themselves bereft of his accustomed guidance. If this
then be really so, if I am not deceived in my judgment, let this,
brethren, be your first consideration (for many and important
considerations will immediately present themselves, if you adopt my
advice), whether, should you persist in your intention, that mutual
kindly feeling and affection which should subsist among you will suffer
no diminution? In the next place remember that Eusebius, who came among
you for the purpose of offering disinterested counsel, now enjoys the
reward which is due to him in the judgment of heaven; for he has
received no ordinary recompense in the high testimony you have borne to
his equitable conduct. Lastly, in accordance with your usual sound
judgment, do ye exhibit a becoming diligence in selecting the person of
whom you stand in need, carefully avoiding all factious and tumultuous
clamor: for such clamor is always wrong, and from the collision of
discordant elements both sparks and flame will arise."
58
From the Emperor's Letter to Eusebius (in Eusebius' Life of
Constantine, Book III. chap. 61).
"I have most carefully perused your letter, and
perceive that you have strictly conformed to the rule enjoined by the
discipline of the Church. Now to abide by that which appears at the
same time pleasing to God, and accordant with apostolic tradition, is a
proof of true piety: and you have reason to deem yourself happy on this
behalf, that you are counted worthy, in the judgment, I may say, of all
the world, to have the oversight of the whole Church. For the desire
which all feel to claim you for their own, undoubtedly enhances your
enviable fortune in this respect. Notwithstanding, your Prudence, whose
resolve it is to observe the ordinances of God and the apostolic rule
of the Church, has done excellently well in declining the bishopric of
the Church at Antioch, and desiring to continue in that Church of which
you first received the oversight by the will of God." From
Constantine's Letter to the Council (in Eusebius' Life of Constantine,
Book III. chap. 62).
"I have perused the letters written by your
Prudences, and highly approve of the wise resolution of your colleague
in the ministry, Eusebius. Having, moreover, been informed of the
circumstances of the case, partly by your letters, partly by those of
our illustrious friends Acacius and Strategius, after sufficient
investigation I have written to the people at Antioch, suggesting the
course which will be at once pleasing to God and advantageous for the
Church. A copy of this I have ordered to be subjoined to this present
letter, in order that ye yourselves may know what I thought fit, as an
advocate of the cause of justice, to write to that people: since I find
in your letter this proposal, that, in consonance with the choice of
the people, sanctioned by your own desire, Eusebius the holy bishop of
C'sarea should preside over and take the charge of the Church at
Antioch. Now the letters of Eusebius himself on this subject appeared
to be strictly accordant with the order prescribed by the Church." From
a Letter of Constantine to Eusebius (in Eusebius' Life of Constantine,
Book IV. chap. 35).
"It is indeed an arduous task, and beyond the power
of language itself, worthily to treat of the mysteries of Christ, and
to explain in a fitting manner the controversy respecting the feast of
Easter, its origin as well as its precious and toilsome accomplishment.
For it is not in the power even of those who are able to apprehend
them, adequately to describe the things of God. I am, notwithstanding,
filled with admiration of your learning and zeal, and have not only
myself read your work with pleasure, but have given directions,
according to your own desire, that it be communicated to many sincere
followers of our holy religion. Seeing, then, with what pleasure we
receive favors of this kind from your Sagacity, be pleased to gladden
us more frequently with those compositions, to the practice of which,
indeed, you confess yourself to have been trained from an early period,
so that I am urging a willing man (as they say), in exhorting you to
your customary pursuits. And certainly the high and confident judgment
we entertain is a proof that the person who has translated your
writings into the Latin tongue is in no respect incompetent to the
task, impossible though it be that such version should fully equal the
excellence of the works themselves." From a Letter of Constantine to
Eusebius (in Eusebius' Life of Constantine, Book IV. chap. 36).
"It happens, through the favoring providence of God
our Saviour, that great numbers have united themselves to the most holy
Church in the city which is called by my name. It seems, therefore,
highly requisite, since that city is rapidly advancing in prosperity in
all other respects, that the number of Churches should also be
increased. Do you, therefore, receive with all readiness my
determination on this behalf. I have thought it expedient to instruct
your Prudence to order fifty copies of the sacred scriptures (the
provision and use of which you know to be most needful for the
instruction of the Church) to be written on prepared parchment in a
legible manner, and in a commodious and portable form, by transcribers
thoroughly practiced in their art. The procurator of the diocese has
also received instructions by letter from our Clemency to be careful to
furnish all things necessary for the preparation of such copies; and it
will be for you to take special care that they be completed with as
little delay as possible. You have authority also, in virtue of this
letter, to use two of the public carriages for their conveyance, by
which arrangement the copies when fairly written will most easily be
forwarded for my personal inspection; and one of the deacons of your
Church may be intrusted with this service, who, on his arrival here,
shall experience my liberality. God preserve you, beloved brother!"
59
From the Epistle of Eusebius of Nicomedia, to Paulinus, Bishop of Tyre
(given by Theodoret in his Eccles. Hist. I. 6).
"Neither has the zeal of my lord Eusebius concerning
the truth, nor thy silence in this matter been unknown, but has reached
even us. And, as was fitting, on the one hand we have rejoiced on
account of my lord Eusebius; but on the other, we are grieved on thy
account, since we look upon the silence of such a man as a condemnation
of our cause." From the Book of Basil, to Amphilochius, an the Holy
Spirit (chap. 29).
"If to any one Eusebius of Palestine seem
trustworthy on account of his great experience, we give his own words
in the Difficulties concerning the Polygamy of the Ancients." From the
Book of Questions an the Old and New Testaments, which is published
among the Works of Augustine (chap. 125).
"We remember to have read in a certain pamphlet of
Eusebius, a man formerly distinguished among the rest of men, that not
even the Holy Spirit knows the mystery of the nativity of our Lord
Jesus Christ; and I wonder that a man of so great learning should
have imposed this stigma · upon the Holy Spirit."
From Jerome's Epistle to
Pammachius and Oceanus (Ep. 65).
"Apollinarius wrote the very strongest books against
Porphyry; Eusebius has excellently composed his Ecclesiastical History.
Of these men, one taught an incomplete human nature in Christ; the
other was a most open defender of the heresy of Arius."
From the Apology of Jerome against
Rufinus (Book I chap. 8).
"As I have already said, Eusebius, bishop of
C'sarea, formerly leader of the Arian party, has written six books in
defense of Origen--a very extensive and elaborate work; with much
evidence he has proved that Origen was, from his point of view, a
Catholic, that is, from ours, an Arian."
From the same book (chap. 9).
"For Eusebius himself, a friend, eulogist and
companion of Pamphilus, has written three very elegant books comprising
a life of Pamphilus. In these, after extolling other things with
wondrous praises and exalting his humility to the skies, he also adds
this in the third book," &c.
And a little
further an in the same book (chap. II). "I have praised Eusebius in his
Ecclesiastical History, in his Chronological Canons, in his Description
of the Holy Land; and turning these same little works into Latin I have
given them to those of my own tongue. Am I therefore an Arian, because
Eusebius who wrote these books is an Arian?"From Jerome's second book
against Rufinus (chap. 16).
"Eusebius, a very learned man (I have said learned,
not Catholic; lest after the usual manner, even in this thing, thou
heap calumny upon me), in six volumes does nothing else than show
Origen to be of his own faith; that is, of the Arian heresy."
From the Preface of
Jerome's Book on Hebrew Topography.
"Eusebius, who took his surname from the blessed
martyr Pamphilus, after the ten books of his Ecclesiastical History,
after his Chronological Canons, which we have published in the Latin
tongue, after his Names of Various Nations, in which he showed how
these were formerly, and are now, called among the Hebrews; after his
Topography of the Land of Judea, with the inheritances of the tribes;
after his Jerusalem, also, and his Plan of the Temple, with a very
brief explanation,--after all these he has finally in this little work
labored that he might collect for us from Holy Scripture the names of
almost all the cities, mountains, rivers, villages, and divers places,
which either remain the same, or have since been changed, or else have
become corrupted from some source, wherefore we also, following the
zeal of this admirable man," &c.
60
From Jerome's Bank on Ecclesiastical Writers (chap. 61).
"Hippolytus, bishop of a certain church (I have not
indeed been able to find out the name of the city), wrote a reckoning
of Easter, and chronological tables up to the first year of the Emperor
Alexander, and hit upon a cycle of sixteen years which the Greeks call
<greek>ekkaigekaethriga</greek>; and gave an occasion to
Eusebius, who also composed an Easter canon, with a cycle of nineteen
years, that is <greek>enneagekaethriga</greek>
From the same book (chap. 81).
"Eusebius, bishop of C'sarea in Palestine, a man
most studious in the sacred Scriptures, and along with Pamphilus the
martyr a most diligent investigator of sacred literature, has edited an
inflate number of volumes, some of which are these: of the Demonstratio
Evangelica, twenty books; of the Pr'paratio Evangelica, fifteen books;
of the Theophania, five books; of the Ecclesiastical History, ten
books; a General History in Chronological Tables, and an Epitome of
them; also, On the Discrepancies of the Gospels; On Isaiah, ten books;
and Against Porphyry (who at the same time was writing in Sicily, as
some think), thirty books, of which only twenty have come to my notice;
of his Topica, one book; of the Apolagia, in defense of Origen, six
books; On the Life of Pamphilus, three books; Concerning the Martyrs,
other small works; also very learned commentaries on the hundred and
fifty Psalms, and many other writings. He flourished chiefly under the
emperors Constantine and Constantius; and on account of his friendship
with Pamphilus the martyr, he took from him his surname."
From the same book (chap. 96).
"Eusebius, by nation a Sardinian, and, after being
reader in Rome, bishop of Vercell', on account of his confession of the
faith banished by the Prince Constantius to Scythopolis, and thence to
Cappadocia, under Julian the emperor sent back to the Church, has
published the Commentaries on the Psalms of Eusebius of C'sarea, which
he had translated from Greek into Latin."
Jerome in the
Preface to his Commentaries an Daniel.
"Against the prophet Daniel Porphyry wrote a twelfth
volume, denying that that book was composed by him with whose name it
is inscribed, &c. To him Eusebius, bishop of C'sarea, has replied
very skillfully in three volumes, that is, in volumes XVIII., XIX., and
XX. Apollinarius also in one large volume, that is, in the twenty-sixth
volume, and before these, in part, Methodius." Jerome on the
Twenty-fourth Chapter of Matthew.
"Concerning this place, that is, concerning the
abomination of desolation which was spoken of by the prophet Daniel,
standing in the holy place, Porphyry has uttered many blasphemies
against us in the thirteenth volume of his work. To whom Eusebius,
bishop of C'sarea, has replied in three volumes, that is, in volumes
XVIII., XIX., and XX."
The same, in his Epistle to Magnus (Ep. 84).
"Celsus and Porphyry have written against us. To the
former Origen, to the latter Methodius, Eusebius, and Apollinarius have
very vigorously replied. Of whom Origen wrote eight books, Methodius
proceeded as far as ten thousand lines, Eusebius and Apollinarius
composed twenty-five and thirty volumes respectively."
The same, in his Epistle to Pammachius
and Oceanus (Ep. 65).
"What more skillful, more learned, more eloquent men
can be found than Eusebius and Didymus, the advocates of Origen? The
former of whom, in the six volumes of his Apologia, proves that he
[Origen] was of the same opinion as himself."
Jerome, in the Preface to his Commentaries an Isaiah.
"Eusebius Pamphili also has published an historical
commentary in fifteen volumes." The same, in the Preface to the Fifth
Book of his Commentaries an Isaiah.
"Shall I take upon myself a work at which the most
learned men have labored hard? I speak of Origen and Eusebius Pomphili.
Of these the former wanders afar in the free spaces of alle-
61
gory, and his genius so interprets single names as to make out of them
the sacred things of the Church. The latter, while promising in his
title an historical exposition, meanwhile forgets his purpose, and
yields himself up to the tenets of Origen."
The same, in the fifth book of his
Commentaries on Isaiah.
"Eusebius of C'sarea, while promising in his title
an historical exposition, strays off in divers notions: while reading
his books I found much else than what he gave promise of in his title.
For wherever history has failed him, he has crossed over into allegory;
and in such a manner does he unite things that are distinct, that I
wonder at his joining together by a new art of discourse stone and iron
into one body."
Ferome an the first chapter of Matthew.
"This [chapter] also Africanus, a writer of
chronology, and Eusebius of C'sarea, in his books on the Discrepancies
of the Gospels, have discussed more fully."
Rufinus in his Epistle to the Bishop Chromatius.
"You charge me to translate into Latin the
Ecclesiastical History, which the very learned Eusebius of C'sarea
wrote in the Greek tongue."
Augustine, in his Book on Heresies (chap. 83).
"When I had searched through the History of
Eusebius, to which Rufinus, after having himself translated it into the
Latin tongue, has also added two books of subsequent history, I did not
find any heresy which I had not read among these very ones, except that
one which Eusebius inserts in his sixth book, stating that it had
existed in Arabia. Therefore these heretics, since he assigns them no
founder, we may call Arabians, who declared that the soul dies and is
destroyed along with the body, and that at the end of the world both
are raised again. But he states that they were very quickly corrected,
these by the disputation of Origen in person, and those by his
exhortation."
Antipater, Bishop of Bostra, in his First Book
against Eusebius of C'sarea's Apology for Origen.
"Since now, this man was very learned, having
searched out and traced back all the books and writings of the more
ancient writers, and having set forth the opinions of almost all of
them, and having left behind very many writings, some of which are
worthy of all acceptation, making use of such an estimation as this of
the man, they attempt to lead away some, saying, that Eusebius would
not have chosen to take this view, unless he had accurately ascertained
that all the opinions of the ancients required it. I, indeed, agree and
admit that the man was very learned, and that not anything of the more
ancient writings escaped his knowledge; for, taking advantage of the
imperial co-operation, he was enabled easily to collect for his use
material from whatever quarter."
From the First Book of Extracts from the
Ecclesiastical History of Philostorgius.
"Philostorgius, while praising Eusebius Pamphili
both as to whatever of worth belongs to his histories and as to other
things, yet declares that with regard to religion he has fallen into
great error; and that he impiously sets forth this error of his in
detail, holding that the Deity is unknowable and incomprehensible.
Moreover, he holds that he has also gone astray on other such things.
But he unites with others in attesting that he brought his History down
to the accession of the sons of Constantine the Great."
Socrates in the First Book of his Ecclesiastical History
(chap. 1).
"Eusebius, surnamed Pamphilus (i.e. universally
beloved), has composed a History of the Church in ten books, brought
down to the time of the Emperor Constantine, when the persecution
ceased which Diocletian had commenced against the Christians. But, in
writing the life of Constantine, this author has very slightly treated
of the Arian controversy, being evidently more intent on a highly
wrought eulogium of the emperor than an accurate statement of facts."
62
The same Socrates in the Eighth Chapter of the same Book, speaking of
Sabinus, Bishop of Macedonia, who had written a History of the Synod,
says:--
"Yet he commends Eusebius Pamphilus as a witness
worthy of credit, and praises the Emperor as capable in stating
Christian doctrines; but he still brands the faith which was declared
at Nice as having been set forth by ignorant men, and such as had no
intelligence in the matter. Thus he voluntarily contemns the testimony
of a man whom he himself pronounces a wise and true witness; for
Eusebius declares that of the ministers of God who were present at the
Nicene Synod, some were eminent for the word of wisdom, others for the
strictness of their life; and that the Emperor himself being present,
leading all into unanimity, established unity of judgment, and
conformity of opinion among them."
The same Socrates, in Book II. chap.
"But since some have attempted to stigmatize
Eusebius Pamphilus as having favored the Arian views in his works, it
may not be irrelevant here to make a few remarks respecting him. In the
first place, then, he was present at the council of Nice, and gave his
assent to what was there determined in reference to the
consubstantiality of the Son with the Father, and in the third book of
the Life of Constantine, he thus expressed himself: 'The Emperor
incited all to unanimity, until he had rendered them united in judgment
on those points on which they were previously at variance: so that they
were quite agreed at Nice in matters of faith.' Since, therefore,
Eusebius, in mentioning the Nicene Synod, says that all differences
were composed, and that unanimity of sentiment prevailed, what ground
is there for assuming that he was himself an Arian? The Arians are
certainly deceived in supposing him to be a favorer of their tenets.
But some one will perhaps say that in his discourses he seems to have
adopted the opinions of Arius, because of his frequently saying by
Christ. Our answer is that ecclesiastical writers often use this mode
of expression, and others of a similar kind denoting the economy of our
Saviour's humanity: and that before all these the apostle made use of
such expressions without ever being accounted a teacher of false
doctrine. Moreover, inasmuch as Arius has dared to say that the Son is
a creature, as one of the others, observe what Eusebius says on this
subject in his first book against Marcellus:
"'He alone, and no other, has been declared to be,
and is the only-begotten Son of God; whence any one would justly
censure those who have presumed to affirm that he is a Creature made of
nothing, like the rest of the creatures; far how then would he be a
Son? and how could he be God's only-begotten, were he assigned the same
nature as the other creatures, and were he one of the many created
things, seeing that he, like them, would in that case be partaker of a
creation from nothing? The sacred Scriptures do not thus instruct us
concerning these things.' He again adds a little afterwards: 'Whoever
then determines that the Son is made of things that are not, and that
he is a creature produced from nothing pre-existing, forgets that while
he concedes the name of Son, he denies him to be so in reality. Far he
that is made of nothing cannot truly be the Son of God, any more than
the other things which have been made: but the true Son of God,
forasmuch as he is begotten of the Father, is properly denominated the
only-begotten and beloved of the Father. Far this reason also, he
himself is God: for what can the offspring of God be but the perfect
resemblance of him who begat him? A sovereign, indeed, builds a city,
but does not beget it; and is said to beget a son, not to build one. An
artificer may be called the framer, but not the father of his work;
while he could by no means be styled the framer of him whom he had
begotten. So also the God of the Universe is the father of the Son; but
would be fitly termed the Framer and Maker of the world. And although
it is once said in Scripture, The Lord created me the beginning of his
ways on account of his works, yet it becomes us to consider the import
of this phrase, which I shall hereafter explain; and not, as Marcellus
has done, from a single passage to subvert one of the most important
doctrines of the Church.'
"These and many other such expressions are found in
the first book of Eusebius Pamphilus against Marcellus; and in his
third book, declaring in what sense the term creature is to be taken,
he says: 'Accordingly these things being established, it follows that
in the same sense as that which preceded, these words also are to be
understood, The Lord created me in the beginning of his ways on account
of his works. Far although he says that he was created, it is not as if
he should say that he had arrived at existence from what was not, nor
that he himself also was made of nothing like the rest of the
creatures, which some have erroneously supposed: but as subsisting,
living, pre-existing, and being before the constitution of the whale
world; and having been appointed to rule the universe by his Lord and
Father: the word created being here used instead of ordained or
constituted. Certainly the apostle expressly called the rulers and
governors among men creature, when he said, Submit yourselves to every
human creature for the Lord's sake;
63
whether to the king as supreme, or to governors as those sent by him.
The prophet also does not use the word
<greek>ektisen</greek> created in the sense of made of that
which had no previous existence, when he says, Prepare, Israel, to
invoke thy God. For behold he who confirms the thunder, creates the
Spirit, and announces his Christ unto men. For God did not then create
the Spirit when he declared his Christ to all men, since There is
nothing new under the sun; but the Spirit was, and subsisted before:
but he was sent at what time the apostles were gathered together, when
like thunder, There came a sound from heaven as of a rushing mighty
wind: and they were filled with the Holy Spirit. And thus they declared
unto all men the Christ of God in accordance with that prophecy which
says, Behold he who confirms the thunder, creates the spirit, and
announces his Christ unto men: the word creates being used instead of
sends down, or appoints; and thunder in a similar way implying the
preaching of the Gospel. Again he that says, Create in me a clean
heart, O God, said not this as if he had no heart; but prayed that his
mind might be purified. Thus also it is said, That he might create the
two into one new man, instead of unite. Consider also whether this
passage is not of the same kind, Clothe yourselves with the new man,
which is created according to God; and this, if, therefore, any one be
in Christ, he is a new creature, and Whatever other expressions of a
similar nature any one may find who shall carefully search the
divinely-inspired Scripture. Wherefore one should not be surprised if
in this passage, The Lord created me the beginning of his ways, the
term created is used metaphorically, instead of appointed, or
constituted.'
"These quotations from the books of Eusebius against
Marcellus have been adduced to confute those who have slanderously
attempted to traduce and criminate him. Neither can they prove that
Eusebius attributes a beginning of subsistence to the Son of God,
although they may find him often using the expressions of dispensation:
and especially so, because he was an emulator and admirer of the works
of Origen, in which those who are able to comprehend that author's
writings, will perceive it to be everywhere stated that the Son was
begotten of the Father. These remarks have been made in passing, in
order to refute those who have misrepresented Eusebius."
Sozomen in the First Book of his Ecclesiastical History
(chap. 1.).
"I at first felt strongly inclined to trace the
course of events from the very commencement; but on reflecting that
similar records of the past, up to their own time, had been compiled by
the learned Clemens and Hegesippus, successors of the apostles, by
Africanus the historian and Eusebius surnamed Pamphilus, a man
intimately acquainted with the sacred Scriptures and the writings of
the Greek poets and historians, I merely drew up an epitome in two
books of all that is recorded to have happened to the churches, from
the ascension of Christ to the deposition of Licinius."
Victorius in the Paschal Canon.
"Reviewing therefore the trustworthy histories of
the ancients, namely the Chronicles and prologue of the blessed
Eusebius, bishop of C'sarea, a city in Palestine, a man pre-eminently
accomplished and learned; and likewise those things which have been
added to these same Chronicles by Jerome of sacred memory." Jerome, in
his Epistle to Chromatius and Heliodorus, prefixed to the Martyrology
which bears Jerome's Name.
"It is evident that our Lord Jesus Christ obtains
triumphs at every martyrdom of his saints, whose sufferings we find
described by the saintly Eusebius, bishop of C'sarea. For when
Constantine Augustus came to C'sarea and told the celebrated bishop to
ask some favors which should benefit the church at C'sarea, it is said
that Eusebius answered: That a church enriched by its own resources was
under no necessity of asking favors, yet that he himself had an
unalterable desire, that whatever had been done in the Roman republic
against God's saints by successive judges in the whole Roman world they
should search out by a careful examination of the public records; and
that they should draw from the archives themselves and send to Eusebius
himself, by royal command, the names of the martyrs: under what judge,
in what province or city, upon what day, and with what steadfastness,
they had obtained the reward of their suffering. Whence it has come
about that, being an able narrator and a diligent historiographer, he
has both composed an Ecclesiastical History and has set forth the
triumphs of nearly all of the martyrs of all the Roman provinces."
64
Pope Gelasius in his Decree concerning the Apocryphal Books.
"Likewise as to the Chronicles of Eusebius and the
books of his Ecclesiastical History, although in the first book of his
narration he has grown cold, and has afterwards written one book in
praise and in defense of Origen the schismatic, yet on account of his
singular knowledge of things which pertain to instruction, we do not
say that they ought to be rejected." The same in his book On the Two
Natures.
"That saying the same thing with one heart and one
mouth we may also believe what we have received from our forefathers,
and, God giving them to us, that we may hand them down to posterity to
be believed in, with which things the adduced testimony of the Catholic
masters, being summed up, bear witness that a united faith in a
gracious God endures."
And a little farther on.
"From the exposition of the seventh psalm, by
Eusebius, bishop in Palestine, by surname Pomphili, etc. Likewise from
his Pr'paratio Evangelica, Book Pope Pelagius II. in his Third Epistle
to Elias of Aquileia and other Bishops of Istria.
"For, indeed, among h'resiarchs who can be found
worse than Origen, and among historiographers who more honorable than
Eusebius? And who of us does not know with how great praises Eusebius
extols Origen in his books? But because the holy Church deals more
kindly with the hearts of her faithful ones than she does severely with
their words, neither could the testimony of Eusebius remove him from
his proper place among heretics, nor on the other hand has she
condemned Eusebius for the fault of praising Origen." Evagrius, in the
First Book of his Ecclesiastical History (chap. 1).
"Eusebius Pomphili--an especially able writer, to
the extent, in particular, of inducing his readers to embrace our
religion, though failing to perfect them in the faith--and Sozomen,
Theodoret, and Socrates have produced a most excellent record of the
advent of our compassionate God, and his ascension into heaven, and of
all that has been achieved in the endurance of the divine Apostles, as
well as of the other martyrs," etc.
Gregory the Great in his Epistle to Eulogius, Bishop of
Alexandria.
"I have now become one of the number of hearers, to
whom your Holiness has taken the pains to write, that we ought to
transmit the deeds of all the martyrs which have been collected by
Eusebius of C'sarea in the age of Constantine of holy memory. But I was
not aware before receiving your Holiness' letter whether these things
had been collected or not. I therefore am thankful that being informed
by the writings of your most holy learning, I have begun to know what I
did not know before. For excepting these things which are contained in
the books of this same Eusebius On the deeds of the holy martyrs, I
have met with nothing else in the archives of this our church, nor in
the libraries of Rome, except some few collected in a single volume."
Gelasius of Cyzicus in his Second Book On the Council of Nic'a (chap.
1).
"Let us hear now what says this the most illustrious
husbandman in ecclesiastical farming, the most truth-loving Eusebius,
surnamed after the celebrated Pamphilus. Licinius, indeed, he says,
having followed the same path of impiety with the ungodly tyrants, has
justly been brought to the same precipice with them, etc. (which may be
found at the end of the tenth book of the Ecclesiastical History). As
to Eusebius Pomphili, the most trustworthy of ancient ecclesiastical
historians, who has investigated and set forth so many struggles,
having made a choice from among his simply written works, we say that
in all ten books of his Ecclesiastical History he has left behind an
accurately written work. Beginning with the advent of our Lord he has,
not without much labor, proceeded as far as those times. For how else
could it be with him who took so great care to preserve for us the
harmony of this collection? But as I have just said, he brought to bear
upon it much study and an untold amount of labor. But let no one
suppose, from those things which have been alleged with regard to him,
that this man ever adopted the heresy of Arius; but let him be sure,
that even if he did speak somewhat of, and did write briefly concerning
the conjectures of Arius, he certainly did not do it on account of his
entertaining the impious notion of that man, but from artless
simplicity, as indeed he himself fully assures us in his Apology, which
he distributed generally among orthodox bishops."
65
The
author of the Alexandrian Chronicle (p. 582).
"The very learned Eusebius Pamphili has written
thus: As the Jews crucified Christ at the feast, so they all perished
at their own feast."
Nicephorus in the
Sixth Book of his History (chap. 37).
"Upon whose authority also we know of the divine
Pamphilus as both living the life of a philosopher and wearing the
dignity of presbyter in that place. His life and every event in it,
also. his establishing in that place the study of sacred and profane
philosophy, also his confession of his religion in divers persecutions,
his struggles, and at last his wearing the martyr's crown, Eusebius his
nephew, who had such a regard for him as to take from him his surname,
has comprehended in detail in one separate book; to this we refer those
who may wish to find out accurately concerning him. This Eusebius,
indeed, although having prosecuted many studies, especially excels in
the study of sacred literature. His life extended until the time of
Constantius. Being a man pre-eminently Christian, and endowed with
great zeal for Christ, he has written the poratio Evangelica in fifteen
books, and in ten more the Demonstratio Evangelica. He was also the
first one to take in hand this subject, having been the first to call
his book an Ecclesiastical History; this work is contained in ten
volumes. There is also another book of his extant which he entitled
Canons, in which he accurately investigates chronological matters. He
has also composed five books On the Life of Constantine, and another
addressed to him which he calls
<greek>triakont?eth</greek>. To Stephanus he also dedicates
another concerning those things in the sacred Gospels which have been
called in question; and he has also left behind divers other works
which are of great benefit to the Church. Apart from being such a man
as this, he in many ways seems to uphold the opinions of Arius," etc.
From the MS. Acts of Pope Silvester.
"Eusebius Pamphili, in writing his Ecclesiastical
History), has in every case omitted to mention those things which he
has pointed out in other works; for he has put into eleven books the
sufferings of the martyrs, bishops, and confessors, who have suffered
in almost all the provinces. But indeed as to the sufferings of women
and maidens, such as with manly fortitude suffered for the sake of
Christ the Lord, he records nothing. He is, moreover, the only one who
has set forth in their order the sufferings of the bishops, from the
Apostle Peter down. Moreover, he drew up for the benefit of the public
a catalogue of the pontiffs of those cities and apostolic seats; that
is, of the great city of Rome, and the cities of Alexandria and
Antioch. Of the number then of those of whom, up to his own times, the
above-mentioned author wrote in the Greek tongue, this man's life he
was unable to paraphrase; that is, the life of the saint Silvester,"
etc.
An ancient author in
the Passion of the Holy Valerian.
"The glorious struggles of the most blessed martyrs,
for the honor of Christ the Lord and of our God, are celebrated by
perpetual services and an annual solemnity, that while our faithful
people know the faith of the martyrs, they may also rejoice in their
triumphs, and may rest assured that it is by the protection of these
that they themselves are to be protected. For it is held in repute that
Eusebius the historian, of sacred memory, bishop of the city of
C'sarea, a most blessed priest of excellent life, very learned also in
ecclesiastical matters, and to be venerated for his extraordinary
carefulness, set forth for every city, in so far as the truth was able
to be ascertained, the Holy Spirit announcing the deeds that had been
done,--inasmuch as the cities of single provinces and localities or
towns have merited being made famous by the heavenly triumphs of
martyrs,--set forth, I say, in the time of what rulers the innumerable
persecutions were inflicted at the command of officials. Who, although
he has not described entire the sufferings of individual martyrs, yet
has truly intimated why they ought to be described or celebrated by
faithful and devoted Christians. Thus this faithful husbandman has
cultivated the grace of God, which has been scattered abroad in all the
earth, while, as it were, from a single grain of wheat, plenteous
harvests are produced on account of the fertility of the field, and go
on in multiplied abundance. So through the narration of the
above-mentioned man, diffused from the fountain of a single book, with
the ever-spreading writings of the faithful, the celebrating of the
sufferings of the martyrs has watered all the earth."
Usuardus in his Martyrology.
"On the twenty-first day of June, in Palestine, the
holy Eusebius, bishop and confessor, a man of most excellent genius,
and a historiographer."
66
Notker in his Martyrology.
"On the twenty-first day of June, the deposition in C'sarea of the holy
bishop Eusebius."
Manecharius in his Epistle
to Ceraunius, Bishop of Paris.
"Unceasing in thy continual efforts to equal in
merit the very excellent persons of the most blessed bishops in all the
conversation of the priesthood, zealous to adorn thyself every day with
holy religion, by thy zeal for reading thou hast searched through the
whole of the doctrines of the sacred Scriptures. Now as an addition to
thy praiseworthiness thou dost faithfully purpose, in the city of
Paris, to gather together for the love of religion, the deeds of the
holy martyrs. Wherefore thou art worthy of being compared in zeal with
Eusebius of C'sarea, and art worthy of being remembered perpetually
with an equal share of glory."
From an old Manuscript Breviary of the
Lemovicensian Church.
"Of the holy Eusebius, bishop and confessor.
"Lesson 1. Eusebius, bishop of C'sarea in Palestine,
on account of his friendship with Pamphilus the martyr, took from him
the surname of Pamphili; inasmuch as along with this same Pamphilus he
was a most diligent investigator of sacred literature. The man indeed
is very worthy of being remembered in these times, both for his skill
in many things, and for his wonderful genius, and by both Gentiles and
Christians he was held distinguished and most noble among philosophers.
This man, after having for a time labored in behalf of the Arian
heresy, coming to the council of Nic'a, inspired by the Holy Spirit,
followed the decision of the Fathers, and thereafter up to the time of
his death lived in a most holy manner in the orthodox faith.
"Lesson 2. He was, moreover, very zealous in the
study of the sacred Scriptures, and along with Pamphilus the martyr was
a most diligent investigator of sacred literature. At the same time he
has written many things, but especially the following books: The
Pr'paratio Evangelica, the Ecclesiastical History, Against Porphyry, a
very bitter enemy of the Christians; he has also composed Six Apologies
in Behalf of Origen, a Life of Pamphilus the Martyr, from whom on
account of friendship he took his surname, in three books; likewise
very learned Commentaries on the hundred and fifty Psalms.
"Lesson 3. Moreover, as we read, after having
ascertained the sufferings of many holy martyrs in all the provinces,
and the lives of confessors and virgins, he has written concerning
these saints twenty books; while on account of these books therefore,
and especially on account of his Pr'paratio Evangelica, he was held
most distinguished among the Gentiles, because of his love of truth he
contemned the ancestral worship of the gods. He has written also a
Chronicle, extending from the first year of Abraham up to the year 300
A.D., which the divine Hieronymus has continued. Finally this Eusebius,
after the conversion of Constantine the Great, was united to him by
strong friendship as long as he lived."
In the Breviary of the
same church, June twenty-first.
"Omnipotent, eternal God, who dost permit us to take
part in the festivities in honor of Eusebius, thy holy confessor and
priest, bring us, we pray thee, through his prayers, into the society
of heavenly joys, through our Lord Jesus Christ," etc.[1]
From the book On the Lights of the Church.
"Eusebius of C'sarea, the key of the Scriptures and
custodian of the New Testament, is proved by the Greeks to be greater
than many in his treatises. There are three celebrated works of his
which truly testify to this: the Canons of the Four Gospels, which set
forth and defend the New Testament, ten books of Ecclesiastical
History, and the Chronicon, that is, a chronological summary. We have
never found any one who has been able to follow in all his foot-prints."
From the
Miscellanies of Theodore Metochita (chap. 19)
"Eusebius Pamphili was also a Palestinian by birth,
but as he himself says, he sojourner for quite a long time in Egypt. He
was a very learned man, and it is evident indeed that he published many
books, and that he used language thus."
69
Again, in the same chapter.
"Eustathius, bishop of Antioch, accuses Eusebius
Pamphilus of perverting the Nicene Creed; but Eusebius denies that he
violates that exposition of the faith, and recriminates, saying that
Eustathius was a defender of the opinion of Sabellius. In consequence
of these misunderstandings, each of them wrote volumes as if contending
against adversaries: and although it was admitted on both sides that
the Son of God has a distinct person and existence, and all
acknowledged that there is one God in a Trinity of Persons; yet, from
what cause I am unable to divine, they could not agree among
themselves, and therefore were never at peace." Theodoritus, in his
Interpretation of the Epistle of Paul to the Hebrews, speaking of the
Arians, writes as follows:
"If not even this is sufficient to persuade them, it
at least behooves them to believe Eusebius of Palestine, whom they call
the chief advocate of their own doctrines." Nicetas, in his Thesaurus
of the Orthodox Faith, Book F. Chap. 7.
"Moreover, Theodore of Mopsuestia relates that there
were only nine persons out of all whom the decrees of the Synod did not
please, and that their names are as follows: Theognis of Nic'a,
Eusebius of Nicomedia, Patrophilus of Scythopolis, Eusebius of C'sarea
in Palestine, Narcissus of Neronias in Cilicia, which is now called
Irenopolis, Paulinus of Tyre, Menophantus of Ephesus, Secundus of
Ptolemaïs, which borders upon Egypt, and Theonas of Marmarica."[1]
Antipater, Bishop of Bostra, in his First Book against Eusebius'
Apology for Origen.
"I deny that the man has yet arrived at an accurate
knowledge of the doctrines; wherefore he ought to be given place
to so far as regards his great learning, but as regards his knowledge
of doctrine he ought not. But, moreover, we know him to have been
altogether lacking in such
accurate knowledge."
And a little farther on.
"So now, that we may not seem to be trampling upon the
man,--concerning whom it is not our purpose for the present to
speak,--examining into the accuracy of his Apology, we may go on to
show that both were heretics, both he who composed the Apology, and he
in whose behalf it was composed."
And farther on.
"For as to your attempting to show that others as
well as he [Origen] have spoken of the subordination of the Son to the
Father, we may not at first wonder at it, for such is your opinion and
that of your followers; wherefore we say nothing concerning this matter
for the present, since it was long ago submitted and condemned at the
general Council."
From
the Acts of the Seventh OEcumenical Council.
"For who of the faithful ones in the Church, and who
of those who have obtained a knowledge of true doctrine, does not know
that Eusebius Pamphili has given himself over to false ways of
thinking, and has become of the same opinion and of the same mind with
those who follow after the opinions of Arius? In all his historical
books he calls the Son and Word of God a creature, a servant, and to be
adored as second in rank. But if any speaking in his defense say that
he subscribed in the council, we may admit that that is true; but while
with his lips he has respected the truth, in his heart he is far from
it, as all his writings and epistles go to show. But if from time to
time, on account of circumstances or from different causes, he has
become confused or has changed around, sometimes praising those who
hold to the doctrines of Arius, and at other times reigning the truth,
he shows himself to be, according to James the brother of our Lord, a
double-minded man, unstable in all his ways; and let him not think that
he shall receive anything of the Lord. For if with the heart he had
believed unto righteousness, and with the mouth had confessed the truth
unto salvation, he would have asked forgiveness for his writings, at
the same time correcting them. But this he has by no means done, for he
remained like 'thiops with his skin unchanged. In interpreting the
verse 'I said to the Lord, Thou art my Lord,' he has strayed far away
from the true sense, for this is what he says: 'By the laws of nature
every son's father
70
must be his lord; wherefore God who begat him must be at the same time
God, Lord, and Father of the only-begotten Son of God.' So also in his
epistle to the holy Alexander, the teacher of the great Athanasius,
which begins thus: 'With what anxiety and with what care have I set
about writing this letter,' in most open blasphemy he speaks as follows
concerning Arius and his followers: 'Thy letter accuses them of saying
that the Son was made out of nothing, like all men. But they have
produced their own epistle which they wrote to thee, in which they give
an account of their faith, and expressly confess that "the God of the
law and of the prophets and of the New Testament, before eternal ages
begat an only-begotten Son, through whom also he made the ages and the
universe; and that he begat him not in appearance, but in truth, and
subjected him to his own will, unchangeable and immutable, a perfect
creature of God, but not as one of the creatures." If, therefore, the
letter received from them tells the truth, they wholly contradict thee,
in that they confess that the Son of God who existed before eternal
ages, and through whom he made the world, is unchangeable and a perfect
creature of God, but not as one of the creatures. But thy epistle
accuses them of saying that the Son was made as one of the creatures.
They do not say this, but clearly declare that he was not as one of the
creatures. See if cause is not immediately given them again to attack
and to misrepresent whatever they please. Again thou findest fault with
them for saying that He who is begat him who was not. I wonder if any
one is able to say anything else than that. For if He who is is one, it
is plain that everything has been made by Him and after Him. But if He
who is is not the only one, but there was also a Son existing, how did
He who is beget him who was existing? For thus those existing would be
two.' These things then Eusebius wrote to the illustrious Alexander;
but there are also other epistles of his directed to the same holy man,
in which are found various blasphemies in defense of the followers of
Arius. So also, in writing to the bishop Euphration, he blasphemes most
openly; his letter begins thus: 'I return to my Lord all thanks'; and
farther on: 'For we do not say that the Son was with the Father, but
that the Father was before the Son. But the Son of God himself, knowing
well that he was greater than all, and knowing that he was other than
the Father, and less than and subject to Him, very piously teaches this
to us also when he says, "The Father who sent me is greater than I."'
And farther on: 'Since the Son also is himself God, but not true God.'
So then from these writings of his he shows that he holds to the
doctrines of Arius and his followers. And with this rebellious heresy
of theirs the inventors of that Arian madness hold to one nature in
hypostatic union, and affirm that our Lord took upon himself a body
without soul, in his scheme of redemption, affirming that the divine
nature supplied the purposes and movements of the soul: that, as
Gregory the Divine says, they may ascribe suffering to the Deity; and
it is evident that those who ascribe suffering to the Deity are
Patripassians. Those who share in this heresy do not allow images, as
the impious Severus did not, and Peter Cnapheus, and Philoxenus of
Hierapolis, and all their followers, the many-headed yet headless
hydra. So then Eusebius, who belongs to this faction, as has been shown
from his epistles and historical writings, as a Patripassian rejected
the image of Christ," etc.[1]
Photius, in his 144th Epistle to Constantine.
"That Eusebius (whether slave or friend of Pamphilus
I know not) was carried off by Arianism, his books loudly proclaim. And
he, feeling repentance as he pretends, and against his will, confesses
to his infirmity; although by his repentance he rather shows that he
has not repented. For he cannot show, by means of those writings in
which he would seem to be defending himself, that he has withdrawn from
his former heretical doctrines, nor can he show that he agreed with the
holy and OEcumenical Synod. But he speaks of it as a marvel that the
upholders of the Homoousion should concur with him in sentiment and
agree with him in opinion: and this fact both many other things and the
epistle written by him to his own people at C'sarea accurately confirm.
But that from the beginning he inwardly cherished the Arian doctrines,
and that up to the end of his life he did not cease following them,
many know, and it is easy to gather it from many sources; but that he
shared also in the infirmity of Origen, namely, the error with regard
to the common resurrection of us all, is to most persons unknown. But
if thou thyself examine carefully his books, thou shalt see that he was
none the less truly overcome by that deadly disease than he was by the
Arian madness."
Photius, in his Bibliotheca (chap. 13).
"Of the Objection and Defense of Eusebius two books
have been read; also other two, which although differing in some
respects from the former two, are in other respects the same with regard
71
to both diction and thought. But he presents certain difficulties with
regard to our blameless religion as having originated with the Greeks.
These he correctly solves, although not in all cases. But as regards
his diction, it is by no means either pleasing or brilliant. The man is
indeed very learned, although as regards shrewdness of mind and
firmness of character, as well as accuracy in doctrine, he is
deficient. For also in many places in these books it is plain to be
seen that he blasphemes against the Son, calling him a second cause,
and general-in-chief, and other terms which have had their origin in
the Arian madness. It seems that he flourished in the time of
Constantine the Great. He was also an ardent admirer of the excellences
of the holy martyr Pamphilus, for which cause some say that he took
from him the surname Pamphili."
Photius, in the Same Work (chap. 127).
"There has been read the work of Eusebius Pamphili
In praise of the great emperor Constantine, consisting of four books.
In this is contained the whole life of the man, starting with his very
boyhood, also whatever deeds of his belong to ecclesiastical history,
until he departed from life at the age of sixty-four. Eusebius is,
however, even in this work, like himself in diction, except that his
discourse has risen to a somewhat more than usual brilliancy, and that
sometimes he has made use of more flowery expressions than he is wont.
However, of pleasantness and beauty of expression there is little, as
indeed is the case in his other works. He inserts, moreover, in this
work of his in four books very many passages from the whole decalogue
of his Ecclesiastical History. He says that Constantine the Great
himself also was baptized in Nicomedia, he having put off his baptism
until then, because he desired to be baptized in the Jordan. Who
baptized him he does not clearly show. However, as to the heresy of
Arius, he does not definitely state whether he holds that opinion, or
whether he has changed; or even whether Arius held correct or incorrect
views, although he ought to have made mention of these things, because
the synod occupied an important place among the deeds of Constantine
the Great, and it again demands a detailed account of them. But he does
state that a 'controversy' arose between Arius and Alexander (this is
the name he cunningly gives to the heresy), and that the God-fearing
prince was very much grieved at this controversy, and strove by
epistles and through Hosius, who was then bishop of Cordova, to bring
back the dissenting parties into peace and concord, they having laid
aside the strife existing between them with regard to such questions;
and that when he could not persuade them to do this he convoked a synod
from all quarters, and that it dissolved into peace the strife that had
arisen. These things, however, are not described accurately or clearly;
it would seem then that he is ashamed, as it were, and does not wish to
make public the vote cast against Arius in the Synod, and the just
retribution of those who were his companions in impiety and who were
cast out together with him. Finally, he does not even mention the
terrible fate which was inflicted by God upon Arius in the sight of
all. None of these things he brings to the light, nor has he drawn up
an account of the Synod and the things that were done in it. Whence,
also, when about to write a narrative concerning the divine Eustathius,
he does not even mention his name, nor what things were threatened and
executed against him; but referring these things also to sedition and
tumult, he again speaks of the calmness of the bishops, who having been
convened in Antioch by the zeal and cooperation of the Emperor, changed
the sedition and tumult into peace. Likewise as to what things were
maliciously contrived against the ever-conquering Athanasius, when he
set about making his history cover these things, he says that
Alexandria again was filled with sedition and tumult, and that this was
calmed by the coming of the bishops, who had the imperial aid. But he
by no means makes it clear who was the leader of the sedition, what
sort of sedition it was, or by what means the strife was settled. He
also keeps up almost the same mode of dissimulating in his account of
the contentions existing among bishops with respect to doctrines, and
their disagreements on other matters." Joannes Zonaras, in his Third
Volume, in which he relates the Deeds of Constantine.
"Even Eusebius Pamphili, bishop of C'sarea in
Palestine, was at that time one of those who upheld the doctrines of
Arius. He is said to have afterwards withdrawn from the opinion of
Arius, and to have become of like mind with those who hold that the Son
is coëqual and of the same nature with the Father, and to have
been received into communion by the holy Fathers. Moreover, in the Acts
of the first Synod, he is found to have defended the faithful. These
things are found thus narrated by some; but he makes them to appear
doubtful by certain things which he is seen to have written in his
Ecclesiastical History. For in many places in the above-mentioned work
he seems to be following after Arius. In the very beginning of his
book, where he quotes David as saying, 'He spake and they were made, he
commanded and they were estab-
72
lished,' he says that the Father and Maker is to be considered as maker
and universal ruler, governing by a kingly nod, and that the second
after him in authority, the divine Word, is subject to the commands of
the Father. And farther on he says, that he, as being the power and
wisdom of the Father, is entrusted with the second place in the kingdom
and rule over all. And again, a little farther on, that there is also a
certain essence, living and subsisting before the world, which
ministers to the God and Father of the universe for the creation of
things that are created. Also Solomon, in the person of the wisdom of
God, says, 'The Lord created me in the beginning of his ways,' etc.,
and farther on he says: And besides all this, as the pre-existent word
of God, who also preëxisted before all ages created, he received
divine honor from the Father, and is worshipped as God. These and other
things show that Eusebius agreed with Arian doctrines, unless some one
say that they were written before his conversion." Suidas, under the
word <greek>Diodwros</greek>.
"Diodorus, a monk, who was bishop of Tarsus in
Cilicia, in the times of Julian and Valens, wrote divers works, as
Theodorus Lector states in his Ecclesiastical History. These are as
follows: A Chronicle, which corrects the error of Eusebius Pamphilus
with regard to chronology," etc.
The same Suidas, from Sophronius.
"Eusebius Pamphili, a devotee of the Arian heresy,
bishop of C'sarea in Palestine, a man zealous in the study of the holy
Scriptures, and along with Pamphilus the martyr a most careful
investigator of sacred literature, has published many books, among
which are the following."[1]
THE CHURCH HISTORY OF EUSEBIUS.
BOOK I.
CHAPTER I.
The Plan of the Work.
1 It is my purpose to write an account of the successions of the
holy apostles, as well as of the times which have elapsed from the days
of our Saviour to our own; and to relate the many important events
which are said to have occurred in the history of the Church; and to
mention those who have governed and presided over the Church in the
most prominent parishes, and those who in each generation have
proclaimed the divine word either orally or in writing.
2 It is my purpose also to give the names and number
and times of those who through love of innovation have run into the
greatest errors, and, proclaiming themselves discoverers of knowledge
falsely so-called[1] have like fierce wolves unmercifully devastated
the flock of Christ.
3 It is my intention, moreover, to recount the
misfortunes which immediately came upon the whole Jewish nation in
consequence of their plots against our Saviour, and to record the ways
and the times in which the divine word has been attacked by the
Gentiles, and to describe the character of those who at various periods
have contended for it in the face of blood and of tortures, as well as
the confessions which have been made in our own days, and finally the
gracious and kindly succor which our Saviour has afforded them all.
Since I propose to write of all these things I shall commence my work
with the beginning of the dispensation[2] of our Saviour and Lord Jesus
Christ.[3]
4 But at the outset I must crave for my work the
indulgence of the wise,[4] for I confess that it is beyond my power to
produce a perfect and complete history, and since I am the first to
enter upon the subject, I am attempting to traverse as it were a lonely
and untrodden path.[5] I pray that I may have God as my guide and the
power of the Lord as my aid, since I am unable to find even the bare
footsteps of those who have traveled the way before me, except in brief
fragments, in which some in one way, others in another, have
transmitted to us particular accounts of the times in which they lived.
From afar they raise their voices like torches, and they cry out, as
from some lofty and conspicuous watch-tower, admonishing us where to
walk and how to direct the course of our work steadily and safely.
5 Having gathered therefore from the
matters mentioned here and there by them whatever we consider important
for the present work, and having plucked like flowers from a meadow the
appropriate passages from ancient writers,[6] we shall endeavor to
embody the whole in an historical narrative, content if we preserve the
memory of
82
the successions of the apostles of our Saviour; if not indeed of all,
yet of the most renowned of them in those churches which are the most
noted, and which even to the present time are held in honor.
6 This work seems to me of especial importance because I
know of no ecclesiastical writer who has devoted himself to this
subject; and I hope that it will appear most useful to those who are
fond of historical research.
7 I have already given an epitome of these things in the
Chronological Canons[7] which I have composed, but notwithstanding
that, I have undertaken in the present work to write as full an account
of them as I am able.
8 My work will begin, as I have said, with the
dispensation[8] of the Saviour Christ,--which is loftier and greater
than human conception,--
9 and with a discussion of his divinity[9]; 9 for it is
necessary, inasmuch as we derive even our name from Christ, for one who
proposes to write a history of the Church to begin with the very origin
of Christ's dispensation, a dispensation more divine than many think.
CHAPTER II.
Summary View of the Pre-existence and Divinity of Our Saviour and
Lord.Jesus Christ.
1 Since in Christ there is a twofold nature, and the one--in so
far as he is thought of as God--resembles the head of the body, while
the other may be compared with the feet,--in so far as he, for the sake
of our salvation, put on human nature with the same passions as our
own,--the following work will be complete only if we begin with the
chief and lordliest events of all his history. In this way will the
antiquity and divinity of Christianity be shown to those who suppose it
of recent and foreign origin,[1] and imagine that it appeared only
yesterday[2]
2 No language is sufficient to express the origin and the
worth, the being and the nature of Christ. Wherefore also the divine
Spirit says in the prophecies, "Who shall declare his generation?"[3]
For none knoweth the Father except the Son, neither can any one know
the Son adequately except the Father alone who hath begotten him.[4]
3 For alone who beside the Father could clearly understand
the Light which was before the world, the intellectual and essential
Wisdom which existed before the ages, the living Word which was in the
beginning with the Father and which was God, the first and only
begotten of God which was before every creature and creation visible
and invisible, the commander-in-chief of the rational and immortal host
of heaven, the messenger of the great counsel, the executor of the
Father's unspoken will, the creator, with the Father, of all things,
the second cause of the universe after the Father, the true and
only-begotten Son of God, the Lord and God and King of all created
things, the one who has received dominion and power, with divinity
itself, and with might and honor from the Father; as it is said in
regard to him in the mystical passages of Scripture which speak of his
divinity: "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God,
and the Word was God."[5]
4 "All things were made by him; and without him was not
anything made."[6] This, too, the great Moses teaches, when, as the
most ancient of all the prophets, he describes under the influence of
the divine Spirit the creation and arrangement of the universe. He
declares that the maker of the world and the creator of all things
yielded to Christ himself, and to none other than his own clearly
divine and first-born Word, the making of inferior things, and communed
with him respecting the creation of man.
5 "For," says he," God said, Let us make man in our image and in
our likeness."[7] And another of the prophets confirms this, speaking
of God in his hymns as follows: "He spake and they were made; he
commanded and they were created."[8] He here introduces the Father and
Maker as Ruler of all, commanding with a kingly nod, and second to him
the divine Word, none other than the one who is proclaimed by us, as
carrying out
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6 the Father's commands. All that are said to have excelled in
righteousness and piety since the creation of man, the great servant
Moses and before him in the first place Abraham and his children, and
as many righteous men and prophets as afterward appeared, have
contemplated him with the pure eyes of the mind, and have recognized
him and offered to him the worship which is due him as Son of God.
7 But he, by no means neglectful of the reverence due to
the Father, was appointed to teach the knowledge of the Father to them
all. For instance, the Lord God, it is said, appeared as a common man
to Abraham while he was sitting at the oak of Mambre.[9] And he,
immediately failing down, although he saw a man with his eyes,
nevertheless worshiped him as God, and sacrificed to him as Lord, and
confessed that he was not ignorant of his identity when he uttered the
words, "Lord, the judge of all the earth, wilt thou not execute
righteous judgment?"[10]
8 For if it is unreasonable to suppose that the unbegotten
and immutable essence of the almighty God was changed into the form of
man or that it deceived the eyes of the beholders with the appearance
of some created thing, and if it is unreasonable to suppose, on the
other hand, that the Scripture should falsely invent such things, when
the God and Lord who judgeth all the earth and executeth judgment is
seen in the form of a man, who else can be called, if it be not lawful
to call him the first cause of all things, than his only pre-existent
Word?[11] Concerning whom it is said in the Psalms, "He sent his Word
and healed them, and delivered them from their destructions."[12]
9 Moses most clearly proclaims him second Lord after the
Father, when he says, "The Lord rained upon Sodom and Gomorrah
brimstone and fire from the Lord."[13] The divine Scripture also calls
him God, when he appeared again to Jacob in the form of a man, and said
to Jacob, "Thy name shall be called no more Jacob, but Israel shall be
thy name, because thou hast prevailed with God."[14] Wherefore also
Jacob called the name of that place "Vision of God,"[15] saying, "For I
have seen God face to face, and my life is preserved."[16]
10 Nor is it admissible to suppose that the theophanies
recorded were appearances of subordinate angels and ministers of God,
for whenever any of these appeared to men, the Scripture does not
conceal the fact, but calls them by name not God nor Lord, but angels,
as it is easy to prove by numberless testimonies.
11 Joshua, also, the successor of Moses, calls him, as
leader of the heavenly angels and archangels and of
the supramundane powers, and as lieutenant of the Father,[17] entrusted
with the second rank of sovereignty and rule over all, "captain of the
host of the Lords" although he saw him not otherwise than again in the
form and appearance of a man. For it is written:
12 "And it came to pass when Joshua was at Jericho[18] that he
looked and saw a man standing over against him with his sword drawn in
his hand, and Joshua went unto him and said, Art thou for us or
for our adversaries? And he said unto him, As captain of the host of
the Lord am I now come. And Joshua fell on his face to the earth and
said unto him, Lord, what dost thou command thy servant? and the
captain of the Lord said unto Joshua, Loose thy shoe from off thy feet,
for the place whereon thou standest is holy."[19]
13 You will perceive also from the 13 same words that this
was no other than he who talked with Moses[20] For the Scripture says
in the same words and with reference to the same one, "When the Lord
saw that he drew near to see, the Lord called to him out of the bush
and said, Moses, Moses. And he said, What is it? And he said, Draw not
nigh hither; loose thy shoe from off thy feet, for the place whereon
thou standest is holy ground. And he said unto him, I am the God of thy
fathers, the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of
Jacob."[21]
14 And that there is a certain substance which lived and
subsisted[22] before the world, and which ministered unto the
Father and God of the universe for the formation of all created things,
and which, is called the Word of God and Wisdom, we may learn, to quote
other proofs in addition to those already cited, from the mouth
of Wisdom herself, who reveals most clearly through Solomon the
following mysteries concerning herself: "I, Wisdom, have dwelt
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with prudence and knowledge, and I have invoked understanding. Through
me kings reign, and princes ordain righteousness.
15 Through me the great are magnified, and through me
sovereigns rule the earth."[23] To which she adds: "The Lord created me
in the beginning of his ways, for his works; before the world he
established me, in the beginning, before he made the earth, before he
made the depths, before the mountains were settled, before all hills he
begat me. When he prepared the heavens I was present with him, and when
he established the fountains of the region under heaven[24] I was with
him, disposing.
16 I was the one in whom he delighted; daily I rejoiced
before him at all times when he was rejoicing at having completed the
world."[25] That the divine Word, therefore, pre-existed and appeared
to some, if not to all, has thus been briefly shown by us.
17 But why the Gospel was not preached in ancient times to
all men and to all nations, as it is now, will appear from the
following considerations.[26] The life of the ancients was not of such
a kind as to permit them to receive the all-wise and all-virtuous
teaching 18 of Christ.
18 For immediately in the beginning, after his original
life of blessedness, the first man despised the command of God, and
fell into this mortal and perishable state, and exchanged his former
divinely inspired luxury for this curse-laden earth. His descendants
having filled our earth, showed themselves much worse, with the
exception of one here and there, and entered upon a certain brutal and
insupportable mode of life.
19 They thought neither of city nor state, neither of arts
nor sciences. They were ignorant even of the name of laws and of
justice, of virtue and of philosophy. As nomads, they passed their
lives in deserts, like wild and fierce beasts, destroying, by an excess
of voluntary wickedness, the natural reason of man, and the seeds of
thought and of culture implanted in the human soul. They gave
themselves wholly over to all kinds of profanity, now seducing one
another, now slaying one another, now eating human flesh, and now
daring to wage war with the Gods and to undertake those battles of the
giants celebrated by all; now planning to fortify earth against heaven,
and in the madness of ungoverned pride to prepare an attack upon the
very God of all.[27]
20 On account of these things, when they conducted
themselves thus, the all-seeing God sent down upon them floods and
conflagrations as upon a wild forest spread over the whole earth. He
cut them down with continuous famines and plagues, with wars, and with
thunderbolts from heaven, as if to check some terrible and obstinate
disease of souls with more severe punishments.
21 Then, when the excess of wickedness had overwhelmed
nearly all the race, like a deep fit of drunkenness, beclouding and
darkening the minds of men, the first-born and first-created wisdom of
God, the pre-existent Word himself, induced by his exceeding love for
man, appeared to his servants, now in the form of angels, and again to
one and another of those ancients who enjoyed the favor of God, in his
own person as the saving power of God, not otherwise, however, than in
the shape of man, because it was impossible to appear in any other way.
22 And as by them the seeds of piety were sown among a
multitude of men and the whole nation, descended from the Hebrews,
devoted themselves persistently to the worship of God, he imparted to
them through the prophet Moses, as to multitudes still corrupted by
their ancient practices, images and symbols of a certain mystic Sabbath
and of circumcision, and elements of other spiritual principles, but he
did not grant them a complete knowledge of the mysteries themselves.
23 But when their law became celebrated, and, like a sweet
odor, was diffused among all men, as a result of their influence the
dispositions of the majority of the heathen were softened by the
lawgivers and philosophers who arose on every side, and their wild and
savage brutality was changed into mildness, so that they enjoyed deep
peace, friendship, and social intercourse.[28] Then, finally, at the
time of the origin of the Roman Empire, there appeared again to all men
and nations throughout the world, who had been, as it were, previously
assisted, and were now fitted to receive the knowledge of the Father,
that same teacher
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of virtue, the minister of the Father in all good things, the divine
and heavenly Word of God, in a human body not at all differing in
substance from our own. He did and suffered the things which had been
prophesied. For it had been foretold that one who was at the same time
man and God should come and dwell in the world, should perform
wonderful works, and should show himself a teacher to all nations of
the piety of the Father. The marvelous nature of his birth, and his new
teaching, and his wonderful works had also been foretold; so likewise
the manner of his death, his resurrection from the dead, and,finally,
his divine ascension into heaven.
24 For instance, Daniel the prophet, under the influence of
the divine Spirit, seeing his kingdom at the end of time,[29] was
inspired thus to describe the divine vision in language fitted to human
comprehension: "For I beheld," he says, "until thrones were placed, and
the Ancient of Days did sit, whose garment was white as snow and the
hair of his head like pure wool; his throne was a flame of fire and his
wheels burning fire. A river of fire flowed before him. Thousand
thousands ministered unto him, and ten thousand times ten thousand
stood before him.
25 He appointed judgment, and the books were
opened."[30] And again, "I saw," says he, "and behold, one like the Son
of man came with the clouds of heaven, and he hastened unto the Ancient
of Days and was brought into his presence, and there was given him the
dominion and the glory and the kingdom; and all peoples, tribes, and
tongues serve him. His dominion is an everlasting dominion which shall
not pass away, and his kingdom shall not be destroyed."[31]
26 It is clear that these words can refer to no one
else than to our Saviour, the God Word who was in the beginning with
God, and who was called the Son of man because of his final appearance
in the flesh. But since we have collected in separate books as the
selections from the prophets which relate to our Saviour Jesus Christ,
and have arranged in a more logical form those things which have been
revealed concerning him, what has been said will suffice for the
present.
CHAPTER III.
The Name Jesus and also the Name Christ were known from the
Beginning, and were honored by the Inspired Prophets.
1 It is now the proper place to show that the very name
Jesus and also the name Christ were honored by the ancient prophets
beloved of God.[1]
2 Moses was the first 2 to make known the name
of Christ as a name especially august and glorious. When he delivered
types and symbols of heavenly things, and mysterious images, in
accordance with the oracle which said to him, "Look that thou make all
things according to the pattern which was shown thee in the mount,"[2]
he consecrated a man high priest of God, in so far as that was
possible, and him he called Christ.[3] And thus to this dignity of the
high priesthood, which in his opinion surpassed the most honorable
position among men, he attached for the sake of honor and glory the
name of Christ.
3 He knew so well that in Christ was something divine. And
the same one foreseeing, under the influence of the divine Spirit, the
name Jesus, dignified it also with a certain distinguished privilege.
For the name of Jesus, which had never been uttered among men before
the time of Moses, he applied first and only to the one who he knew
would receive after his death, again as a type and symbol, the supreme
command.
4 His successor, therefore, who had not hitherto
borne the name Jesus, but had been called by another name, Auses,[4]
which had been given him by his parents, he now called Jesus, bestowing
the name upon him as a gift of honor, far greater than any kingly
diadem. For Jesus himself, the son of Nave, bore a resemblance to our
Saviour in the fact that he alone, after Moses and after the completion
of the symbolical worship which had been transmitted by him, succeeded
to the government of the true
and pure religion.
5 Thus Moses bestowed the name of our Saviour, Jesus
Christ, as a mark of the highest honor, upon the two men who in his
time surpassed all the rest of the people in virtue and glory; namely,
upon the high priest and upon his own successor in the government.
6 And the prophets that came after also clearly foretold
Christ by
name, predicting at the same time the plots which the Jewish people
would form against him, and the calling of the nations through him.
Jeremiah, for instance, speaks as follows: "The
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Spirit before our face, Christ the Lord, was taken in their
destructions; of whom we said, under his shadow we shall live among the
nations."[5] And David, in perplexity, says, "Why did the nations rage
and the people imagine vain things? The kings of the earth set
themselves in array, and the rulers were gathered together against the
Lord and against his Christ";[6] to which he adds, in the person of
Christ himself, "The Lord said unto me, Thou art my Son, this day have
I begotten thee. Ask of me, and I will give thee the nations for thine
inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the earth for thy
possession."[7]
7 And not only those who were honored with the high
priesthood, and who for the sake of the symbol were anointed with
especially prepared oil, were adorned with the name of Christ among the
Hebrews, but also the kings whom the prophets anointed under the
influence of the divine Spirit, and thus constituted, as it were,
typical Christs. For they also bore in their own persons types of the
royal and sovereign power of the true and only Christ, the divine Word
who ruleth over all.
8 And we have been told also that certain of the prophets
themselves became, by the act of anointing, Christs in type, so that
all these have reference to the true Christ, the divinely inspired and
heavenly Word, who is the only high priest of all, and the only King of
every creature, and the Father's only supreme prophet of prophets.
9 And a proof of this is that no one of those who were of
old symbolically anointed, whether priests, or kings, or prophets,
possessed so great a power of inspired virtue as was exhibited by our
Saviour and Lord Jesus, the true and only Christ.
10 None of them at least, however superior in dignity and
honor they may have been for many generations among their own people,
ever gave to their followers the name of Christians from their own
typical name of Christ. Neither was divine honor ever rendered to any
one of them by their subjects; nor after their death was the
disposition of their followers such that they were ready to die for the
one whom they honored. And never did so great a commotion arise among
all the nations of the earth in respect to any one of that age; for the
mere symbol could not act with such power among them as the truth
itself which was exhibited by our Saviour.
11 He, although he received no symbols and types of high
priesthood from any one, although he was not born of a race of priests,
although he was not elevated to a kingdom by military guards, although
he was not a prophet like those of old, although he obtained no honor
nor pre-eminence among the Jews, nevertheless was adorned by the Father
with all, if not with the symbols, yet with the truth itself.
12 And therefore, although he did not possess like honors
with those whom we have mentioned, he is called Christ more than all of
them. And as himself the true and only Christ of God, he has filled the
whole earth with the truly august and sacred name of Christians,
committing to his followers no longer types and images, but the
uncovered virtues themselves, and a heavenly life in the very doctrines
of truth.
13 And he was not anointed with oil prepared from material
substances, but, as befits divinity, with the divine Spirit himself, by
participation in the unbegotten deity of the Father. And this is taught
also again by Isaiah, who exclaims, as if in the person of Christ
himself, "The Spirit of the Lord is upon me; therefore hath he anointed
me. He hath sent me to preach the Gospel to the poor, to proclaim
deliverance to captives, and recovery of sight to the blind."[8]
14 And not only Isaiah, but also David addresses him,
saying, "Thy throne, O God, is forever and ever. A scepter of equity is
the scepter of thy kingdom. Thou hast loved righteousness and hast
hated iniquity. Therefore God, thy God, hath anointed thee with the oil
of gladness above thy fellows."[9] Here the Scripture calls him God in
the first verse, in the second it honors him with a royal scepter.
15 Then a little farther on, after the divine and
royal power, it represents him in the third place as having become
Christ, being anointed not with oil made of material substances, but
with the divine oil of gladness. It thus indicates his especial honor,
far superior to and different from that of those who, as types, were of
old anointed in a more material way.
16 And elsewhere the same writer speaks of him as
follows: "The
Lord said unto my Lord, Sit thou at my right hand until I make thine
enemies thy footstool";[10] and, "Out of the womb, before the morning
star, have I begotten thee. The Lord hath sworn and he will not repent.
Thou art a priest forever after the order of Melchizedec."[11]
17 But this Melchizedec is introduced in the Holy
Scriptures as a priest of the most high God,[12] not consecrated by any
anointing oil, especially prepared, and not even belonging by descent
to the priesthood of the Jews. Wherefore after his order, but not after
the order of the others, who received symbols and types, was our
Saviour proclaimed, with
an appeal to an oath, Christ and priest.
18 History, therefore, does not relate that he 18 was
anointed corporeally by the Jews, nor
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that he belonged to the lineage of priests, but that he came into
existence from God himself before the morning star, that is before the
organization of the world, and that he obtained an immortal and
undecaying priesthood for eternal ages.
19 But it is a great and convincing proof of his
incorporeal and divine unction that he alone of all those who have ever
existed is even to the present day called Christ by all men throughout
the world, and is confessed and witnessed to under this name, and is
commemorated both by Greeks and Barbarians and even to this day is
honored as a King by his followers throughout the world, and is admired
as more than a prophet, and is glorified as the true and only high
priest of God.[13] And besides all this, as the pre-existent Word of
God, called into being before all ages, he has received august honor
from the Father, and is worshiped as God.
20 But most wonderful of all is the fact that we who have
consecrated ourselves to him, honor him not only with our voices and
with the sound of words, but also with complete elevation of soul, so
that we choose to give testimony unto him rather than to preserve our
own lives.
21 I have of necessity prefaced my history with these matters in
order that no one, judging from the date of his incarnation, may think
that our Saviour and Lord Jesus, the Christ, has but recently come into
being.
CHAFFER IV.
The Religion proclaimed by him to All Nations was neither New nor
Strange.
1 But that no one may suppose that his doctrine is new and
strange, as if it were framed by a man of recent origin, differing in
no respect from other men, let us now briefly consider this point also.
2 It is admitted that when in recent times the appearance
of our Saviour Jesus Christ had become known to all men there
immediately made its appearance a new nation; a nation confessedly not
small, and not dwelling in some corner of the earth, but the most
numerous and pious of all nations,[1] indestructible and unconquerable,
because it always receives assistance from God. This nation, thus
suddenly appearing at the time appointed by the inscrutable counsel of
God, is the one which has been honored by all with the name of Christ.
3 One of the prophets, when he saw beforehand with the eye
of the Divine Spirit that which was to be, was so astonished at it that
he cried out, "Who hath heard of such things, and who hath spoken thus?
Hath the earth brought forth in one day, and hath a nation been born at
once?"[2] And the same prophet gives a hint also of the name by which
the nation was to be called, when he says, "Those that serve me shall
be called by a new name, which shall be blessed upon the earth."[3]
4 But although it is clear that we are new and that this
new name of Christians has really but recently been known among all
nations, nevertheless our life and our conduct, with our doctrines of
religion, have not been lately invented by us, but from the first
creation of man, so to speak, have been established by the natural
understanding of divinely favored men of old. That this is so we shall
show in the following way.
5 That the Hebrew nation is not new, but is universally
honored on account of its antiquity, is known to all. The books and
writings of this people contain accounts of ancient men, rare indeed
and few in number, but nevertheless distinguished for piety and
righteousness and every other virtue. Of these, some excellent men
lived before the flood, others of the sons and descendants of Noah
lived after it, among them Abraham, whom the Hebrews celebrate as their
own founder and forefather.
6 If any one should assert that all those who have enjoyed
the testimony of righteousness, from Abraham himself back to the first
man, were Christians in fact if not in name, he would not go beyond the
truth.[4]
7 For that which the name indicates, that the Christian
man, through the knowledge and the teaching of Christ, is distinguished
for temperance and righteousness, for patience in life and manly
virtue, and for a profession of piety toward the one and only God over
all--all that was zealously practiced by them not less than by us.
8 They did not care about circumcision of the body, neither
do we. They did not care about observing Sabbaths, nor do we. They did
not avoid certain kinds of food, neither did they regard the other
distinctions which Moses first delivered to their posterity to be
observed as symbols; nor do Christians of the present day do such
things. But they also clearly knew the very Christ of God; for it has
already been shown that he appeared unto Abraham, that he imparted
revelations to Isaac, that he talked with Jacob, that he held converse
with Moses and with the prophets that came after.
9 Hence you will find those divinely favored men honored
with the name of Christ, according to the passage which says of them,
"Touch not my Christs, and do my prophets no harm."[5]
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10 So that it is clearly necessary to consider that
religion, which has lately been preached to all nations through the
teaching of Christ, the first and most ancient of all religions, and
the one discovered by those divinely favored men in the age of Abraham.
11 If it is said that Abraham, a long time afterward, was
given the command of circumcision, we reply that nevertheless before
this it was declared that he had received the testimony of
righteousness through faith; as the divine word says, "Abraham believed
in God, and it was counted unto him for righteousness."[6]
12 And indeed unto Abraham, who was thus before his
circumcision a justified man, there was given by God, who revealed
himself unto him (but this was Christ himself, the word of God), a
prophecy in regard to those who in coming ages should be justified in
the same way as he. The prophecy was in the following words: "And
in thee shall all the tribes of the earth be blessed.''[7] And
again, "He shall become a nation great and numerous; and in him shall
all the nations of the earth be blessed.''[8]
13 It is permissible to understand this as fulfilled in us.
For he, having renounced the superstition of his fathers, and the
former error of his life, and having confessed the one God over all,
and having worshiped him with deeds of virtue, and not with the service
of the law which was afterward given by Moses, was justified by faith
in Christ, the Word of God, who appeared unto him. To him, then, who
was a man of this character, it was said that all the tribes and all
the nations of the earth should be blessed in him.
14 But that very religion of Abraham has reappeared at the
present time, practiced in deeds, more efficacious than words, by
Christians alone throughout the world.
15 What then should prevent the confession that we who are
of Christ practice one and the same mode of life and have one and the
same religion as those divinely favored men of old? Whence it is
evident that the perfect religion committed to us by the teaching of
Christ is not new and strange, but, if the truth must be spoken, it is
the first and the true religion. This may suffice for this subject.
CHAPTER V.
The Time of his Appearance among Men.
1 AND now, after this necessary introduction to our
proposed history of the Church, we can enter, so to speak, upon our
journey, beginning with the appearance of our Saviour in the flesh. And
we invoke God, the Father of the Word, and him, of whom we have been
speaking, Jesus Christ himself our Saviour and Lord, the heavenly Word
of God, as our aid and fellow-laborer in the narration of the truth.
2 It was in the forty-second year of the reign of
Augustus[1] and the twenty-eighth after the subjugation of Egypt and
the death of Antony and Cleopatra, with whom the dynasty of the
Ptolemies in Egypt came to an end, that our Saviour and Lord Jesus
Christ was born in Bethlehem of Judea, according to the prophecies
which had been uttered concerning him.[2] His birth took place during
the first census, while Cyrenius was governor of Syria.[3]
3 Flavius Josephus, the most celebrated of Hebrew
historians, also mentions this census,[4] which was taken during
Cyrenius'
89
term of office. In the same connection he gives an account of the
uprising of the Galileans, which took place at that time, of which also
Luke, among our writers, has made mention in the Acts, in the following
words: "After this man rose up Judas of Galilee in the days of the
taxing, and drew away a multitude[5] after him: he also perished; and
all, even as many as obeyed him, were dispersed."[6]
4 The above-mentioned author, in the eighteenth book of his
Antiquities, in agreement with these words, adds the following, which
we quote exactly: "Cyrenius, a member of the senate, one who had held
other offices and had l passed through them all to the consulship, a
man also of great dignity in other respects, came to Syria with a small
retinue, being sent by C'sar to be a judge of the nation and to make an
assessment of their property."[7]
5 And after a little[8] he says: "But Judas,[9] a
Gaulonite, from a city called Gamala, taking with him Sadduchus,[10] a
Pharisee, urged the people to revolt, both of them saying that the
taxation meant nothing else than downright slavery, and exhorting the
nation to defend their liberty."
6 And in the second book of his History of the Jewish War,
he writes as follows concerning the same man: "At this time a certain
Galilean, whose name was Judas, persuaded his countrymen to revolt,
declaring that they were cowards if they submitted to pay tribute to
the Romans, and if they endured, besides God, masters who were
mortal."[11] These things are recorded by Josephus.
CHAPTER VI.
About the Time of Christ, in accordance with Prophecy, the Rulers who
had governed the Fewish Nation in Regular Succession from the Days of
Antiquity came to an End, and Herod, the First Foreigner, became King.
1 When Herod,[1] the first ruler of foreign blood, became
King, the prophecy of Moses received its fulfillment, according to
which there should "not be wanting a prince of Judah, nor a ruler from
his loins, until he come for whom it is reserved."[2] The latter, he
also shows, was to be the expectation of the nations.[3]
2 This prediction remained unfulfilled so long as it was
permitted them to live under rulers from their own nation, that is,
from the time of Moses to the reign of Augustus. Under the latter,
Herod, the first foreigner, was given the Kingdom of the Jews by the
Romans. As Josephus relates,[4] he was an Idumean[5] on his father's
side and an Arabian on his mother's. But Africanus,[6] who was also no
common writer, says that they who were more accurately informed about
him report that he was a son of Antipater, and that the latter was the
son of a certain Herod of Ascalon,[7] one of the so-called
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servants[8] of the temple of Apollo.
3 This Antipater, having been taken a prisoner while a boy
by Idumean robbers, lived with them, because his father, being a poor
man, was unable to pay a ransom for him. Growing up in their practices
he was afterward befriended by Hyrcanus,[9] the high priest of the
Jews. A son of his was that Herod who lived in the, times of our
Saviour.[10]
4 When the Kingdom of the Jews had devolved upon such a man
the expectation of the nations was, according to prophecy, already at
the door. For with him their princes and governors, who had ruled in
regular succession from the time of Moses came to an end.
5 Before their captivity and their transportation to
Babylon they were ruled by Saul first and then by David, and before the
kings leaders governed them who were called Judges, and who came after
Moses and his successor Jesus.
6 After their return from Babylon they continued to have
without interruption an aristocratic form of government, with an
oligarchy. For the priests had the direction of affairs until Pompey,
the Roman general, took Jerusalem by force, and defiled the holy places
by entering the very innermost sanctuary of the temple.[11]
Aristobulus,[12] who, by the right of ancient succession, had been up
to that time both king and high priest, he sent with his children in
chains to Rome; and gave to Hyrcanus, brother of Aristobulus, the high
priesthood, while the whole nation of the Jews was made tributary to
the Romans from that time.[13]
7 But Hyrcanus, who was the last of the regular line of
high priests, was, very soon afterward taken prisoner by the
Parthians,[14] and Herod, the first foreigner, as I have already said,
was made King of the Jewish nation by the Roman senate and by Augustus.
8 Under him Christ appeared in bodily shape, and the
expected Salvation of the nations and their calling followed in
accordance with prophecy.[15] From this time the princes and rulers of
Judah, I mean of the Jewish nation, came to an end, and as a natural
consequence the order of the high priesthood, which from ancient times
had proceeded regularly in closest succession from generation to
generation, was immediately thrown into confusion,[16]
9 Of these things Josephus is also a witness,[17] who shows
that when Herod was made King by the Romans he no longer appointed the
high priests from the ancient line, but gave the honor to certain
obscure persons. A course similar to that of Herod in the appointment
of the priests was pursued by his son Archelaus,[18] and after him by
the Romans, who took the government into their own hands.[19]
10 The same writer shows[20] that Herod was the first that locked
up the sacred garment of the high priest. under his own seal and
refused to permit the high priests to keep it for themselves. The same
course was followed by Archelaus after him, and after Archelaus by the
Romans.
11 These things have been recorded by us in order to show that
another prophecy has been fulfilled in the appearance of our Saviour
Jesus Christ. For the Scripture, in the book of Daniel,[21] having
expressly mentioned a certain number of weeks until the coming of
Christ, of which we have treated in other books,[22] most clearly
prophesies, that after the completion of those weeks the unction among
the Jews should totally perish. And this, it has been clearly shown,
was fulfilled at the time of the birth of our Saviour Jesus Christ.
This has been neces-
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sarily premised by us as a proof of the correctness of the time.
CHAPTER VII.
The
Alleged Discrepancy in the Gospels in regard
to the Genealogy of Christ.
1 Matthew and Luke in their gospels have given us the
genealogy of Christ differently, and many suppose that they are at
variance with one another. Since as a consequence every believer, in
ignorance of the truth, has been zealous to invent some explanation
which shall harmonize the two passages, permit us to subjoin the
account of the matter which has come down to us,[1] and which is given
by Africanus, who was mentioned by us just above, in his epistle to
Aristides,[2] where he discusses the harmony of the gospel genealogies.
After refuting the opinions of others as forced and deceptive, he give
the account which he had received from tradition[3] in these words:
2 "For whereas the names of the generations were reckoned
in Israel either according to nature or according to law;--according to
nature by the succession of legitimate offspring, and according to law
whenever another raised up a child to the name of a brother dying
childless;[4] for because a clear hope of resurrection was not
yet given they had a representation of the future promise by a kind of
mortal resurrection, in order that the name of the one deceased might
be perpetuated;--
3 whereas then some of those who are inserted in this
genealogical table succeeded by natural descent, the son to the father,
while others, though born of one father, were ascribed by name to
another, mention was made of both of those who were progenitors in fact
and of those who were so only in name.
4 Thus neither of the gospels is in error, for one reckons
by nature, the other by law. For the line of descent from Solomon and
that from Nathan[5] were so involved, the one with the other, by the
raising up of children to the childless and by second marriages, that
the same persons are justly considered to belong at one time to one, at
another time to another; that is, at one time to the reputed fathers,
at another to the actual fathers. So that both these accounts are
strictly true and come down to Joseph with considerable intricacy
indeed, yet quite accurately.
5 But in order that what I have said may be made clear I
shall explain the interchange of the generations. If we reckon the
generations from David through Solomon, the third from the end is found
to be Matthan, who begat Jacob the father of Joseph. But if, with Luke,
we reckon them from Nathan the son of David, in like manner the third
from the end is Melchi,[6] whose son Eli was the father of Joseph. For
Joseph was the son of Eli,the son of Melchi.
6 Joseph therefore being the object proposed to us, it must
be shown how it is that each is recorded to be his father, both Jacob,
who derived his descent from Solomon, and Eli, who derived his from
Nathan; first how it is that these two, Jacob and Eli, were brothers,
and then how it is that their fathers, Matthan and Melchi, although of
different families, are declared to be grandfathers of Joseph.
7 Matthan and Melchi having married in succession the same
woman, begat children who were uterine brothers, for the law did not
prohibit a widow, whether such by divorce or by the death of her
husband, from marryinganother.
8 By Estha[7] then (for this was the woman's name according
to tradition) Matthan, a descendant of Solomon, first begat Jacob.
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And when Matthan was dead, Melchi, who traced his descent back to
Nathan, being of the same tribe[8] but of another family,[9] married
her as before said, and begat a son Eli.
9 Thus we shall find the two, Jacob and Eli, although
belonging to different families, yet brethren by the same mother. Of
these the one, Jacob, when his brother Eli had died childless, took the
latter's wife and begat by her a son to Joseph, his own son by nature n
and in accordance with reason. Wherefore also it is written: 'Jacob
begat Joseph.'[12] But according to law[13] he was the son of Eli, for
Jacob, being the brother of the latter, raised up seed to him.
10 Hence the genealogy traced through him will not be
rendered void, which the evangelist Matthew in his enumeration gives
thus: 'Jacob begat Joseph.' But Luke, on the other hand, says: 'Who was
the son, as was supposed'[14] (for this he also adds), 'of Joseph, the
son of Eli, the son of Melchi'; for he could not more clearly express
the generation according to law. And the expression 'he begat' he has
omitted in his genealogical table up to the end, tracing the genealogy
back to Adam the son of God. This interpretation is neither incapable
of proof nor is it an idle conjecture.[15]
11 For the relatives of our Lord according to the flesh,
whether with the desire of boasting or simply wishing to state the
fact, in either case truly, have banded down the following account:[16]
Some Idumean robbers,[17] having attacked Ascalon, a city of Palestine,
carried away from a temple of Apollo which stood near the walls, in
addition to other booty, Antipater, son of a certain temple slave named
Herod. And since the priest[18] was not able to pay the ransom for his
son, Antipater was brought up in the customs of the Idumeans, and
afterward was befriended by Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews.
12 And having, been sent by Hyrcanus on an embassy to
Pompey, and having restored to
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him the kingdom which had been invaded by his brother Aristobulus, he
had the good fortune to be named procurator of Palestine.[19] But
Antipater having been slain by those who were envious of his great good
fortune[20] was succeeded by his son Herod, who was afterward, by a
decree of the senate, made King of the Jews[21] under Antony and
Augustus. His sons were Herod and the other tetrarchs.[22] These
accounts agree also with those of the Greeks.[23]
13 But as there had been kept in the archives[24] up to
that time the genealogies of the Hebrews as well as of those who traced
their lineage back to proselytes,[25] such as Achior [26] the Ammonite
and Ruth the Moabitess, and to those who were mingled with the
Israelites and came out of Egypt with them, Herod, inasmuch as the
lineage of the Israelites contributed nothing to his advantage, and
since he was goaded with the consciousness of his own ignoble
extraction, burned all the genealogical records,[27] thinking that he
might appear of noble origin if no one else were able, from the public
registers, to trace back his lineage to the patriarchs or proselytes
and to those mingled with them, who were called Georae.[28]
14 A few of the careful, however, having obtained private
records of their own, either by remembering the names or by getting
them in some other way from the registers, pride themselves on
preserving the memory of their noble extraction. Among these are those
already mentioned, called Desposyni,[29] on account of their connection
with the family of the Saviour. Coming from Nazara and
Cochaba,[30] villages of Judea,[31] into other parts of the
world, they drew the aforesaid genealogy from memory[32] and from
the book of daily records[33] as faithfully as possible.
15 Whether then the case stand thus or not no one could
find a clearer explanation, according to my own opinion and that of
every candid person. And let this suffice us,
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for, although we can urge no testimony in its support,[34] we have
nothing. better or truer to offer. In any case the Gospel states the
truth." And at the end of the same epistle he adds these words:
"Matthan, who was descended from Solomon, begat Jacob. And when Matthan
was dead, Melchi, who was descended from Nathan begat Eli by the same
woman. Eli and Jacob were thus uterine brothers. Eli having died
childless, Jacob raised up seed to him, begetting Joseph, his own son
by nature, but by law the son of Eli. Thus Joseph was the son of both."
17 Thus far Africanus. And the lineage of Joseph being thus
traced, Mary also is virtually shown to be of the same tribe with him,
since, according to the law of Moses, inter-marriages between different
tribes were not permitted.[35] For the command is to marry one of the
same family[36] and lineage,[37] so that the inheritance may not pass
from tribe to tribe. This may suffice here.
CHAPTER VIII.
The Cruelty of Herod toward the Infants, and
the Manner of his Death.
1 When Christ was born, according to the prophecies, in
Bethlehem of Judea, at the time indicated, Herod was not a little
disturbed by the enquiry of the magi who came from the east, asking
where he who was born King of the Jews was to be found,--for they had
seen his star, and this was their reason for taking so long a journey;
for they earnestly desired to worship the infant as God,[1]-- for he
imagined that his kingdom might be endangered; and he enquired
therefore of the doctors of the law, who belonged to the Jewish nation,
where they expected Christ to be born. When he learned that the
prophecy of Micah[2] announced that Bethlehem was to be his birthplace
he commanded, in a single edict, all the male infants in
Bethlehem, and all its borders, that were two years of age or
less, according to the time which he had accurately ascertained from
the magi, to be slain, supposing that Jesus, as was indeed likely,
would share the same fate as the others of his own age.
2 But the child anticipated the snare, being carried into
Egypt by his parents, who had learned from an angel that appeared unto
them what was about to happen, These things are recorded by the Holy
Scriptures in the Gospel.[3]
3 It is worth while, in addition to this, to observe the
reward which Herod received for his daring crime against Christ and
those of the same age. For immediately, without the least delay, the
divine vengeance overtook him while he was still alive, and gave him a
foretaste of what he was to receive after death.
4 It is not possible to relate here how he tarnished the
supposed felicity of his reign by successive calamities in his family,
by the murder of wife and children, and others of his nearest relatives
and dearest friends.[4] The account, which casts every other tragic
drama into the shade, is detailed at length in the histories of
Josephus.[5] 5 How, immediately after his crime against our
Saviour and the other infants, the punishment sent by God drove him on
to his death, we can best learn from the words of that historian who,
in the seventeenth book of his Antiquities of the Jews, writes as
follows concerning his end:[6]"
6 But the disease of Herod grew more severe, God inflicting
punishment for his crimes. For a slow fire burned in him which was not
so apparent to those who touched him, but augmented his internal
distress; for he had a terrible desire for food which it was not
possible to resist. He was affected also with ulceration of the
intestines, and with especially severe pains in the colon, while a
watery and transparent humor settled about his feet.
7 He suffered also from a similar trouble in his abdomen.
Nay more, his privy member was putrefied and produced worms. He found
also excessive difficulty in breathing, and it was particularly
disagreeable because of the offensive-
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ness of the odor and the rapidity of respiration.
8 He had convulsions also in every limb, which gave him
uncontrollable strength. It was said, indeed, by those who possessed
the power of divination and wisdom to explain such events, that God had
inflicted this punishment upon the King on account of his great
impiety."
9 The writer mentioned above recounts these things in the
work referred to. And in the second book of his History he gives a
similar account of the same Herod, which runs as follows:[7] "The
disease then seized upon his whole body and distracted it by various
torments. For he had a slow fever, and the itching of the skin of his
whole body was insupportable. He suffered also from continuous pains in
his colon, and there were swellings on his feet like those of a person
suffering from dropsy, while his abdomen was inflamed and his privy
member so putrefied as to produce worms. Besides this he could breathe
only in an upright posture, and then only with difficulty, and he had
convulsions in all his limbs, so that the diviners said that his
diseases were a punishment.[8] 10 But he, although
wrestling with such sufferings, nevertheless clung to life and hoped
for safety, and devised methods of cure. For instance, crossing over
Jordan he used the warm baths at Callirhoë,[9] which flow into the
Lake Asphaltites,[10] but are themselves sweet enough to drink.
11 His physicians here thought that they could warm his
whole body again by means of heated oil. But when they had let him down
into a tub filled with oil, his eyes became weak and turned up like the
eyes of a dead person. But when his attendants raised an outcry, he
recovered at the noise; but finally, despairing of a cure, he commanded
about fifty drachms to be distributed among the soldiers, and great
sums to be given to his generals 12 and friends.
12 Then returning he came to Jericho, where, being seized
with melancholy, he planned to commit an impious deed, as if
challenging death itself. For, collecting from every town the most
illustrious men of all Judea, he commanded that they be shut up in the
so-called hippodrome. 13 And having summoned Salome,[11]
his sister, and her husband, Alexander,[12] he said: 'I know that
the Jews will rejoice at my death. But I may be lamented by others and
have a splendid funeral if you are willing to perform my commands. When
I shall expire surround these men, who are now under guard, as quickly
as possible with soldiers, and slay them, in order that all Judea and
every house may weep for me even against their will.'"[13] And after a
little Josephus says,
14 "And again he was so tortured by want of food and by a
convulsive cough that, overcome by his pains, he planned to
anticipate his fate. Taking an apple he asked also for a knife,
for he was accustomed to cut apples and eat them. Then looking round to
see that there was no one to hinder, he raised his right hand as if to
stab himself."[14]
15 In addition to these things the same writer records that
he slew another of his own sons[13] before his death, the third one
slain by his command, and that immediately afterward he breathed his
last, not without excessive pain.
16 Such was the end of Herod, who suffered a just
punishment for his slaughter of the children of Bethlehem,[16] which
was the result of his plots against our Saviour.
17 After this an angel appeared in a dream to Joseph in
Egypt and commanded him to go to Judea with the child and its mother,
revealing to him that those who had sought the life of the child were
dead.[7] To this the evangelist adds, "But when he heard that Archelaus
did reign in the room of his father Herod he was afraid to go thither;
notwithstanding being warned of God in a dream he turned aside into the
parts of Galilee."[18]
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CHAPTER IX.
The Times of Pilate.
THE historian already mentioned agrees with the evangelist in regard to
the fact that Archelaus[1] succeeded to the government after Herod. He
records the manner in which he received the kingdom of the Jews by the
will of his father Herod and by the decree of C'sar Augustus, and how,
after he had reigned ten years, he lost his kingdom, and his brothers
Philip[2] and Herod the younger,[3] with Lysanias,[4] still ruled their
own tetrarchies. The same writer, in the eighteenth book of his
Antiquities,[5] says that about the twelfth year of the reign of
Tiberius,[6] who had succeeded to the empire after Augustus had ruled
fifty-seven years,[7] Pontius Pilate was entrusted with the government
of Judea, and that he remained there ten full years, almost until the
death of Tiberius.
2 Accordingly the forgery of those who have recently given
currency to acts against our Saviour[8] is clearly proved. For the very
date given in them[9] shows the falsehood of their fabricators.
3 For the things which they have dared to say concerning
the passion of the Saviour are put into the fourth consulship of
Tiberius, which occurred in the seventh year of his reign; at which
time it is plain that Pilate was not yet ruling in Judea, if the
testimony of Josephus is to be believed, who clearly shows in the
above-mentioned work[10] that Pilate was made procurator of Judea by
Tiberius in the twelfth year of his reign.
CHAPTER, X.
The High Priests of the Jews under whom Christtaught.
1 IT was in the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius,[1]
according to the evangelist, and in the fourth year of the governorship
of Pontius Pilate,[2] while Herod and Lysanias and Philip were ruling
the rest of Judea,[3] that our Saviour and Lord, Jesus the Christ of
God, being about thirty years of age,[4] came to John for baptism and
began the promulgation of the Gospel.
2 The Divine Scripture says, moreover, that he passed the
entire time of his ministry under the high priests Annas and
Caiaphas,[5] showing that in the time which be-
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longed to the priesthood of those two men the whole period of his
teaching was completed. Since he began his work during the high
priesthood of Annas and taught until Caiaphas held the office, the
entire time does not comprise quite four years.
3 For the rites of the law having been already abolished
since that time, the customary usages in connection with the worship of
God, according to which the high priest acquired his office by
hereditary descent and held it for life, were also annulled and there
were appointed to the high priesthood by the Roman governors now one
and now another person who continued in office not more than one
year.[6]
4 Josephus relates that there were four high priests in
succession from Annas to Caiaphas. Thus in the same book of the
Antiquities[7] he writes as follows: "Valerius Graters[8] having put an
end to the priesthood of Ananus[9] appoints Ishmael,[10] the son of
Fabi, high priest. And having removed him after a little he appoints
Eleazer,[11] the son of Ananus the high priest, to the same office. And
having removed him also at the end of a year he gives the high
priesthood to Simon,[12] the son of Camithus. But he likewise held the
honor no more than a year, when Josephus, called also Caiaphas,[13]
succeeded him." Accordingly the whole time of our Saviour's ministry is
shown to have been not quite four full years, four high priests, from
Annas to the accession of Caiaphas, having held office a year each. The
Gospel therefore has rightly indicated Caiaphas as the high priest
under whom the Saviour suffered. From which also we can see that the
time of our Saviour's ministry does not disagree with the foregoing
investigation.
5 Our Saviour and Lord, not long after the 5 beginning of
his ministry, called the twelve apostles,[14] and these alone of all
his disciples he named apostles, as an especial honor. And again he
appointed seventy others whom he sent out two by two before his face
into every place and city whither he himself was about to come.[15]
CHAPTER XI.
Testimonies in Regard to John the Baptist and
Christ.
1 NOT long after this John the Baptist was beheaded by the
younger Herod,[1] as is stated in the Gospels.[2] Josephus also records
the same fact,[3] making mention of Herodias[4] by name, and
stating that, although she was the wife of his brother, Herod made her
his own wife after divorcing his former lawful wife, who was the
daughter of Aretas,[5] king of Petra, and separating Herodias from her
husband while he was still alive.
2 It was on her account also that he slew John, and waged
war with Aretas, because of the disgrace inflicted on the daughter of
the latter. Josephus relates that in this war, when they came to
battle, Herod's entire army was destroyed,[6] and that he suffered this
calamity on account of his crime against John.
3 The same Josephus confesses in this account that John the
Baptist was an exceedingly righteous man, and thus agrees with the
things written of him in the Gospels. He records also that Herod lost
his kingdom on account of
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the same Herodias, and that he was driven into banishment with her, and
condemned to live at Vienne in Gaul.[7]
4 He relates these things in the eighteenth book of the
Antiquities, where he writes of John in the following words:[8] "It
seemed to some of the Jews that the army of Herod was destroyed by God,
who most justly avenged John called the Baptist.
5 For Herod slew him, a good man and one who exhorted the
Jews to come and receive baptism, practicing virtue and exercising
righteousness toward each other and toward God; for baptism would
appear acceptable unto Him when they employed it, not for the remission
of certain sins, but for the purification of the body, as the soul had
been already purified in righteousness.
6 And when others gathered about him (for they found much
pleasure in listening to his words), Herod feared that his great
influence might lead to some sedition, for they appeared ready to do
whatever he might advise. He therefore considered it much better,
before any new thing should be done under John's influence, to
anticipate it by slaying him, than to repent after revolution had come,
and when he found himself in the midst of difficulties.[9] On account
of Herod's suspicion John was sent in bonds to the above-mentioned
citadel of Mach'ra,[10] and there slain."
7 After relating these things concerning John, he makes
mention of our Saviour in the same work, in the following words:[11]
"And there lived at that time Jesus, a wise man, if indeed it be proper
to call him a man. For he was a doer of wonderful works, and a teacher
of such men as receive the truth in gladness. And he attached to
himself many of the Jews, and many also of the Greeks. He was the
Christ.
8 When Pilate, on the accusation of our principal men,
condemned him to the cross, those who had loved him in the beginning
did not cease loving him. For he appeared unto them again alive on the
third day, the divine prophets having told these and countless other
wonderful things concerning him. Moreover, the race of Christians,
named after him, continues down to the present day."
9 Since an historian, who is one of the Hebrews themselves,
has recorded in his work these things concerning John the Baptist and
our Saviour, what excuse is there left for not convicting them of being
destitute of all shame, who have forged the acts against them?[12] But
let this suffice here.
CHAPTER XII.
The Disciples of our Saviour.
1 THE names of the apostles of our Saviour are known to
every one from the Gospels.[1] But there exists no catalogue of the
seventy disciples.[2] Barnabas, indeed, is said to have been one of
them, of whom the Acts of the apostles makes mention in various
places,[3]
99
and especially Paul in his Epistle to the Galatians.[4]
2 They say that Sosthenes also, who wrote to the
Corinthians with Paul, was one of them.[5] This is the account of
Clement[6] in the fifth book of his Hypotyposes, in which he also
says that Cephas was one of the seventy disciples,[7] a man who bore
the same name as the apostle Peter, and the one concerning whom Paul
says, "When Cephas came to Antioch I withstood him to his face."[8]
3 Matthias,[9] also, who was numbered with the
apostles in the place of Judas, and the one who was honored by being
made a candidate with him,[10] are like-wise said to have been deemed
worthy of the same calling with the seventy. They say that Thaddeus[11]
also was one of them, concerning whom I shall presently relate an
account which has come down to us.[12] And upon examination you will
find that our Saviour had more than seventy disciples, according to the
testimony of Paul, who says that after his resurrection from the dead
he appeared first to Cephas, then to the twelve, and after them to
above five hundred brethren at once, of whom some had fallen
asleep;[13] but the majority were still living 4 at the time he wrote.
4 Afterwards he says he appeared unto James, who was
one of the so-called brethren of the Saviour.[14] But, since in
addition to these, there were many others who were called apostles, in
imitation of the Twelve, as was Paul himself, he adds: "Afterward he
appeared to all the apostles."[15] So much in regard to these persons.
But the story concerning Thaddeus is as follows.
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CHAPTER XIII.
Narrative concerning the Prince of the Edessences.
1 The divinity of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ being
noised abroad among all men on account of his wonder-working power, he
attracted countless numbers from foreign countries lying far away from
Judea, who had the opening of being cured of their diseases and of all
kinds of sufferings.
2 For instance the King Abgarus,[1] who ruled with
great
glory the nations beyond the Euphrates, being afflicted with a terrible
disease which it was beyond the power of human skill to cure, when he
heard of the name of Jesus, and of his miracles, which were attested by
all with one accord sent a message to him by a courier and begged him
to heal his disease.
3 But he did not at that time comply with his
request; yet he deemed him worthy of a personal letter in which he said
that he would send one of his disciples to cure his disease, and at the
same time promised salvation to himself and all his house.
4 Not long afterward his promise was fulfilled.
For after his resurrection from the dead and his ascent into heaven,
Thomas,[2] one of the twelve apostles, under divine impulse sent
Thaddeus, who was also numbered among the seventy disciples of
Christ,[3] to Edessa,[4] as a preacher and evangelist of the teaching
of Christ.
5 And all that our Saviour had promised received
through him its fulfillment. You have written evidence of these things
taken from the archives of Edessa,[5] which was at that time a royal
city. For in the public registers there, which contain accounts of
ancient times and the acts of Abgarus, these things have been found
preserved down to the present time. But there is no better way than to
hear the epistles themselves which we have taken from the archives and
have literally translated from the Syriac language[6] in the following
manner. Copy of an epistle written by Abgarus the ruler to Jesus, tend
sent to him at Jerusalem by Ananias[7] the swift courier.
6 "Abgarus, ruler Of Edessa, to Jesus the 6 excellent
Saviour who has appeared in the country of Jerusalem, greeting. I have
heard the reports of thee and of thy cures as performed by thee without
medicines or herbs. For it is said that thou makest the blind to see
and the lame to walk, that thou cleansest lepers and castest out impure
spirits and demons, and that thou healest those afflicted with
lingering disease, and raisest the dead.
7 And having heard all these things concerning thee,
I have concluded that one of two things must be true: either thou art
God, and having come down from heaven thou doest these things, or else
thou, who doest these things, art the Son of God.[8]
8 I have therefore written to thee to ask thee that thou
wouldest take the trouble to come to me and heal the disease which I
have. For I have heard that the Jews are murmuring against thee and are
plotting to injure thee. But I have a very small yet noble city which
is great enough for us both."
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The answer of Jesus to the ruler Abgarus by the
courier Ananias.
9 "Blessed art thou who hast believed in me without having seen
me.[9] For it is written concerning me, that they who have seen me will
not believe in me, and that they who have not seen me will believe and
be saved.[10] But in regard to what thou hast written me, that I should
come to thee, it is necessary for me to fulfill all things here for
which I have been sent, and after I have fulfilled them thus to be
taken up again to him that sent me. But after I have been taken up I
will send to thee one of my disciples, that he may heal thy disease and
give life to thee and thine."
10 To these epistles there was added the following account in the
Syriac language. "After the ascension of Jesus, Judas,[11] who was also
called Thomas, sent to him Thaddeus, an apostle,[12] one of the
Seventy. When he was come he lodged with Tobias,[13] the son of Tobias.
When the report of him got abroad, it was told Abgarus that an apostle
of Jesus was come, as he had written him.
11 Thaddeus began then in the power of God to heal every
disease and infirmity, insomuch that all wondered. And when Abgarus
heard of the great and wonderful things which he did and of the cures
which he performed, he began to suspect that he was the one of whom
Jesus had written him, saying, 'After I have been taken up I will send
to thee one of my disciples who will heal thee.'
12 Therefore, summoning Tobias, with whom Thaddeus
lodged, he said, I have heard that a certain man of power has come and
is lodging in thy house. Bring him to me. And Tobias coming to Thaddeus
said to him, The ruler Abgarus summoned me and told me to bring thee to
him that thou mightest heal him. And Thaddeus said, I will go, for I
have been sent to him with power.
13 Tobias therefore arose early on the following day, and
taking Thaddeus came to Abgarus. And when he came, the nobles were
present and stood about Abgarus. And immediately upon his entrance a
great vision appeared to Abgarus in the countenance of the apostle
Thaddeus. When Abgarus saw it he prostrated himself before Thaddeus,
while all those who stood about were astonished; for they did not see
the vision, which appeared to Abgarus alone.
14 He then asked Thaddeus if he were in truth a
disciple of Jesus the Son of God, who had said to him, 'I will send
thee one of my disciples, who shall heal thee and give thee life.' And
Thaddeus said, Because thou hast mightily believed in him that sent me,
therefore have I 'been sent unto thee. And still further, if thou
believest in him, the petitions of thy heart shall be granted thee as
thou believest.
15 And Abgarus said to him, So much have I
believed in him that I wished to take an army and destroy those Jews
who crucified him, had I not been deterred from it by reason of the
dominion of the Romans. And Thaddeus said, Our Lord has fulfilled the
will of his Father, and having fulfilled it has been taken up to his
Father. And Abgarus said to him, I too have believed in him and in his
Father.
16 And Thaddeus said to him, Therefore I place my
hand upon thee in his name. And when he had done it, immediately
Abgarus was cured of the disease and of the suffering which he had.
17 And Abgarus marvelled, that as he had heard
concerning Jesus, so he had received in very deed through his disciple
Thaddeus, who healed him without medicines and herbs, and not only him,
but also Abdus[14] the son of Abdus, who was afflicted with the gout;
for he too came to him and fell at his feet, and having received a
benediction by the imposition of his hands, he was healed. The same
Thaddeus cured also many other inhabitants of the city, and did wonders
and marvelous works, and preached
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18 the word of God. And afterward Abgarus said, Thou, O Thaddeus, doest
these things with the power of God, and we marvel. But, in addition to
these things, I pray thee to inform me in regard to the coming of
Jesus, how he was born; and in regard to his power, by what power he
performed those deeds of which I have heard.
19 And Thaddeus said, Now indeed will I keep silence,
since I have
been sent to proclaim the word publicly. But to-morrow assemble for me
all thy citizens, and I will preach in their presence and sow among
them the word of God, concerning the coming of Jesus, how he was born;
and concerning his mission, for what purpose he was sent by the Father;
and concerning the power of his works, and the mysteries which he
proclaimed in the world, and by what power he did these things; and
concerning his new preaching, and his abasement and humiliation, and
how he humbled himself, and died and debased his divinity and was
crucified, and descended into Hades,[15] and burst the bars which from
eternity had not been broken,[16] and raised the dead; for he descended
alone, but rose with many, and thus ascended to his Father.[17]
20 Abgarus 20 therefore commanded the citizens to assemble
early in the morning to hear the preaching of Thaddeus, and afterward
he ordered gold and silver to be given him. But he refused to take it,
saying, If we have forsaken that which was our own, how shall we take
that which is another's? These things were done in the three hundred
and fortieth year."[18]
I have inserted them here in their proper place,
translated from the Syriac[19] literally, and I hope to good purpose.
BOOK II.
INTRODUCTION.
1 WE have discussed in the preceding book those subjects in
ecclesiastical history which it was necessary to treat by way of
introduction, and have accompanied them with brief proofs. Such were
the divinity of the saving Word, and the antiquity of the doctrines
which we teach, as well as of that evangelical life which is led by
Christians, together with the events which have taken place in
connection with Christ's recent appearance, and in connection with his
passion and with the choice of the apostles.
2 In the present book let us examine the events which
took place after his ascension, confirming some of them from the divine
Scriptures, and others from such writings as we shall refer to from
time to time.
CHAffER I.
The Course pursued by the Apostles after the
Ascension of Christ.
1 First, then, in the place of Judas, the betrayer,
Matthias,[1] who, as has been shown[2] was also one of the Seventy, was
chosen to the apostolate. And there were appointed to the
diaconate,[2a] for the service of the congregation, by prayer and the
laying on of the hands of the apostles, approved men,
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seven in number, of whom Stephen was one.[3] He first, after the Lord,
was stoned to death at the time of his ordination by the slayers of the
Lord, as if he had been promoted for this very purpose.[4] And thus he
was the first to receive the crown, corresponding to his name,[5] which
belongs to the martyrs of Christ, who are worthy of the meed of
victory. 2 Then James, whom the ancients surnamed the
Just[6] on account of the excellence of his virtue, is recorded to have
been the first to be made bishop of the church of Jerusalem. This James
was called the brother of the Lord[7] because he was known as a son of
Joseph,[8] and Joseph was supposed to be the father of Christ, because
the Virgin, being betrothed to him, "was found with child by the Holy
Ghost before they came together,"[9] as the account of the holy Gospels
shows.
3 But Clement in the sixth book of his
Hypotyposes[10] writes thus: "For they say that Peter and James and
John after the ascension of our Saviour, as if also preferred by our
Lord, strove not after honor, but chose James the Just bishop of
Jerusalem."[11]
4 But the same writer, in the seventh book of the
same work, relates also the following things concerning him: "The Lord
after his resurrection imparted knowledge to James the Just and to John
and Peter, and they imparted it to the rest of the apostles, and the
rest of the apostles to the seventy, of whom Barnabas was one.[12] But
there were two Jameses:[13] one called the Just, who was thrown from
the pinnacle of the temple and was beaten to death with a club by a
fuller,[14] and another who was beheaded."[15] Paul also makes mention
of the same James the Just, where he writes, "Other of the apostles saw
I none, save James the Lord's brother."[16]
5 At that time also the promise of our Saviour to the
king of the Osrhoenians was fulfilled. For Thomas, under a divine
impulse, sent Thaddeus to Edessa as a preacher and evangelist of the
religion of Christ, as we have shown a little above from the document
found there?
7 When he came to that place he healed Abgarus by the
word of Christ; and after bringing all the people there into the right
attitude of mind by means of his works, and leading them to adore the
power of Christ, he made them disciples of the Saviour's teaching. And
from that time down to the present the whole city of the Edessenes has
been devoted to the name of Christ,[18] offering no common proof of the
beneficence of our Saviour
toward them also.
8 These things have been drawn from ancient accounts;
but let us now turn again to the divine Scripture. When the first and
greatest persecution was instigated by the Jews against the church of
Jerusalem in connection with the martyrdom of Stephen, and when all the
disciples, except the Twelve, were scattered throughout Judea and
Samaria,[19] some, as the divine Scripture says, went as far as
Phoenicia and Cyprus and Antioch, but could not yet venture to impart
the word of faith to the nations, and therefore preached it to the Jews
alone.[20]
9 During this time Paul was still persecuting the
church, and entering the houses of believers was dragging men and women
away and committing them to prison.[21]
10 Philip also, one of those who with Stephen
had been entrusted with the diaconate, being among those who were
scattered abroad, went down to Samaria,[22] and being filled with the
divine power, he first preached the word to the inhabitants of that
country. And divine grace worked so mightily with him that even Simon
Magus with many others was attracted by his
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11 words.[23] Simon was at that time so celebrated, and had acquired,
by his jugglery, such influence over those who were deceived by him,
that he was thought to be the great power of God.[24] But at this time,
being amazed at the wonderful deeds wrought by Philip through the
divine power, he reigned and counterfeited faith in Christ, even going
so far as to receive baptism.[25]
12 And what is surprising, the same thing is done even to
this day by those who follow his most impure heresy.[26] For they,
after the manner of their forefather, slipping into the Church, like a
pestilential and leprous disease greatly afflict those into whom they
are able to infuse the deadly and terrible poison concealed in
themselves.[27] The most of these have been expelled as soon as they
have been caught in their wickedness, as Simon himself, when detected
by Peter, received the merited punishment.[28]
13 But as the preaching of the Saviour's Gospel
was daily advancing, a certain providence led from the land of the
Ethiopians an officer of the queen of that country,[29] for Ethiopia
even to the present day is ruled, according to ancestral custom, by a
woman. He, first among the Gentiles, received of the mysteries of the
divine word from Philip in consequence of a revelation, and having
become the first-fruits of believers throughout the world, he is said
to have been the first on returning to his country to proclaim the
knowledge of the God of the universe and the life-giving sojourn of our
Saviour among men;[30] so that through him in truth the prophecy
obtained its fulfillment, which declares that "Ethiopia stretcheth out
her hand unto God."[31]
14 In addition to these, Paul, that "chosen vessel,"[32]
"not of men neither through men, but by the revelation of Jesus Christ
himself and of God the Father who raised him from the dead,"[33] was
appointed an apostle, being made worthy of the call by a vision and by
a voice which was uttered in a revelation from heaven.[34]
CHAPTER II.
How Tiberius was affected when informed by
Pilate concerning Christ.
1 AND when the wonderful resurrection and ascension of our
Saviour were already noised abroad, in accordance with an ancient
custom which prevailed among the rulers of the provinces, of reporting
to the emperor the novel occurrences which took place in them, in order
that nothing might escape him, Pontius Pilate informed Tiberius[1] of
the reports which were noised abroad through all Palestine concerning
the resurrection of our Saviour Jesus from the dead.
2 He gave an account also of other wonders which he
had learned of him, and how, after his death, having risen from the
dead, he was now believed by many to be a God.[2] They say that
Tiberius referred the matter to the Senate,[3] but that they rejected
it, ostensibly because they had not first examined into the matter (for
an ancient law prevailed
106
that no one should be made a God by the Romans except by a vote and
decree of the Senate), but in reality because the saving teaching of
the divine Gospel did not need the confirmation and recommendation of
men.
3 But although the Senate of the Romans rejected the
proposition made in regard to our Saviour, Tiberius still retained the
opinion which he had held at first, and contrived no hostile measures
against Christ.[4] 4 These things are recorded by
Tertullian,[5] a man well versed in the laws of the Romans,[6] and in
other respects of high repute, and one of those especially
distinguished in Rome.[7] In his apology for the Christians,[8] which
was written by him in the Latin language, and has been translated into
Greek,[9] he writes as follows:[10]
5 "But in order that we may give an account of these
laws from their origin, it was an ancient decree n that no one should
be consecrated a God by the emperor until the Senate had expressed its
approval. Marcus Aurelius did thus concerning a certain idol,
Alburnus.[12] And this is a point in favor of our doctrine,[13] that
among you divine dignity is conferred by human decree. If a God does
not please a man he is not made a God. Thus, according to this custom,
it is necessary for man to be gracious to God.
6 Tiberius, therefore, under whom the name of Christ
made its entry into the world, when this doctrine was reported to him
from Palestine, where it first began, communicated with the Senate,
making it clear to them that he was pleased with the doctrine.[14] But
the Senate, since it had not itself proved the matter, rejected it. But
Tiberius continued to hold his own opinion, and threatened death to the
accusers of the Christians."[15] Heavenly providence had wisely
instilled this into his mind in order that the doctrine of the Gospel,
unhindered at its beginning, might spread in all directions throughout
the world.
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CHAPTER III.
The Doctrine of Christ soon spread throughout
All the World.
1 THUS, under the influence of heavenly power, and with the
divine co-operation, the doctrine of the Saviour, like the rays of the
sun, quickly illumined the whole world;[1] and straightway, in
accordance with the divine Scriptures,[2] the voice of the inspired
evangelists and apostles went forth through all the earth, and their
words to the end of the world.
2 In every city and village, churches were quickly
established, filled with multitudes of people like a replenished
threshing-floor. And those whose minds, in consequence of errors which
had descended to them from their forefathers, were fettered by the
ancient disease of idolatrous superstition, were, by the power of
Christ operating through the teaching and the wonderful works of his
disciples, set free, as it were, from terrible masters, and found a
release from the most cruel bondage. They renounced with abhorrence
every species of demoniacal polytheism, and confessed that there was
only one God, the creator of all things, and him they honored with the
rites of true piety, through the inspired and rational worship which
has been planted by our Saviour among men.
3 But the divine grace being now poured out upon the
rest of the nations Cornelius, of C'sarea in Palestine, with his whole
house, through a divine revelation and the agency of Peter, first
received faith in Christ;[3] and after him a multitude of other Greeks
in Antioch,[4] to whom those who were scattered by the persecution of
Stephen had preached the Gospel. When the church of Antioch was now
increasing and abounding, and a multitude of prophets from Jerusalem
were on the ground,[5] among them Barnabas and Paul and in addition
many other brethren, the name of Christians first sprang up there,[6]
as from a fresh and life-giving fountain.[7]And Agabus, one of the
prophets who was with them, uttered a prophecy concerning the famine
which was about to take place,[8] and Paul and Barnabas were sent to
relieve the necessities of the brethren.[9]
CHAPTER IV.
After the Death of Tiberius, Caius appointed
Agrippa King of the Jews, having punished Herod with Perpetual Exile.
Tiberius died, after having reigned about twenty-two years,[1] and
Caius succeeded him in the empire.[2] He immediately gave the
government of the Jews to Agrippa,[3] making him king over the
tetrarchies of Philip and of Ly-sanias; in addition to which he
bestowed upon him, not long afterward, the tetrarchy of Herod,[4]
having punished Herod (the one under whom the Saviour suffered[5]) and
his wife Herodias with perpetual exile[6] on account of numerous
crimes. Josephus is a witness to these facts.[7] Under this emperor,
Philo[8] became known;
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a man most celebrated not only among many of our own, but also among
many scholars without the Church. He was a Hebrew by birth, but was
inferior to none of those who held high dignities in Alexandria. How
exceedingly he labored in the Scriptures and in the studies of his
nation is plain to all from the work which he has done. How familiar he
was with philosophy and with the liberal studies of foreign nations, it
is not necessary to say, since he is reported to have surpassed all his
contemporaries in the study of Platonic and Pythagorean. philosophy, to
which he particularly devoted his attention.[9]
CHAPTER V.
Philo's Embassy to Caius in Behalf of the Jews.
1 PHILO has given us an account, in five books, of the
misfortunes of the Jews under Caius.[1] He recounts at the same time
the madness of Caius: how he called himself a god, and performed as
emperor innumerable acts of tyranny; and he describes further the
miseries of the Jews under him, and gives a report of the embassy upon
which he himself was sent to Rome in behalf of his fellow-countrymen in
Alexandria;[2] how when he appeared before Caius in behalf of the laws
of his fathers he received nothing but laughter and ridicule, and
almost incurred the risk of his life. Josephus also makes mention of
these things in the eighteenth book of his Antiquities, in the
following words: a "A sedition having arisen in Alexandria between the
Jews that dwell there and the Greeks,[4] three deputies were chosen
from each faction and went to Caius.
3 One of the Alexandrian deputies was Apion,[5] who uttered
many slanders against the Jews; among other things saying that they
neglected the honors due to C'sar. For while all other subjects of Rome
erected altars and temples to Caius, and in all other respects treated
him just as they did the gods, they alone considered it disgraceful to
honor him with statues and to swear by his name. And when Apion 4 had
uttered many severe charges by which he hoped that Caius would be
aroused, as indeed was likely, Philo, the chief of the Jewish embassy,
a man celebrated in every respect, a brother of Alexander the
Alabarch,[6] and not unskilled in philosophy, was prepared to enter
109
upon a defense in reply to his accusations. But Caius prevented him and
ordered him to leave, and being very angry, it was plain that he
meditated some severe measure against them. And Philo departed covered
with insult and told the Jews that were with him to be of good courage;
for while Caius was raging against them he was in fact already
contending with God." Thus far Josephus. And Philo himself, in the work
On the Embassy[7] which he wrote, describes accurately and in detail
the things which were done by him at that time. But I shall omit the
most of them and record only those things which will make clearly
evident to the reader that the misfortunes of the Jews came upon them
not long after their daring deeds against Christ and on account of the
same. And in the first place he relates that at Rome in the reign of
Tiberius, Sejanus, who at that time enjoyed great influence with the
emperor, made every effort to destroy the Jewish nation utterly;[8] and
that in Judea, Pilate, under whom the crimes against the Saviour were
committed, attempted something contrary to the Jewish law in respect to
the temple, which was at that time still standing in Jerusalem, and
excited them to the greatest tumults.[9]
CHAPTER VI.
The Misfortunes which overwhelmed the Jews
after their Presumption against Christ.
1 After the death of Tiberius, Caius received the empire,
and, besides innumerable other acts of tyranny against many people, he
greatly afflicted especially the whole nation of the Jews[1] These
things we may learn briefly from the words of Philo, who writes as
follows:[2] "So great was the caprice of Caius in his2. conduct toward
all, and especially toward the nation of the Jews. The latter he so
bitterly hated that he appropriated to himself their places of worship
in the other cities,[3] and beginning with Alexandria he filled them
with images and statues of himself (for in permitting others to erect
them he really erected them himself). The temple in the holy city,
which had hitherto been left untouched, and had been regarded as an
inviolable asylum, he altered and transformed into a temple of his own,
that it might be called the temple of the visible Jupiter, the younger
Caius."[4] Innumerable other terrible and 3 almost indescribable
calamities which came upon the Jews in Alexandria during the reign of
the same emperor, are recorded by the same author in a second work, to
which he gave the title, On the Virtues.[5] With him agrees also
Josephus, who likewise indicates that the misfortunes of the whole
nation began with the time of Pilate, and with their daring crimes
against the Saviour.[6] Hear what be says in 4 the second book of his
Jewish War, where he writes as follows:[7] "Pilate being sent to Judea
as procurator by Tiberius, secretly carried veiled images of the
emperor, called ensigns,[8] to Jerusalem by night. The following day
this caused the greatest disturbance among the Jews. For those who were
near were confounded at the sight, beholding their laws, as it were,
trampled under foot. For they allow no image to be set up in their
city." Comparing 5 these things with the writings of the evangelists,
you will see that it was not long before there came upon them the
penalty for the exclamation which they had uttered under the same
Pilate, when they cried out that they had no other king than C'sar.[9]
The same 6 writer further records that after this another calamity
overtook them. He writes as follows:[10] "After this he. stirred up
another tumult by snaking use of the holy treasure, which is called
Corban,[11] in the construction of an aqueduct
110
7 three hundred stadia in length.[12] The multitude were greatly
displeased at it, and when Pilate was in Jerusalem they surrounded his
tribunal and gave utterance to loud complaints. But he, anticipating
the tumult, had distributed through the crowd armed soldiers disguised
in citizen's clothing, forbidding them to use the sword, but commanding
them to strike with clubs those who should make an outcry. To them he
now gave the preconcerted signal from the tribunal. And the Jews being
beaten, many of them perished in consequence of the blows, while many
others were trampled under foot by their own countrymen in their
flight, and thus lost their lives. But the multitude, overawed by the
fate of those who
8 were slain, held their peace." In addition to these the
same author records[13] many other tumults which were stirred up in
Jerusalem itself, and shows that from that time seditions and wars and
mischievous plots followed each other in quick succession, and never
ceased in the city and in all Judea until finally the siege of
Vespasian overwhelmed them. Thus the divine vengeance overtook the Jews
for the crimes which they dared to commit against Christ.
CHAPTER VII. Pilate's Suicide.
IT is worthy of note that Pilate himself, who was
governor in the time of our Saviour, is reported to have fallen into
such misfortunes under Caius, whose times we are recording, that he was
forced to become his own murderer and executioner;[1] and thus divine
vengeance, as it seems, was not long in overtaking him. This is stated
by those Greek historians who have recorded the Olympiads, together
with the respective events which have taken place in each period.[2]
CHAPTER VIII.
The Famine which took Place in the Reign of
Claudius.
Caius had held the power not quite four 1 years,[1] when he was
succeeded by the emperor Claudius. Under him the world was visited with
a famine,[2] which writers that are entire strangers to our religion
have recorded in their histories.[3] And thus the prediction of Agabus
recorded in the Acts of the Apostles,[4] according to which the whole
world was to be visited by a famine, received its fulfillment. And 2
Luke, in the Acts, after mentioning the famine in the time of Claudius,
and stating that the brethren of Antioch, each according to his
ability, sent to the brethren of Judea by the hands of Paul and
Barnabas,[5] adds the following account.
CHAPTER IX.
The Martyrdom of James the Apostle. "[1] Now about
that time" (it is clear that 1 he means the time of Claudius)
"Herod the King[2] stretched forth his hands to vex certain of the
Church. And he killed James the brother of John with the sword." And 2
concerning this James, Clement, in the seventh book of his
Hypotyposes,[3] relates a story
111
which is worthy of mention; telling it as he received it from those who
had lived before him. He says that the one who led James to the
judgment-seat, when he saw him bearing his testimony, was moved, and
confessed that he was himself also a Christian.
3 They were both therefore, he says, led away together;
and on the way he begged James to forgive him. And he, after
considering a little, said, "Peace be with thee," and kissed him. And
thus they were both beheaded at the same time.
4 And then, as the divine Scripture says,[4] Herod, upon
the death of James, seeing that the deed pleased the Jews, attacked
Peter also and committed him to prison, and would have slain him if he
had not, by the divine appearance of an angel who came to him by night,
been wonderfully released from his bonds, and thus liberated for the
service of the Gospel. Such was the providence of God in respect to
Peter.
CHAPTER X.
Agrippa, who was also called Herod, having persecuted the Apostles,
immediately experienced the Divine Vengeance.
1 THE consequences of the king's undertaking against the
apostles were no, long deferred, but the avenging minister of divine
justice overtook him immediately after his plots against them, as the
Book of Acts records.[1] For when he had journeyed to C'sarea, on a
notable feast-day, clothed in a splendid and royal garment, he
delivered an address to the people from a lofty throne in front of the
tribunal. And when all the multitude applauded the speech, as if it
were the voice of a god and not of a man, the Scripture relates that an
angel of the Lord smote him, and being eaten of worms he gave up the
ghost.[2]
2 We must admire the account of Josephus for its agreement
with the divine Scriptures in regard to this wonderful event; for he
clearly bears witness to the truth in the nineteenth book of his
Antiquities, where he relates the wonder in the following words:[3]
3 "He had completed the third year of his reign over all
Judea[4] when he came to C'sarea, which was formerly called
Strato's Tower.[5] There he held games in honor of C'sar, learning that
this was a festival observed in behalf of C'sar's safety.[6] At this
festival was collected a great multitude of the highest and most
honorable men in the province.
4 And on the second day of the games he proceeded to the
theater at break of day, wearing a garment entirely of silver and of
wonderful texture. And there the silver, illuminated by the reflection
of the sun's earliest rays, shone marvelously, gleaming so brightly as
to produce a sort of fear and terror in those who gazed upon him.
5 And immediately his flatterers, some from one place,
others from another, raised up their voices in a way that was not for
his good, calling him a god, and saying, 'Be thou merciful; if up to
this time we have feared thee as a man, henceforth we confess that thou
art superior to the nature of mortals.'
6 The king did not rebuke them, nor did he reject their
impious
flattery. But after a little, looking up, he saw an angel sitting above
his head.[7] And this he quickly perceived would be the cause of evil as
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it had once been the cause of good fortune,[8] and he was smitten with
a heart-piercing pain.
7 And straightway distress, beginning with the greatest
violence, seized his bowels. And looking upon his friends he said, 'I,
your god, am now commanded to depart this life; and fate thus I on the
spot disproves the lying words you have just uttered concerning me. He
who has been called immortal by you is now led away to die; but our
destiny must be accepted as God has determined it. For we have passed
our life by no means ingloriously, but in that splendor which is
pronounced happiness.'9
8 And when he had said this he labored with an increase of
pain. He was accordingly carried in haste to the palace, while the
report spread among all that the king would undoubtedly soon die. But
the multitude, with their wives and children, sitting on sackcloth
after the custom of their fathers, implored God in behalf of the king,
and every place was filled with lamentation and tears.[10] And the king
as he lay in a lofty chamber, and saw them below lying prostrate on the
ground, could not refrain from weeping himself.
9 And after suffering continually for five days with pain
in the bowels, he departed this life, in the fifty-fourth year of his
age, and in the seventh year of his reign.[11] Four years he ruled
under the Emperor Caius--three of them over the tetrarchy of Philip, to
which was added in the fourth year that of Herod[12] --and three years
during the reign of the Emperor Claudius."
10 I marvel greatly that Josephus, in these things as well as in
others, so fully agrees with the divine Scriptures. But if there should
seem to any one to be a disagreement in respect to the name of the
king, the time at least and the events show that the same person is
meant, whether the change of name has been caused by the error of a
copyist, or is due to the fact that he, like so many, bore two
names.[13]
CHAPTER XI.
The Impostor Theudas and his Followers.
1 LUKE, in the Acts, introduces Gamaliel as saying, at the
consultation which was held concerning the apostles, that at the time
referred to,[1] "rose up Theudas boasting himself to be somebody; who
was slain; and all, as many as obeyed him, were scattered."[2] Let us
therefore add the account of Josephus concerning this man. He records
in the work mentioned just above, the following circumstances:[3]
2 "While Fadus was procurator of Judea[4] a certain
impostor called Theudas[5] persuaded
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a very great multitude to take their possessions and follow him to the
river Jordan. For he said that he was a prophet, and that the river
should be divided at his command, and afford them an easy passage.
3 And with these words he deceived many. But Fadus did not
permit them to enjoy their folly, but sent a troop of horsemen against
them, who fell upon them unexpectedly and slew many of them and took
many others alive, while they took Theudas himself captive, and cut off
his head and carried it to Jerusalem." Besides this he also makes
mention of the famine, which took place in the reign of Claudius, in
the following words.
CHAPTER XII.
Helen, the Queen of the Osrhoenians.
1 [1]"AND at this time" it came to pass that
the great famine a took place in Judea, in which the queen Helen,[4]
having purchased grain from Egypt with large sums, distributed it to
the needy."
You will find this statement also in agreement with
the Acts of the Apostles, where it is said that the disciples at
Antioch, "each according to his ability, determined to send relief to
the brethren that dwelt in Judea; which also they did, and sent it to
the elders by 3 the hands of Barnabas and Paul."[5] But splendid
monuments[6] of this Helen, Of whom the historian has made mention, are
still shown in the suburbs of the city which is now called 'lia,[7] But
she is said to have been queen of the Adiabeni.[8]
CHAPTER XIII.
Simon Magus.[1]
But faith in our Saviour and Lord Jesus 1 Christ having now
been diffused among all men,[2] the enemy of man's salvation contrived
a plan for seizing the imperial city for himself. He conducted thither
the above-mentioned Simon,[3] aided him in his deceitful arts, led many
of the inhabitants of Rome astray, and thus brought them into his own
power. This is 2 stated by Justin,[4] one of our distinguished
writers who lived not long after the time of the apostles. Concerning
him I shall speak in the proper place.[5] Take and read the work of this
114
man, who in the first Apology[6] which he addressed to
Antonine in behalf of our religion writes 3 as follows:[7] "And
after the ascension of the Lord into heaven the demons put
forward certain men who said they were gods, and who were not only
allowed by you to go unpersecuted, but were even deemed worthy of
honors. One of them was Simon, a Samaritan of the village of Gitto,[8]
who in the reign of Claudius C'sar[9] performed in your imperial city
some mighty acts of magic by the art of demons operating in him, and
was considered a god, and as a god was honored by you with a statue,
which was erected in the river Tiber,[10] between the two bridges, and
bore this inscription in the Latin tongue, Simoni Deo Sancto, that is,
To Simon the Holy God.[11] And nearly all the Samaritans and a few even
of other nations confess and worship him as the first God. And there
went around with him at that time a certain Helena[12] who had formerly
been a prostitute in Tyre of Phoenicia; and her they call the first
idea that proceeded from him."[13] Justin relates these things, and
Iren'us also 5 agrees with him in the first book of his work, Against
Heresies, where he gives an account of the man[14] and of his profane
and impure teaching. It would be superfluous to quote his account here,
for it is possible for those who wish to know the origin and the lives
and the false doctrines of each of the heresiarchs that have followed
him, as well as the customs practiced by them all, to find them treated
at length in the above-mentioned work of Iren'us. We 6 have understood
that Simon was the author of all heresy.[15] From his time down to the
present those who have followed his heresy have reigned the sober
philosophy of the Christians, which is celebrated among all on account
of its purity of life. But they nevertheless have embraced again the
superstitions of idols, which they seemed to have renounced; and they
fall down before pictures and images of Simon himself and of the
above-mentioned Helena who was with him; and they venture to worship
them with incense and sacrifices and libations. But those matters which
they keep 7 more secret than these, in regard to which they say that
one upon first hearing them would be astonished, and, to use one of the
written phrases in vogue among them, would be confounded,[16] are in
truth full of amazing things, and of madness and folly, being of such a
sort that it is impossible not only to commit them to writing, but also
for modest men even to utter them with the lips on account of their
excessive baseness and lewdness.[17] For what 8 ever could be conceived
of, viler than the
vilest thing -- all that has been outdone by this most abominable sect,
which is composed of those who make a sport of those miserable females
that are literally overwhelmed with all kinds of vices.[18]
CHAPTER XIV.
The Preaching of the Apostle Peter in Rome.
1 The evil power,[1] who hates all that is good
and plots against the salvation of men, constituted Simon at that time
the father and author of such wickedness,[2] as if to make him a mighty
antagonist of the great, inspired apostles of our Saviour. For that
divine and celestial grace which co-operates with its ministers, by
their appearance and presence, quickly extinguished the kindled flame
of evil, and humbled and cast down through them "every high thing that
exalted itself against the knowledge of God."[3] Wherefore neither the
conspiracy of Simon nor that of any of the others who arose at that
period could accomplish anything in those apostolic times. For
everything was conquered and subdued by the splendors of the truth and
by the divine word itself which had but lately begun to shine from
heaven upon men, and which was then flourishing upon earth, and
dwelling in the apostles themselves. Immediately[4] the above-mentioned
impostor was smitten in the eyes of his mind by a divine and miraculous
flash, and after the evil deeds done by him had been first detected by
the apostle Peter in Judea,[5] he fled and made a great journey across
the sea from the East to the West, thinking that only thus could he
live according to his mind. And coming to the city of Rome,[6] by the
mighty co-operation of that power which was lying in wait there, he was
in a short time so successful in his undertaking that those who dwelt
there honored him as a god by the 6 erection of a statue.[7] But
this did not last long. For immediately, during the reign
of Claudius, the all-good and gracious Providence, which watches over
all things, led Peter, that strongest and greatest of the apostles, and
the one who on account of his virtue was the speaker for all the
others, to Rome s against this great corrupter of life. He like a noble
commander of God, clad in divine armor, carried the costly merchandise
of the light of the understanding from the East to those who dwelt in
the West, proclaiming the light itself, and the word which brings
salvation to souls, and preaching the kingdom of heaven.[9]
CHAPTER XV.
The Gospel according to Mark.
AND thus when the divine word had made its home
among them,[1] the power of
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Simon was quenched and immediately destroyed, together with the man
himself.[2] And so greatly did the splendor of piety illumine the minds
of Peter's hearers that they were not satisfied with hearing once only,
and were not content with the unwritten teaching of the divine Gospel,
but with all sorts of entreaties they besought Mark,[3] a follower of
Peter, and the one whose Gospel is extant, that he would leave them a
written monument of the doctrine which had been orally communicated to
them. Nor did they cease until they had prevailed with the man, and had
thus become the occasion of the written Gospel which bears the name of
Mark.[4] And they say that Peter when he had 2 learned, through a
revelation of the Spirit, of that which had been done, was pleased with
the zeal of the men, and that the work obtained the sanction of his
authority for the purpose of being used in the churches.[5] Clement in
the eighth book of his Hypotyposes gives this account, and with him
agrees the bishop of Hierapolis named Papias.[6] And Peter makes
mention of Mark in his first epistle which they say that he wrote in
Rome itself, as is indicated by him, when he calls the city, by a
figure, Babylon, as he does in the following words: "The church that is
at Babylon, elected together with you, saluteth you; and so doth Marcus
my son."[7]
CHAPTER XVI.
Mark first proclaimed Christianity to the In-
habitants of Egypt.
And they say that this Mark was the first 1 that was sent
to Egypt, and that he proclaimed the Gospel which he had written, and
first established churches in Alexandria. 1 And the multitude of
believers, both men 2 and women, that were collected there at the very
outset, and lived lives of the most philosophical and excessive
asceticism, was so great, that Philo thought it worth while to describe
their pursuits, their meetings, their entertainments, and their whole
manner of life."[2]
CHAPTER XVII.
Philo's Account of the Ascetics of Egypt.
1 It is also said that Philo in the reign of Claudius became
acquainted at Rome with Peter, who was then preaching there.[1] Nor is
this indeed improbable, for the work of which we have spoken, and which
was composed by him some years later, clearly contains those rules of
the Church which are even to this day observed among us. And since he
describes as accurately as possible the life of our ascetics, it is
clear that he not only knew, but that he also approved, while he
venerated and extolled, the apostolic men of his time, who were as it
seems of the Hebrew race, and hence observed, after the manner of the
Jews, the 3 most of the customs of the ancients. In the work to which
he gave the title, On a Contemplative Life or on Suppliants,[2] after
affirming in the first place that he will add to those things which he
is about to relate nothing contrary to truth or of his own
invention,[3] he says that these men were called Therapeut' and the
women that were with them Therapeutrides.[4] He then adds the reasons
for such a name, explaining it from the fact that they applied remedies
and healed the souls of those who came to them, by relieving them like
physicians, of evil passions, or from the fact that they served and
worshiped the Deity in purity and sincerity. Whether Philo himself gave
them this 4 name, employing an epithet well suited to their mode of
life, or whether the first of them really called themselves so in the
beginning, since the name of Christians was not yet everywhere known,
we need not discuss here. He bears witness, however, that first of all
5 they renounce their property. When they begin the philosophical[5]
mode of life, he says, they give up their goods to their relatives, and
then, renouncing all the cares of life, they go forth beyond the walls
and dwell in lonely fields and gardens, knowing well that intercourse
with people of a different character is unprofitable and harmful. They
did this at that time, as seems probable, under the influence of a
spirited and ardent faith, practicing in emulation the prophets' mode
of life. For in the Acts of 6 the Apostles, a work universally
acknowledged as authentic,[6] it is recorded that all the
118
companions of the apostles sold their possessions and their property
and distributed to all according to the necessity of each one, so that
no one among them was in want. "For as many as were possessors of lands
or houses," as the account says, "sold them and brought the prices of
the things that were sold, and laid them at the apostles' feet, so that
distribution was made unto every man according as he had need."[7]
Philo bears witness to facts very much like those
here described and then adds the following account:[8] "Everywhere in
the world is this race[9] found. For it was fitting that both Greek[9a]
and Barbarian should share in what is perfectly good. But the race
particularly abounds in Egypt, in each of its so-called nomes,[10] and
especially about Alexandria. The best men from every quarter emigrate,
as if to a colony of the Therapeut''s fatherland,[11] to a
certain very suitable spot which lies above the lake Maria[12] upon a
low hill excellently situated on account of its security and the 9
mildness of the atmosphere" And then a little further
on, after describing the kind of houses which they had, he speaks as
follows concerning their churches, which were scattered about here and
there:[13] "In each house there is a sacred apartment which is
called a sanctuary and monastery,[14] where, quite alone, they perform
the mysteries of the religious life. They bring nothing into it,
neither drink nor food, nor any of the other things which contribute to
the necessities of the body, but only the laws, and the inspired
oracles of the prophets, and hymns and such other things as augment and
makeperfect their knowledge and piety." 10 And after some other
matters he says:[15] "The whole interval, from
morning to evening, is for them a time of exercise. For they read the
holy Scriptures, and explain the philosophy of their fathers in an
allegorical manner, regarding the written words as symbols of hidden
truth which is communicated in obscure 11 figures. They have also
writings of ancient men, who were the founders of their sect, and who
left many monuments of the allegorical method. These they use as
models, and imitate their principles." These things 12 seem to have
been stated by a man who had heard them expounding their sacred
writings. But it is highly probable that the works of the ancients,
which he says they had, were the Gospels and the writings of the
apostles, and probably some expositions of the ancient prophets, such
as are contained in the Epistle to the Hebrews, and in many others of
Paul's Epistles. Then again he writes as 13 follows concerning the new
psalms which they composed: 16 "So that they not only spend their time
in meditation, but they also compose songs and hymns to God in every
variety of metre and melody, though they divide them, of course, into
measures of more than common solemnity." The same book contains an 14
account of many other things, but it seemed necessary to select those
facts which exhibit the characteristics of the ecclesiastical mode of
life. But if any one thinks that what 15 has been said is not peculiar
to the Gospel polity, but that it can be applied to others besides
those mentioned, let him be convinced by the subsequent words of the
same author, in which, if he is unprejudiced, he will find undisputed
testimony on this subject. Philo's words are as follows:[17] "Having
laid down 16 temperance as a sort of foundation in the soul, they build
upon it the other virtues. None of them may take food or drink before
sunset, since they regard philosophizing as a work worthy of the light,
but attention to the wants of the body as proper only in the darkness,
and therefore assign the day to the former, but to the latter a small
portion of the night. But 17 some, in whom a great desire for knowledge
dwells, forget to take food for three days; and some are so delighted
and feast so luxuriously upon wisdom, which furnishes doctrines richly
and without stint, that they abstain even twice as long as this, and
are accustomed, after six days, scarcely to take necessary food." These
statements of Philo we regard as referring clearly and indisputably to
those of our communion. But if after these things any one still
obstinately persists in denying the reference, let him renounce his
incredulity and be convinced by yet more striking examples, which are
to be found nowhere else than in the evangelical religion of the
Christians.[18] For they say 19 that there were women also with those
of whom we are speaking, and that the most of them were aged
virgins[19] who had preserved
119
their chastity, not out of necessity, as some of the priestesses among
the Greeks,[20] but rather by their own choice, through zeal and a
desire for wisdom. And that in their earnest desire to live with it as
their companion they paid no attention to the pleasures of the body,
seeking not mortal but immortal progeny, which only the 20 pious soul
is able to bear of itself. Then after a little he adds still more
emphatically:[21] "They expound the Sacred Scriptures figuratively by
means of allegories. For the whole law seems to these men to resemble a
living organism, of which the spoken words constitute the body, while
the hidden sense stored up within the words constitutes the soul. This
hidden meaning has first been particularly studied by this sect, which
sees, revealed as in a mirror of names, the surpassing beauties of the
thoughts." Why is it necessary to add to these things their meetings
and the respective occupations of the men and of the women during those
meetings, and the practices which are even to the present day
habitually observed by us, especially such as we are accustomed to
observe at the feast of the Saviour's passion, with fasting and night
watching and study of the divine Word. These things the above-mentioned
author has related in his own work, indicating a mode of life
which has been preserved to the present time by us alone,
recording especially the vigils kept in connection with the great
festival, and the exercises performed during those vigils, and the
hymns customarily recited by us, and describing how, while one sings
regularly in time, the others listen in silence, and join in chanting
only the close of the hymns; and how, on the days referred to they
sleep on the ground on beds of straw, and to use his own
words,[22] "taste no wine at all, nor any flesh, but water is
their only drink, and therelish with their bread is salt and
hyssop." 23 In addition to this Philo describes the
order of dignities which ists among those who carry
on the services of the church, mentioning the diaconate, and the office
of bishop, which takes the precedence over all the others.[23] But
whosoever desires a more accurate knowledge of these matters may get it
from the history already cited. But that Philo, when he 24 wrote these
things, had in view the first heralds of the Gospel and the customs
handed down from the beginning by the apostles, is clear to every one.
CHAPTER XVIII.
The
Works of Philo[1] that have came down to us.
Copious in language, comprehensive in I thought, sublime and
elevated in his views of divine Scripture, Philo has produced manifold
and various expositions of the sacred books. On the one hand, he
expounds in order the events recorded in Genesis in the books to which
he gives the title Allegories of the Sacred Laws;[2] on the other hand,
he makes successive divisions-of the chapters in the Scriptures which
are the subject of investigation, and gives objections and solutions,
in the books which he quite suitably calls Questions and Answers an
Genesis and Exodus.[3] There are, besides these,[2] treatises expressly
worked out by him on certain subjects, such as the two books On
Agriculture,[4] and the same number On Drunken-
120
ness'[5] and some others distinguished by different titles
corresponding to the contents of each; for instance, Concerning the
things which the Sober Mind desires and execrates,[6] On the Confusion
of Tongues,[7] On Flight and Discovery,[8] On Assembly for the sake of
Instruction,[9] On the question, Who is heir to things divine?' or On
the division of things into equal and unequal,[10] and still further
the work On the three Virtues which 3 with others have been described
by Moses.[11] In addition to these is the work On those
whose Names have been changed and why they have been changed,[12]
in which he says that he had written also two hooks On Covenants?
And there is also a work of his On Emigration,[14] and one On the life
of a Wise Man made perfect in Righteousness, or On unwritten taws;[15]
and still further the work On Giants or On the Immutability of God,[16]
and a first, second, third, fourth and fifth book On the proposition,
that Dreams according to Moses are sent by God.[17] These are the hooks
on Genesis that have come down to us. But on Exodus we are acquainted
with the first, second, third, fourth and fifth books of Questions and
Answers,'[18] also with that On tire Tabernacle,[19] and that On the
ten Commandments,[20] and the four books
121
On the laws which refer especially to the principal divisions of the
ten Commandments,[21] and another On animals intended for sacrifice and
On the kinds of sacrifice,[22] and another On the re--wards fixed in
the law for the good, and on the punishments and curses fixed for the
wicked.[23] 6 In addition to all these there are
extant also some single-volumed works of his; as for
instance, the work On Providence,[24] and the book composed by him On
the Jews,[25] and The Statesman;[26] and still further, Alexander, or
On the possession of reason by the irrational animals?: Besides these
there is a work On the proposition that every wicked man is a slave, to
which is subjoined the work On the proposition that every goad man is
free.[28] After 7 these was composed by him the work On the
contemplative life, or On suppliants,[29] from which we have drawn the
facts concerning the life of the apostolic men; and still further, the
Interpretation of the Hebrew names in the law and in the prophets are
said to be the result of his industry.[30] And he is said to have 8
read in the presence of the whole Roman Senate during the reign of
Claudius[31] the work which he had written, when he came to Rome under
Coins, concerning Coins' hatred of the gods, and to which, with
ironical reference to its character, he had given the title On the
Virtues.[32] And his discourses were so much admired as to be deemed
worthy of a place in the libraries. At this time, while Paul was
completing 9 his journey "from Jerusalem and round about unto
Illyricum,"[33] Claudius drove the Jews out of Rome; and Aquila and
Priscilla, leaving Rome with the other Jews, came to Asia, and there
abode with the apostle Paul, who was confirming the churches of that
region whose
122
foundations he had newly laid. The sacred book of the Acts informs us
also of these things.[34]
CHAPTER XIX.
The Calamity which befell the Jews in Jerusalem
an the Day of the _Passover.
1 While Claudius was still emperor, it
happened that so great a tumult and disturbance took place in Jerusalem
at the feast of the Passover, that thirty thousand of those Jews alone
who were forcibly crowded together at the gate of the temple
perished,[1] being trampled under foot by one another. Thus the
festival became a season of mourning for all the nation, and there was
weeping in every house. These things are related literally[2] by
Josephus.
But Claudius appointed Agrippa,[3] son of Agrippa,
king of the Jews, having sent Felix[4] as procurator of the whole
country of Samaria and Galilee, and of the land called Perea.[5] And
after he had reigned thirteen years and eight months a he died, and
left Nero as his successor in the empire.
CHAPTER XX.
The Events which took _Place in Jerusalem dur-
ing the Reign of Nero.
Josephus again, in the twentieth book of his Antiquities,
relates the quarrel which arose among the priests during the reign of
Nero, while Felix was procurator of Judea. His words are as follows[1]:
"There arose a 2 quarrel between the high priests on the one hand and
the priests and leaders of the people of Jerusalem on the other.[2] And
each of them collected a body of the boldest and most restless men, and
put himself at their head, and whenever they met they hurled invectives
and stones at each other. And there was no one that would interpose;
but these things were done at will as if in a city destitute of a
ruler. And so great was the shamelessness and audacity of the high
priests that they dared to send their servants to the threshing-floors
to seize the tithes due to the priests; and thus those of the priests
that were poor were seen to be perishing of want. In this way did the
violence of the factions prevail over all justice." And the same 4
author again relates that about the same time there sprang up in
Jerusalem a certain kind of robbers,[3]" who by day," as he says,
"and in the middle of the city slew those who met them." For,
especially at the feasts, 5 they mingled with the multitude, and with
short swords, which they concealed under their garments, they
stabbed the most distinguished men. And when they fell, the murderers
themselves were among those who expressed their indignation. And thus
on account of the con-
123
fidence which was reposed in them by all, 6 they remained
undiscovered. The first that was slain by them was Jonathan the
high priest;[4] and after him many were killed every day, until the
fear became worse than the evil itself, each one, as in battle, hourly
expecting death.
CHAPTER XXI.
The Egyptian, who is mentioned also in the Acts
of the Apostles.
1 After other matters he proceeds as follows:[1] "But the
Jews were afflicted with a greater plague than these by the Egyptian
false prophet.[2] For there appeared in the land an impostor who
aroused faith in himself as a prophet, and collected about thirty
thousand of those whom he had deceived, and led them from the desert to
the so-called Mount of Olives whence he was prepared to enter Jerusalem
by force and to overpower the Roman garrison and seize the government
of the people, using those who made the attack with him as body
2. guards. But Felix anticipated his attack, and went out to meet
him with the Roman legionaries, and all the people joined in the
defense, so that when the battle was fought the Egyptian fled with a
few followers, but the most of them were destroyed or taken
captive." 8 Josephus relates these events in the
second book of his History.[3] But it is worth while comparing
the account of the Egyptian given here with that contained in the Acts
of the Apostles. In the time of Felix it was said to Paul by the
centurion in Jerusalem, when the multitude of the Jews raised a
disturbance against the apostle, "Art not thou he Who before these days
made an uproar, and led out into the wilderness four thousand men that
were murderers?"[4] These are the events which took place in the time
of Felix.[5]
CHAPTER XXII.
Paul having been sent bound from Judea to Rome, made his Defense, and
was acquitted of every Charge. Festus[1] was sent by Nero
to be Felix's 1 successor. Under him Paul, having made his
defense, was sent bound to Rome[2] Aristarchus was with him, whom he
also somewhere in his epistles quite naturally calls his
fellow-prisoner.[3]
124
And Luke, who wrote the Acts of the Apostles,[4] brought his history to
a close at this point, after stating that Paul spent two whole years at
Rome as a prisoner at large, and preached the word of God without
restraint.[5] Thus after he had made his defense it is said that the
apostle was sent again upon the ministry of preaching,[6] and that upon
coming to the same city a second time he suffered martyrdom.[7] In this
imprisonment he wrote his second epistle to Timothy,[8] in which he
mentions his first 3 defense and his impending death. But
hear his testimony on these matters: "At my first answer,"
he says, "no man stood with me, but all men forsook me: I pray God that
it may not be laid to their charge. Notwithstanding the Lord stood with
me, and strengthened me; that by me the preaching might be fully known,
and that all the Gentiles might hear: and I was delivered out of the
mouth of the lion."[9] He plainly indicates in these words that 4 on
the former occasion, in order that the preaching might be fulfilled by
him, he was rescued from the mouth of the lion, referring, in this
expression, to Nero, as is probable on account of the latter's cruelty.
He did not therefore afterward add the similar statement, "He will
rescue me from the mouth of the lion"; for he saw in the spirit that
his end would not be long delayed. Wherefore he 5 adds to the words,
"And he delivered me from the mouth of the lion," this sentence: "The
Lord shall deliver me from every evil work, and will preserve me unto
his heavenly kingdom,"[10] indicating his speedy martyrdom; which he
also foretells still more clearly in the same epistle, when he writes,
"For I am now ready to be offered, and the time of my departure is at
hand."[11] In his second 6 epistle to Timothy, moreover, he indicates
that Luke was with him when he wrote,[12] but at his first
defense not even he.[13] Whence it is probable that Luke wrote the Acts
of the Apostles at that time, continuing his history down to the period
when he was with Paul.[14] But 7 these things have been adduced by us
to show that Paul's martyrdom did not take place at the time of that
Roman sojourn which Luke
125
8 records. It is probable indeed that as Nero was more disposed to
mildness in the beginning, Paul's defense of his doctrine was more
easily received; but that when he had advanced to the commission of
lawless deeds of daring, he made the apostles as well as others the
subjects of his attacks.[15]
CHAPTER XXIII
The Martyrdom of James, who was called the
Brother of the Lord.
1 But after Paul, in consequence of his
appeal to C'sar, had been sent to Rome by Festus, the Jews, being
frustrated in their hope of entrapping him by the snares which they had
laid for him, turned against James, the brother of the Lord,[1] to whom
the episcopal seat at Jerusalem bad been entrusted by the apostles.[2]
The following daring measures were undertaken by them against him.
Leading him into their midst they demanded of him that he should
renounce faith in Christ in the presence of all the people. But,
contrary to the opinion of all, with a clear voice, and with greater
boldness than they had anticipated, he spoke out before the whole
multitude and confessed that our Saviour and Lord Jesus is the
Son of God. But they were unable to bear longer the testimony of
the man who, on account of the excellence of ascetic virtue[3]
and of piety which he exhibited in his life, was esteemed
by all as the most just of men, and consequently they slew him.
Opportunity for this deed of violence was furnished by the
prevailing anarchy, which was caused by the fact that Festus had
died just at this time in Judea, and that the province was thus
without a governor and head.[4] The manner of James' death has been
already indicated by the above-quoted words of Clement, who
records that he was thrown from the pinnacle of the temple, and was
beaten to death with a club.[5] But Hegesippus,[6] who lived
immediately after the apostles, gives the most accurate account
in the fifth book of his Memoirs.[7] He writes 4 as
follows: "James, the brother of the Lord, succeeded to the government
of the Church in conjunction with the apostles.[8] He has been called
the Just[9] by all from the time of our Saviour to the present day; for
there were many that bore the name of James. He was holy 5 from his
mother's womb; and he drank no wine nor strong drink, nor did he eat
flesh. No razor came upon his head; he did not anoint himself with oil,
and he did not use the bath. He alone was permitted to enter 6 into the
holy place ; for he wore not woolen but linen garments. And he was in
the habit of entering alone into the temple, and was frequently found
upon his knees begging forgiveness for the people, so that his knees
became hard like those of a camel, in consequence of his constantly
bending them in his worship of God, and asking forgiveness for the
people.[10] Because 7 of his exceeding great justice he was called the
Just, and Oblias,[11] which signifies in Greek, Bulwark of the people'
and 'Justice,'[12] in accordance with what the prophets declare
concerning him.[13] Now some of the seven 8 sects, which existed
among the people and which have been mentioned by me in the
Memoirs,[14] asked him, 'What is the gate of Jesus ?[15]
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and he replied that he was the Saviour. On account of these words some
believed that Jesus is the Christ. But the sects mentioned above did
not believe either in a resurrection or in one's coming to give to
every man according to his works.[16] But as many as believed did
so on account of James. 10 Therefore when many even of the
rulers believed, there was a commotion among the Jews and
Scribes and Pharisees, who said that there was danger that the whole
people would be looking for Jesus as the Christ. Coming therefore
in a body to James they said, 'We entreat thee, restrain the people;
for they are gone astray in regard to Jesus, as if he were the Christy
We entreat thee to persuade all that have come to the feast of the
Passover concerning Jesus; for we all have confidence in thee. For we
bear thee witness, as do all the people, that thou art just, and dost
not respect per 11 sons.[18] Do thou therefore persuade the
multitude not to be led astray concerning Jesus. For the whole people,
and all of us also, have confidence in thee. Stand therefore upon the
pinnacle of the temple,[19] that from that high position thou mayest be
clearly seen, and that thy words may be readily heard by all the
people. For all the tribes, with the Gentiles also, are come together
on account of the Passover.' The aforesaid Scribes and Pharisees
therefore placed James upon the pinnacle of the temple, and cried out
to him and said: Thou just one, in whom we ought all to have:
confidence, forasmuch as the people are led, astray after Jesus, the
crucified one, declare to us, what is the gate of Jesus.'[20] And
he answered with a loud voice,' Why do ye ask me concerning Jesus, the
Son of Man ? He himself sitteth in heaven at the right hand of the
great Power, and is about to come upon the clouds of heaven.'[21] And
when many were 14 fully convinced and gloried in the testimony of
James, and said, 'Hosanna to the Son of David,' these same Scribes and
Pharisees said again to one another,' We have done badly in supplying
such testimony to Jesus. But let us go up and throw him down, in order
that they may be afraid to believe him.' And 15 they cried out, saying,
'Oh! oh! the just man is also in error.' And they fulfilled the
Scripture written in Isaiah,[22] ' Let us take away [23] the just man,
because he is troublesome to us: therefore they shall eat the fruit of
their doings.' So they went up and threw down 16 the just man, and said
to each other, 'Let us stone James the Just.' And they began to stone
him, for he was not killed by the fall; but he turned and knelt down
and said, 'I entreat thee, Lord God our Father,[24] forgive them, for
they know not what they do.'[25] And 17 while they were thus stoning
him one of the priests of the sons of Rechab, the son of the
Rechabites,[26] who are mentioned by Jeremiah the prophet,[27] cried
out, saying, 'Cease, what do ye? The just one prayeth for you[28]
127
18 And one of them, who was a fuller, took the club with which he
beat out clothes and struck the just man on the head. And thus he
suffered martyrdom.[29] And they buried him on the spot, by the temple,
and his monument still remains by the temple.[30] He became a true
witness, both to Jews and Greeks, that Jesus is the Christ. And
immediately Vespasian besieged them."[31] 19 These things are
related at length by Hegesippus, who is in agreement with Clement.[32]
James was so admirable a man and so celebrated among all for his
justice, that the more sensible even of the Jews were of the opinion
that this was the cause of the siege of Jerusalem, which happened to
them immediately after his martyrdom for no other reason than
20 their daring act against him. Josephus, at
least, has not hesitated to testify this in his writings, where he
says,[33] "These things happened to the Jews to avenge James the
Just, who was a brother of Jesus, that is called theChrist. For the
Jews slew him, although 21 he was a most just man." And the
same writer records his death also in the twentieth
book of his Antiquities in the following words:[34] "But the emperor,
when he learned of the death of Festus, sent Albinus[35] to be
procurator of Judea. But the younger Ananus,[36] who, as we have
already said,[37] had obtained the high priesthood, was of an
exceedingly bold and reckless disposition. He belonged, moreover, to
the sect of the Sadducees, who are the most cruel of all the Jews in
the execution of judgment, as we have already shown.[38] Ananus,22
therefore, being of this character, and supposing that he had a
favorable opportunity on account of the fact that Festus was dead, and
Albinus was still on the way, called together the Sanhedrim, and
brought before them the brother of Jesus, the so-called Christ, James
by name, together with some others,[39] and accused them of violating
the law, and condemned them to be stoned.[40] But those in the city who
23 seemed most moderate and skilled in the law were very angry at this,
and sent secretly to the king,[41] requesting him to order Ananus to
cease such proceedings. For he had not done right even this first time.
And certain of them also went to meet Albinus, who was journeying from
Alexandria, and reminded him that it was not lawful for Ananus to
summon the Sanhedrim without his knowledge.[42] And Albinus, being 24
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persuaded by their representations, wrote in anger to Ananus,
threatening him with punishment. And the king, Agrippa, in
consequence, deprived him, of the high priesthood,[43] which he had
held threemonths, and appointed Jesus, the son of 25 Damnaeus."[44]
These things are recorded in regard to James, who is said to be the
author of the first of the so-called catholic[45] epistles. But it is
to be observed that it is disputed;[46] at least, not many of the
ancients have mentioned it, as is the case likewise with the epistle
that bears the name of Jude,[47] which is also one of the seven
so-called catholic epistles. Nevertheless we know that these also,[48]
with the rest, have been read publicly in very many churches.[49]
CHAPTER XXIV.
Annianus the First Bishop of the Church of
Alexandria after Mark.
WHEN Nero was in the eighth year of his reign,[1]
Annianus[2] succeeded Mark the evangelist in the administration of the
parish of Alexandria.[3]
CHAffER XXV.
The Persecution under Nero in which Paul and Peter were honored at Rome
with Martyrdom in Behalf of Religion. WHEN the government of Nero
was now 1 firmly established, he began to plunge into unholy pursuits,
and armed himself even against the religion of the God of the universe.
To describe the greatness of his depravity2 does not lie within the
plan of the present work. As there are many indeed that have recorded
his history in most accurate narratives,[1] every one may at his
pleasure learn from them the coarseness of the man's extraordinary
madness, under the influence of which, after he had accomplished the
destruction of so many myriads without any reason, he ran into such
blood-guiltiness that he did not spare even his nearest relatives and
dearest friends, but destroyed his mother and his brothers and his
wife,[2] with very many others of his own family
129
as he would private and public enemies, with various kinds of deaths.
But with all these things this particular in the catalogue of his
crimes was still wanting, that he was the first of the emperors who
showed himself an enemy of the divine religion. 4 The Roman Tertullian
is likewise a witness of this. He writes as follows:[3] "Examine
your records. There you will find that Nero was the first that
persecuted this doctrine,[4] particularly then when after subduing all
the east, he exercised his cruelty against all at Rome.[5] We glory in
having such a man the leader in our punishment. For whoever knows him
can understand that nothing was condemned by Nero unless it was
something 5 of great excellence." Thus publicly announcing himself as
the first among God's chief enemies, he was led on to the slaughter of
the apostles. It is, therefore, recorded that Paul was beheaded in Rome
itself,[6] and that Peter likewise was crucified under Nero.[7] This
account of Peter and Paul is substantiated by the fact that their names
are preserved in the cemeteries of that place even to the present day.
It is confirmed likewise by Caius,[8] 6
130
a member of the Church,[9] who arose[10] under Zephyrinus,[11] bishop
of Rome. He, in a published disputation with Proclus,[12] the leader of
the Phrygian heresy,[13] speaks as follows concerning the places where
the sacred corpses 7 of the aforesaid apostles are laid: "But[14] I can
show the trophies of the apostles. For if you will go to the
Vatican[15] or to the Ostian way,[16] you will find the trophies of
those who laid the foundations of this church."[17] 8 And that they
both suffered martyrdom at the same time is stated by Dionysius, bishop
of Corinth,[18] in his epistle to the Romans,[19] in the
following words: "You have thus by such an admonition bound together
the planting of Peter and of Paul at Rome and Corinth. For both of them
planted and likewise taught us in our Corinth.[20] And they taught
together in like manner in Italy, and suffered martyrdom at the same
time."[21] I have quoted these things in order that the truth of the
history might be still more confirmed.
CHAPTER XXVI.
The Jews, afflicted with Innumerable Evils, commenced the Last War
against the Romans. Josephus again, after relating many things 1
in connection with the calamity which came upon the whole Jewish
nation, records,[1] in addition to many other circumstances, that a
great many[2] of the most honorable among the Jews were scourged in
Jerusalem itself and then crucified by Florus.[3] It happened that he
was procurator of Judea when the war began to be kindled, in the
twelfth year of Nero.[4]
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2 Josephus says[5] that at that time a terrible commotion was
stirred up throughout all Syria in consequence of the revolt of the
Jews, and that everywhere the latter were destroyed without mercy, like
enemies, by the inhabitants of the cities, "so that one could see
cities filled with unburied corpses, and the dead bodies of the aged
scattered about with the bodies of infants, and women without even a
covering for their nakedness, and the whole province full of
indescribable calamities, while the dread of those things that were
threatened was greater than the sufferings themselves which they
anywhere endured."[6] Such is the account of Josephus; and such was the
condition of the Jews at that time.
BOOK III.
CHAPTER I.
The Parts of the World in which the Apostles
preached Christ.
1 Such was the condition of the Jews. Meanwhile the holy
apostles and disciples of our Saviour were dispersed throughout the
world.[1] Parthia,[2] according to tradition, was allotted to Thomas as
his field of labor, Scythia[3] to Andrew,[4] and Asia[5] to John,[6]
who, after he had lived some time there,[7] died at Ephesus. Peter
appears to have preached 6 in 2 Pontus, Galatia, Bithynia, Cappadocia,
and Asia[9] to the Jews of the dispersion. And at last, having come to
Rome, he was crucified head-downwards;[10] for he had requested that he
might suffer in this way. What do we need to say concerning Paul, who
preached the Gospel of Christ from Jerusalem to Illyricum,[11] and
afterwards suffered martyrdom in Rome under
133
Nero?[12] These facts are related by Origen in the third volume of his
Commentary on Genesis.[13]
CHAPTER II.
The First Ruler of the Church of Rome.
After the martyrdom of Paul and of Peter, Linus[1]
was the first to obtain the episcopate of the church at Rome. Paul
mentions him, when writing to Timothy from Rome, in the salutation at
the end of the epistle.[2]
CHAPTER III.
The Epistles of the Apostles.
One epistle of Peter, that called the first, is acknowledged as
genuine.[1] And this the ancient elders[2] used freely in their own
writings as an undisputed work.[3] But we have learned that his extant
second Epistle does not belong to the canon;[4] yet, as it has appeared
profitable to many, it has been used with the other Scriptures.[5] The
so-called Acts 2 of Peter,[6] however, and the Gospel[7] which bears
his name, and the Preaching[8] and the
134
Apocalypse,[9] as they are called, we know have not been universally
accepted,[10] because no ecclesiastical writer, ancient or modern, has
made use of testimonies drawn from them.[11] 3 But in the course
of my history I shall be careful to show, in addition to the official
succession, what ecclesiastical writers have from time to time made use
of any of the disputed works,[12] and what they have said in regard to
the canonical and accepted writings,[13] as well as in regard to those
which are not of this class. Such are the writings that bear the name
of Peter, only one of which I know to be genuine[14] and acknowledged
by the ancient elders.[15] 5 Paul's fourteen epistles are well
known and undisputed.[16] It is not indeed right to overlook the fact
that some have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews,[17] saying that it
is dis-
Please choose an option.
135
puted[18] by the church of Rome, on the ground that it was not written
by Paul. But what has been said concerning this epistle by those who
lived before our time I shall quote in the proper place.[19] In regard
to the so-called Acts of Paul,[20] I have not found them among the
undisputed writings.[21]
6 But as the same apostle, in the salutations at the end of
the Epistle to the Romans,[22] has made mention among others of Hermas,
to whom the book called The Shepherd[23] is ascribed, it should be
observed that this too has been disputed by some, and on their account
cannot be placed among the acknowledged books; while by others it is
considered quite indispensable, especially to those who need
instruction in the elements of the faith. Hence, as we know, it has
been publicly read in churches, and I have found that some of the
most ancient writers used it. This will serve to show the divine
writings that are undisputed as well as those that are not universally
acknowledged.
136
CHAPTER IV.
The First Successors of the Apostles.
1 THAT Paul preached to the Gentiles and laid the
foundations of the churches "from Jerusalem round about even unto
Illyricum," is evident both from his own words,[1] and from theaccount
which Luke has given in the Acts.[2]
2 And in how many provinces Peter preached Christ and
taught the doctrine of the new covenant to those of the circumcision is
clear from his own words in his epistle already mentioned as
undisputed,[3] in which he writes to the Hebrews of the dispersion in
Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia.[4] But the number and
the names of those among them that became true and zealous followers of
the apostles, and were judged worthy to tend the churches rounded by
them, it is not easy to tell, except those mentioned in the writings of
Paul. For he had innumerable fellow-laborers, or "fellow-soldiers," as
he called them,[5] and most of them were honored by him with an
imperishable memorial, for he gave enduring testimony 5 concerning them
in his own epistles. Luke also in the Acts speaks of his friends, and
mentions them by name.[6]
6 Timothy, so it is recorded, was the first to
receive the episcopate of the parish in Ephesus,[7] Titus of the
churches in Crete.[8] But Luke,[9] who was of Antiochian parentage and
a physician by 7 profession,[10] and who was especially intimate with
Paul and well acquainted with the rest of the apostles,[11] has left
us, in two inspired books, proofs of that spiritual healing art which
he learned from them. One of these books is the Gospel,[12] which
he testifies that he wrote as those who were from the beginning
eye witnesses and ministers of the word delivered unto him, all of
whom, as he says, he followed accurately from the first.[13] The other
book is the Acts of the Apostles[14] which he
137
composed not from the accounts of others, but from what he had seen
himself. And they say that Paul meant to refer to Luke's Gospel
wherever, as if speaking of some gospel of his own, he used the words,
"according to my Gospel."[15] As to the rest of his followers, Paul
testifies that Crescens was sent to Gaul;[16] but Linus, whom he
mentions in the Second Epistle to Timothy[17] as his companion at Rome,
was Peter's successor in the episcopate of the church there, as has
already been shown.[18] Clement also, who was ap 10 pointed third
bishop of the church at Rome, was, as Paul testifies, his co-laborer
and fellow-soldier.[19] Besides these, that Areopa 11 gite, named
Dionysius, who was the first to believe after Paul's address to the
Athenians in the Areopagus (as recorded by Luke in the Acts)[20] is
mentioned by another Dionysius, an
138
ancient writer and pastor of the parish in Corinth,[21] as the first
bishop of the church at 12. Athens. But the events connected with
the apostolic succession we shall relate at the proper time. Meanwhile
let us continue the course of our history.
CHAPTER V.
The Last Siege of the Jews after Christ.
AFTER Nero had held the power thirteen years,[1] and
Galba and Otho had ruled a year and six months,[2] Vespasian, who had
become distinguished in the campaigns against the Jews, was proclaimed
sovereign in Judea and received the title of Emperor from the armies
there.[3] Setting out immediately, therefore, for Rome, he entrusted
the conduct of the war
2. against the Jews to his son Titus.[4] For the Jews
after the ascension of our Saviour, in addition to their crime against
him, had been devising as many plots as they could against his
apostles. First Stephen was stoned to death by them,[5] and after him
James, the son of Zebedee and the brother of John, was beheaded,[6] and
finally James, the first that had obtained the episcopal seat in
Jerusalem after the ascension of our Saviour, died in the manner
already described.[7] But the rest of the apostles, who had been
incessantly plotted against with a view to their destruction, and had
been driven out of the land of Judea, went unto all nations to preach
the Gospel,[8] relying upon the power of Christ, who had said to them,
"Go ye and make disciples of all the nations in my name."[9]
But the people of the church in Jerusalem had been
commanded by a revelation, vouchsafed to approved men there before the
war, to leave the city and to dwell in a certain town of Perea called
Pella.[10] And when those that believed in Christ had come thither from
Jerusalem, then, as if the royal city of the Jews and the whole land of
Judea were entirely destitute of holy men, the judgment of God at
length overtook those who had committed such outrages against Christ
and his apostles, and totally destroyed that generation of impious men.
But the number of calamities which every 4 where fell upon the nation
at that time; the extreme misfortunes to which the inhabitants of Judea
were especially subjected, the thousands of men, as well as women and
children, that perished by the sword, by famine, and by other forms of
death innumerable,--all these things, as well as the many great sieges
which were carried on against the cities of Judea, and the excessive.
sufferings endured by those that fled to Jerusalem itself, as to a city
of perfect safety, and finally the general course of the whole war, as
well as its particular occurrences in detail, and how at last the
abomination of desolation, proclaimed by the prophets,[11] stood in the
very temple of God, so celebrated of old, the temple which was now
awaiting its total and final destruction by fire,-- all these things
any one that wishes may find accurately described in the history
written by Josephus.[12]
But it is necessary to state that this writer 5
records that the multitude of those who were assembled from all Judea
at the time of the Passover, to the number of three million souls,[13]
were shut up in Jerusalem "as in a prison," to use his own words. For
it was right 6 that in the very days in which they had inflicted
suffering upon the Saviour and the Benefactor of all, the Christ of
God, that in those days, shut up "as in a prison," they should meet
with destruction at the hands of divine justice.
But passing by the particular calamities 7 which
they suffered from the attempts made upon them by the sword and by
other means, I think it necessary to relate only the misfortunes which
the famine caused, that those who read
139
this work may have some means of knowing that God was not long in
executing vengeance upon them for their wickedness against the Christ
of God.
CHAPTER VI.
The Famine which oppressed them.
TAKING the fifth book of the History of
Josephus again in our hands, let us go through the tragedy of events
which then occurred.[1] "For the wealthy," he says, "it was equally
dangerous to remain. For under pretense that they were going to desert
men were put to death for their wealth. The madness of the seditions
increased with the famine and both the miseries were inflamed more and
more day by day. Nowhere was food to be seen; but, bursting into the
houses men searched them thoroughly, and whenever they found anything
to eat they tormented the owners on the ground that they had denied
that they had anything; but if they found nothing, they tortured them
on the ground that they 4 had more carefully
concealed it. The proof of their having or not having food was found in
the bodies of the poor wretches. Those of them who were still in good
condition they assumed were well supplied with food, while those who
were already wasted away they passed by, for it seemed absurd to slay
those who were 5 on the point of perishing for want.
Many, indeed, secretly sold their possessions for one measure of wheat,
if they belonged to the wealthier class, of barley if they were poorer.
Then shutting themselves up in the innermost parts of their houses,
some ate the grain uncooked on account of their terrible want, while
others baked it according as necessity and 6 fear dictated.
Nowhere were tables set, but, snatching the yet uncooked food from the
fire, they tore it in pieces. Wretched was the fare, and a lamentable
spectacle it was to see the more powerful secure an abundance while the
7 weaker mourned. Of all evils, indeed, famine is the worst, and
it destroys nothing so effectively as shame. For that which under other
circumstances is worthy of respect, in the midst of famine is despised.
Thus women snatched the food from the very mouths of their husbands and
children, from their fathers, and what was most pitiable of all,
mothers from their babes, And while their dearest ones were wasting
away in their arms, they Were not ashamed to take away froth them the
last
8 drops that supported life. And even while they were
eating thus they did not remain undiscovered. But everywhere the
rioters appeared, to rob them even of these portions of food. For
whenever they saw a house shut up, they regarded it as a sign that
those inside were taking food. And immediately bursting open the doors
they rushed in and seized what they were eating, almost forcing it out
of their very throats. Old men who clung to their 9 food were
beaten, and if the women concealed it in their hands, their hair was
torn for so doing. There was pity neither for gray hairs nor for
infants, but, taking up the babes that clung to their morsels of food,
they dashed them to the ground. But to those that anticipated their
entrance and swallowed what they were about to seize, they were still
more cruel, just as if they had been wronged by them. And
10 they, devised the most terrible modes of torture to discover
food, stopping up the privy passages of the poor wretches with bitter
herbs, and piercing their seats with sharp rods. And men suffered
things horrible even to hear of, for the sake of compelling them to
confess to the possession of one loaf of bread, or in order that they
might be made to disclose a single drachm of barley which they had
concealed. But the tormentors themselves did not suffer hunger. Their
conduct might indeed have seemed less barbarous if they had been driven
to it by necessity; but they did it for the sake of exercising their
madness and of providing sustenance for themselves for days to come.
And when any one crept out of the 12 city by night as far
as the outposts of the Romans to collect wild herbs and grass, they
went to meet him; and when he thought he had already escaped the enemy,
they seized what he had brought with him, and even though oftentimes
the man would entreat them, and, calling upon the most awful name of
God, adjure them to give him a portion of what he had obtained at the
risk of his life, they would give him nothing back. Indeed, it was
fortunate if the one that was plundered was not also slain."
To this account Josephus, after relating other things,
adds the following:[2] "The 13 possibility of going out of
the city being brought to an end,[3] all hope of safety for the Jews
was cut off. And the famine increased and devoured the people by houses
and families. And the rooms were filled with dead women and children,
the lanes of the city with the corpses of old men. Children and youths,
14 swollen with the famine, wandered about the market-places like
shadows, and fell down wherever the death agony overtook them. The sick
were not strong enough to bury even their own relatives, and those who
had the strength
140
hesitated because of the multitude of the dead and the uncertainty as
to their own fate. Many, indeed, died while they were burying others,
and many betook themselves to their graves
15 before death came upon them. There was neither
weeping nor lamentation under these misfortunes; but the famine stifled
the natural affections. Those that were dying a lingering death looked
with dry eyes upon those that had gone to their rest before them. Deep
silence and death-laden night encircled the city.
16 But the robbers were more terrible than these
miseries; for they broke open the houses, which were now mere
sepulchres, robbed the dead and stripped the covering from their
bodies, and went away with a laugh. They tried the points of their
swords in the dead bodies, and some that were lying on the ground still
alive they thrust through in order to test their weapons. But those
that prayed that they would use their right hand and their sword upon
them, they contemptuously left to be destroyed by the famine. Every one
of these died with eyes fixed upon the temple; and they left the
seditious
17 alive. These at first gave orders that the
dead should be buried out of the public treasury, for they could not
endure the stench. But afterward, when they were not able to do this,
they threw the bodies from the walls 18 into the
trenches. And as Titus went around and saw the trenches filled with the
dead, and the thick blood oozing out of the putrid bodies, he groaned
aloud, and, raising his hands, called God to witness that this
was 19 not his doing." After speaking of
some other things, Josephus proceeds as follows:[4]
"I cannot hesitate to declare what my feelings compel me to. I suppose,
if the Romans had longer delayed in coming against these guilty
wretches, the city would have been swallowed up by a chasm, or
overwhelmed with a flood, or struck with such thunderbolts as destroyed
Sodom. For it had brought forth a generation of men much more godless
than were those that suffered such punishment. By their madness indeed
was the whole people brought to destruction."
20 And in the sixth book he writes as follows:[5] "Of
those that perished by famine in the city the number was countless, and
the miseries they underwent unspeakable. For if so much as the shadow
of food appeared in any house, there was war, and the dearest friends
engaged in hand-to-hand conflict with one another, and snatched from
each other the most wretched supports of life. Nor would they believe
21 that even the dying were without food; but the robbers would search
them while they were expiring, lest any one should feign death while
concealing food in his bosom. With mouths gaping for want of food, they
stumbled and staggered along like mad dogs, and beat the doors as if
they were drunk, and in their impotence they would rush into the same
houses twice or thrice in one hour. Necessity compelled them to eat
anything 22 they could find, and they gathered and devoured
things that were not fit even for the filthiest of irrational beasts.
Finally they did not abstain even from their girdles and shoes, and
they stripped the hides off their shields and devoured them. Some used
even wisps of old hay for food, and others gathered stubble and sold
the smallest weight of it for four Attic drachm'.[6]
"But why should I speak of the shamelessness which
was displayed during the famine toward inanimate things? For I am going
to relate a fact such as is recorded neither by Greeks nor Barbarians;
horrible to relate, incredible to hear. And indeed I should gladly have
omitted this calamity, that I might not seem to posterity to be a
teller of fabulous tales, if I had not innumerable witnesses to it in
my own age. And besides, I should render my country poor service if I
suppressed the account of the sufferings which she endured.
"There was a certain woman named Mary that dwelt
beyond Jordan, whose father was Eleazer, of the village of Bathezor[7]
(which signifies the house of hyssop). She was distinguished for her
family and her wealth, and had fled with the rest of the multitude to
Jerusalem and was shut up there with them during the siege. The tyrants
had robbed her of the 25 rest of the property which she had
brought with her into the city from Perea. And the remnants of her
possessions and whatever food was to be seen the guards rushed in daily
and snatched away from her. This made the woman terribly angry, and by
her frequent reproaches and imprecations she aroused the anger of the
rapacious villains against herself. But no one either through anger or
pity would slay her; and she grew weary of finding food for others to
eat. The search, too, was already become everywhere difficult, and the
famine was piercing her bowels and marrow, and resentment was raging
more violently than famine. Taking, therefore, anger and necessity as
her counsellors, she proceeded to do a most unnatural thing. Seizing
her child, a boy which was sucking at her breast, she said, Oh,
wretched child, m war, in famine, in sedition, for what do I pre-
141
serve thee? Slaves among the Romans we shall be even if we are allowed
to live by them. But even slavery is anticipated by the famine, and the
rioters are more cruel than both. Come, be food for me, a fury for
these rioters, (8) and a bye-word to the world, for this is all that is
wanting to complete the calamities of the Jews. And when she had said
this she slew her son; 98 and having roasted him, she ate one half
herself, and covering up the remainder, she kept it. Very soon the
rioters appeared on the scene, and, smelling the nefarious odor, they
threatened to slay her 'immediately unless she should show them what
she had prepared. She replied that she had saved an excellent portion
for them, and with that she uncovered the 99 remains of the child. They
were immediately seized with horror and amazement and stood transfixed
at the sight. But she said This is my own son, and the deed is mine.
Eat for I too have eaten. Be not more merciful than a woman, nor more
compassionate than a mother. But if you are too pious and shrinkfrom my
sacrifice, I have already (9) eaten of 80 it; let the rest also remain
for me. At these words the men went out trembling, in this one case
being affrighted; yet with difficulty did they yield that food to the
mother. Forthwith the whole city was filled with the awful crime, and
as all pictured the terrible deed before their own eyes, they trembled
as if they 81 had done it themselves. Those that were
suffering from the famine now longed for death; and blessed were they
that had died before hearing and seeing miseries like these."
32 Such was the reward which the Jews received for their
wickedness and impiety, against the Christ of God.
CHAPTER VII.
The Predictions of Christ.
1It is fitting to add to these accounts the true prediction of our
Saviour in which he 2foretold these very events. His words are
as follows: (1) "Woe unto them that are with child, and to them that
give suck in those days! But pray ye that your flight be not in the
winter, neither on the Sabbath day; For there shall be great
tribulation, such as was not since the beginning of the world to this
time, no, nor ever shall be." The historian, reckoning the whole number
(3) of the slain, says that eleven hundred thousand persons perished by
famine and sword, (2) and that the rest of the rioters and robbers,
being betrayed by each other after the taking of the city, were slain.
(3) But the tallest of the youths and those that were distinguished for
beauty were preserved for the triumph. Of the rest of the multitude,
those that were over seventeen years of age were sent as prisoners to
labor in the works of Egypt, (4) while still more were scattered
through the provinces to meet their death in the theaters by the sword
and by beasts. Those under seventeen years of age were carried away to
be sold as slaves, and of these alone the number reached ninety
thousand. (5) These things 4 took place in this manner in the second
year of the reign of Vespasian, (6) in accordance with the prophecies
of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, who by divine power saw them
beforehand as if they were already present, and wept and mourned
according to the statement of the holy evangelists, who give the very
words which be uttered, when, as if addressing Jerusalem herself, he
said: (7) "If thou hadst 5 known, even thou, in this day, the things
which belong unto thy peace! But now they are hid from thine eyes. For
the days shall come upon thee, that thine enemies shall cast a rampart
about thee, and compass thee round, and keep thee in on every side, and
shall lay thee and thy children even with the ground." And 6 then, as
if speaking concerning the people, he says, (8) "For there shall be
great distress in the land, and wrath upon this people. And they shall
fall by the edge of the sword, and shall be led away captive into all
nations. And Jerusalem shall be trodden down of the Gentiles, until the
times of the Gentiles be fulfilled." And again: (9) "When ye shall see
Jerusalem com-
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passed with armies, then know that the desolation thereof is nigh."
7 If any one compares the words of our Saviour with the other
accounts of the historian concerning the whole war, how can one fail to
wonder, and to admit that the foreknowledge and the prophecy of our
Saviour were 8 truly divine and marvellously strange. (10) Concerning
those calamities, then, that befell the whole Jewish nation after the
Saviour's passion and after the words which the multitude of the Jews
uttered, when they begged the release of the robber and murderer, but
besought that the Prince of Life should be taken from their midst, (11)
it is not necessary to add anything to the 9 account of the historian.
But it may be proper to mention also those events which exhibited the
graciousness of that all-good Providence which held back their
destruction full forty years after their crime against Christ,--during
which time many of the apostles and disciples, and James himself the
first bishop there, the one who is called the brother of the
Lord, were still alive, and dwelling in Jerusalem itself,
remained the surest bulwark of the place. Divine Providence thus still
proved itself long-suffering toward them in order to see whether by
repentance for what they had done they might obtain pardon and
salvation; and in addition to such long-suffering, Providence also
furnished wonderful signs of the things which were about to happen to
them if they did not repent. 10 Since these matters have been thought
worthy of mention by the historian already cited, we cannot do better
than to recount them for the benefit of the readers of this work.
CHAPTER VIII.
The Signs which preceded the War.
1 Taking, then, the work of this author, read what he
records in the sixth book of his History. His words are as follows: (1)
"Thus were the miserable people won over at this time by the impostors
and false prophets; (2) but they did not heed nor give credit to the
visions and signs that foretold the approaching desolation. On the
contrary, as if struck by lightning, and as if possessing neither eyes
nor understanding, they slighted the proclamations of God. At one time
a star, in form like a sword, stood over the city, and a comet, which
lasted for a whole year; and again before the revolt and before the
disturbances that led to the war, when the people were gathered for the
feast of unleavened bread, on the eighth of the month Xanthicus, (3) at
the ninth hour of the night, so great a light shone about the altar and
the temple that it seemed to be bright day; and this continued for half
an hour. This seemed to the unskillful a good sign, but was interpreted
by the sacred scribes as portending those events which very soon took
place. And at the same feast a cow, led 3 by the high priest to be
sacrificed, brought forth a lamb in the midst of the temple. And the
eastern gate of the inner temple, 4 which was of bronze and very
massive, and which at evening was closed with difficulty by twenty men,
and rested upon iron-bound beams, and had bars sunk deep in the ground,
was seen at the sixth hour of the night to open of itself. And not many
days after the feast, 5 on the twenty-first of the month
Artemisium, (4) a certain marvelous vision was seen which passes
belief. The prodigy might seem fabulous were it not related by those
who saw it, and were not the calamities which followed deserving of
such signs. For before the setting of the sun chariots and armed troops
were seen throughout the whole region in mid-air, wheeling through the
clouds and encircling the cities. And at the feast which is called
Pentecost, 6 when the priests entered the temple at night, as was their
custom, to perform the services, they said that at first they perceived
a movement and a noise, and afterward a voice as of a great multitude,
saying, 'Let us go hence.' (5) But what follows is still more 7
terrible; for a certain Jesus, the son of Ananias, a common countryman,
four years before the war, (6) when the city was particularly
143
prosperous and peaceful, came to the feast, at which it was customary
for all to make tents at the temple to the honor of God, (7) and
suddenly began to cry out: 'A voice from the east, a voice from the
west, a voice from the four winds, a voice against Jerusalem and the
temple, a voice against bridegrooms and brides, a voice against all the
people.' Day and night he went 8 through all the alleys crying thus.
But certain of the more distinguished citizens, vexed at the ominous
cry, seized the man and beat him with many stripes. But without
uttering a word in his own behalf, or saying anything in particular to
those that were present, he continued to cry out in the same words as
before. And the rulers, thinking, as was true, that the man was moved
by a higher power, brought him before the Roman governor. (8) And then,
though he was scourged to the bone, he neither made supplication nor
shed tears, but, changing his voice to the most lamentable tone
possible, he answered each stroke with the words, 'Woe, woe unto
Jerusalem.'" 10 The same historian records another fact still
more wonderful than this. He says (9) that a certain oracle was found
in their sacred writings which declared that at that time a certain
person should go forth from their country to rule the world. He himself
understood 11 that this was fulfilled in Vespasian. But Vespasian did
not rule the whole world, but only that part of it which was subject to
the Romans. With better right could it be applied to Christ; to whom it
was said by the Father, "Ask of me, and I will give thee the heathen
for thine inheritance, and the ends of the earth for thy possession."
(10) At that very time, indeed, the voice of his holy apostles "went
throughout all the earth, and their words to the end of the world." (11)
CHAFFER IX.
Josethus and the Works which he has left. AFTER all this it is fitting
that we should know something in regard to the origin and family of
Josephus, who has contributed so much to the history in hand. He
himself gives us information on this point in the following words: (1)
"Josephus, the son of Mattathias, a priest of Jerusalem, who himself
fought against the Romans in the beginning and was compelled to be
present at what happened afterward." He was the most noted of all the
Jews of that day, not only among his own people, but also among the
Romans, so that he was honored by the erection of a statue in Rome, (2)
and his works were deemed worthy of a place in the library. (3) He
wrote the whole of the Antiquities of the Jews (4) in twenty books, and
a history of the war with the Romans which took place in his time, in
seven books? He himself testifies that the latter work was not only
written in Greek, but that it was also translated by himself
144
into his native tongue. (6) He is worthy of credit here because of his
truthfulness in other 4 matters. There are extant also two other
books of his which are worth reading. They treat of the antiquity of
the Jews, (7) and in them he replies to Apion the Grammarian, who had
at that time written a treatise against the Jews, and also to others
who had attempted to vilify the hereditary institutions of the Jewish
people. 5 In the first of these books he gives the number of the
canonical books of the so-called Old Testament. Apparently (8) drawing
his information from ancient tradition, he shows what books were
accepted without dispute among the Hebrews. His words are as follows.
CHAPTER X.
The Manner in which Josephus mentions the
Divine Books.
1 "We have not, therefore, a multitude of books disagreeing
and conflicting with one another; but we have only twenty-two, which
contain the record of all time and are justly held to be divine. Of
these, five are by 2 Moses, and contain the laws and the tradi-
145
tion respecting the origin of man, and continue the history (2) down to
his own death. This period embraces nearly three thousand years. (3)
From the death of Moses to the death of Artaxerxes, who succeeded
Xerxes as king of Persia, the prophets that followed Moses wrote the
history of their own times in thirteen books. (4) The other four books
contain hymns to God, and precepts for the regulation of the life of
men. From the time of Artaxerxes to our own day all the events have
been recorded, but the accounts are not worthy of the same confidence
that we repose in those which preceded them, because there has not been
during this time an exact 5 succession of prophets. (5) How much we are
attached to our own writings is shown plainly by our treatment of them.
For although so great a period has already passed by, no one has
ventured either to add to or to take from them, but it is inbred in all
Jews from their very birth to regard them as the teachings of God, and
to abide by them, and, if necessary, cheerfully to die for them."
These remarks of the historian I have thought might
advantageously be introduced in this connection. Another work of no
little merit 6 has been produced by the same writer, On the Supremacy
of Reason, (6) which some have called Maccabaicum, (7) because it
contains an account of the struggles of those Hebrews who contended
manfully for the true religion, as is related in the books called
Maccabees. And at the end of the twentieth book of (7) his Antiquities
(8) Josephus himself intimates that he had purposed to write a work in
four books concerning God and his existence, according to the
traditional opinions of the Jews, and also concerning the laws, why it
is that they permit some things while prohibiting others. (9) And the
same writer also mentions in his own works other books written by
himself. (9) In (8) addition to these things it is proper to quote also
the words that are found at the close of his Antiquities, (10) in
confirmation of the testimony which we have drawn from his accounts. In
that place he attacks Justus of Tiberias, (11) who, like himself, had
attempted to write a history of contemporary events, on the ground that
he had not written truthfully. Having brought many
146
other accusations against the man, he continues in these words: (12) "I
indeed was not afraid 9 in respect to my writings as you were, (13)
but, on the contrary, I presented my books to the emperors
themselves when the events were almost under men's eyes. For I was
conscious that I had preserved the truth in my account, and hence was
not disappointed in my expectation 10 of obtaining their attestation.
And I presented my history also to many others, some of whom were
present at the war, as, for instance, King Agrippa (14) and some of his
11 relatives. For the Emperor Titus desired so much that the knowledge
of the events should be communicated to men by my history alone, that
he indorsed the books with his own hand and commanded that they should
be published. And King Agrippa wrote sixty-two epistles testifying to
the truthfulness of my account." Of these epistles Josephus subjoins
two. (15) But this will suffice in regard to him. Let us now proceed
with our history.
CHAFFER XI.
Symeon rules the Church of Jerusalem after AFTER the martyrdom of James
(1) and the conquest of Jerusalem which immediately followed, (2) it is
said that those of the apostles and disciples of the Lord that were
still living came together from all directions with those that were
related to the Lord according to the flesh (3) (for the majority of
them also were still alive) to take counsel as to who was worthy to
succeed James. They all with one 2 consent pronounced Symeon, (4) the
son of Clopas, of whom the Gospel also makes mention; (5) to be worthy
of the episcopal throne of that parish. He was a cousin, as they say,
of the Saviour. For Hegesippus records that Clopas was a brother of
Joseph. (6)
CHAFFER XII.
Vespasian commands the Descendants of David to be He also relates
that Vespasian after the conquest of Jerusalem gave orders that all
that belonged to the lineage of David should be sought out, in order
that none of the royal race might be left among the Jews; and in
consequence of this a most terrible persecution again hung over the
Jews. (1)
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CHAPTER XIII.
Anencletus, the Second Bishop of Rome.
After Vespasian had reigned ten years Titus, his
son, succeeded him. (1) In the second year of his reign, Linus, who had
been bishop of the church of Rome for twelve years, (2) delivered his
office to Anencletus. (3) But Titus was succeeded by his brother
Domitian after he had reigned two years and the same number of months.
(4)
CHAPTER XIV.
Abilius, the Second Bishop of Alexandria.
In the fourth year of Domitian, Annianus, (1) the
first bishop of the parish of Alexandria, died after holding office
twenty-two years, and was succeeded by Abilius, (2) the second bishop.
CHAPTER XV.
Clement, the Third Bishop of Rome.
In the twelfth year of the same reign Clement
succeeded Anencletus (1) after the latter had been bishop of the church
of Rome for twelve years. The apostle in his Epistle to the Philippians
informs us that this Clement was his fellow-worker. His words are as
follows: (2) "With Clement arid the rest of my fellow-laborers whose
names are in the book of life."
CHAPTER XVI.
The Epistle of Clement.
There is extant an epistle of this Clement (1) which
is acknowledged to be genuine and is of considerable length and of
remarkable merit. (2) He wrote it in the name of the church of
Rome to the church of Corinth, when a sedition had arisen in the latter
church. (3) We know that this epistle also has been publicly used in a
great many churches both in former times and in our own. (4) And of the
fact that a sedition did take place in the church of Corinth at the
time referred to Hegesippus is a trustworthy witness. (5)
CHAPTER XVII.
The Persecution under Domitian.
Domitian, having shown great cruelty toward many,
and having unjustly put to death no small number of well-born and
notable men at Rome, and having without cause exiled and confiscated
the property of a great many other illustrious men, finally became a
successor of Nero in his. hatred and enmity toward God. He was in fact
the second that stirred up a persecution against us, (1) although his
father Vespasian had undertaken nothing prejudicial to us. (2)
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CHAPTER XVIII.
The Apostle John and the Apocalypse.
1 It is said that in this persecution the apostle and
evangelist John, who was still alive, was condemned to dwell on the
island of Patmos in consequence of his testimony to the divine word.
(1) Irenaeus, in the fifth book of his work Against Heresies, where he
discusses the number of the name of Antichrist which is given in the
so-called Apocalypse of John, (2) speaks as follows concerning him: a
"If it were necessary for his name to be proclaimed openly at the
present time, it would have been declared by him who saw the
revelation. For it was seen not long ago, but almost in our own
generation, at the end of the reign of Domitian."
4 To such a degree, indeed, did the teaching of our faith
flourish at that time that even those writers who were far from our
religion did not hesitate to mention in their histories the persecution
and the martyrdoms which took place during it. (4) And they, indeed,
accurately indicated the time. For they recorded that in the fifteenth
year of Domitian (5) Flavia Domitilla, daughter of a sister of Flavius
Clement, who at that time was one of the consuls of Rome, (6) was
exiled with many others to the island of Pontia in consequence of
testimony borne to Christ.
CHAPTER XIX.
Domitian commands the Descendants of David
to be slain.
But when this same Domitian had commanded that the
descendants of David should be slain, an ancient tradition says (1)
that some of the heretics brought accusation against the descendants of
Jude (said to have been a brother of the Saviour according to the
flesh), on the ground that they were of the lineage of David and were
related to Christ himself. Hegesippus relates these facts in the
following words.
CHAPTER XX.
The Relatives of our Saviour.
"Of the family of the Lord there were still 1 living the
grandchildren of Jude, who is said to have been the Lord's brother
according to the flesh. (1) Information was given that they belonged to
the family of David, and they 2 were brought to the Emperor Domitian by
the Evocatus. (2) For Domitian feared the com-
149
ing of Christ as Herod also had feared it. And he asked them if they
were descendants of David, and they confessed that they were. Then he
asked them how much property they had, or how much money they owned.
And both of them answered that they had only nine thousand denarii, (8)
half of which belonged to each of them; and this property did not
consist of silver, but of a piece of land which contained only
thirty-nine acres, and from which they raised their taxes (4) and
supported themselves by their own labor." (5) 5 Then they showed their
hands, exhibiting the hardness of their bodies and the callousness
produced upon their hands by continuous toil as evidence of their own
labor. And when they were asked concerning Christ and his
kingdom, of what sort it was and where and when it was to appear, they,
answered that it was not a temporal nor an earthly kingdom, but a
heavenly and angelic one, which would appear at the end of the world,
when he should come in glory to judge the quick and the dead, and to
give unto every one according to his works. Upon hearing this, Domitian
did not pass judgment against them, but, despising them as of no
account, he let them go, and by a decree put a stop to the persecution
of the Church. But when they were released they ruled the churches
because they were witnesses (6) and were also relatives of the Lord.
(7) And peace being established, they lived until the time of Trojan.
These things are related by Hegesippus.
9 Tertullian also has mentioned Domitian in the following words:
(8) "Domitian also, who possessed a share of Nero's cruelty, attempted
once to do the same thing that the latter did. But because he had, I
suppose, some intelligence, (9) he very soon ceased, and even 10
recalled those whom he had banished." But after Domitian had reigned
fifteen years, (16) and Nerva had succeeded to the empire, the Roman
Senate, according to the writers that record the history of those days,
(11) voted that Domitian's honors should be cancelled, and that those
who had been unjustly banished should return to their homes and have
their property restored to them. It was at this time 11 that the
apostle John returned from his banishment in the island and took up his
abode at Ephesus, according to an ancient Christian tradition. (12)
CHAPTER XXI.
Cerdon becomes the Third Ruler of the Church
of Alexandria.
After Nerva had reigned a little more 1 than a year (1) he
was succeeded by Trojan. It was during the first year of his reign that
Abilius, (2) who had ruled the church of Alexandria for thirteen years,
was succeeded by Cerdon. (3) He was the third that presided2 over that
church after Annianus, (4) who was the first. At that time Clement
still ruled the church of Rome, being also the third that held the
episcopate there after Paul and Peter. Linus was the first, and after
him came 3 Anencletus, (5)
CHAPTER XXII.
Ignatius, the Second Bishop of Antioch.
AT this time Ignatius (1) was known as the second
bishop of Antioch, Evodius having been the first. (2) Symeon (3)
likewise was at that time the second ruler of the church of Jerusalem,
the brother of our Saviour having been the first.
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CHAPTER XXIII.
Narrative concerning John the Apostle.
1 At that time the apostle and evangelist John, the
one whom Jesus loved, was still living in Asia, and governing the
churches of that region, having returned after the death of Domitian
from his exile on the island. (1) 2 And that he was still alive
at that time (2) may be established by the testimony of two witnesses.
They should be trustworthy who have maintained the orthodoxy of the
Church; and such indeed were Irenaeus and Clement 3 of Alexandria. (3)
The former in the second book of his work Against Heresies, writes as
follows: (4) "And all the elders that associated with John the disciple
of the Lord in Asia bear witness that John delivered it to them. For he
remained among them until the time of Trajan." (5) And in the third
book of the same work he attests the same thing in the following words:
(6) "But the church in Ephesus also, which was founded by Paul, and
where John remained until the time of Trajan, is a faithful witness of
the apostolic tradition." 5 Clement likewise in his book entitled What
Rich Man can be saved? (7) indicates the time, (8) and subjoins a
narrative which is most attractive to those that enjoy hearing what is
beautiful and profitable. Take and read the account which rims as
follows: (9) "Listen to a tale, which is not a mere tale, 6 but a
narrative (10) concerning John the apostle, which has been handed down
and treasured up in memory. For when, after the tyrant's death, (11) he
returned from the isle of Patmos to Ephesus, he went away upon their
invitation to the neighboring territories of the Gentiles, to appoint
bishops in some places, in other places to set in order whole churches,
elsewhere to choose to the ministry some one (12) of those that were
pointed out by the Spirit. When he 7 had come to one of the cities not
far away (the name of which is given by some (13)), and had consoled
the brethren in other matters, he finally turned to the bishop that had
been appointed, and seeing a youth of powerful physique, of pleasing
appearance, and of ardent temperament, he said, 'This one I commit to
thee in all earnestness in the presence of the Church and with Christ
as witness.' And when the bishop had accepted the Charge and had
promised all, he repeated the same injunction with an appeal to the
same witnesses, and then departed for Ephesus. But the presbyter, (14)
8 taking home the youth committed to him,
151
reared, kept, cherished, and finally baptized (15) him. After this he
relaxed his stricter care and watchfulness, with the idea that in
putting upon him the seal of the Lord (16) he had given him a perfect
protection. But some youths 9 of his own age, idle and dissolute,
and accustomed to evil practices, corrupted him when he was thus
prematurely freed from restraint. At first they enticed him by costly
entertainments; then, when they went forth at night for robbery, they
took him with them, and finally they demanded that he should unite with
them in some greater crime. He gradually 10 became accustomed to such
practices, and on account of the positiveness of his character, (17)
leaving the right path, and taking the bit in his teeth like a
hard-mouthed and powerful horse, he rushed the more violently down into
the depths. And finally despairing of salvation in God, he no longer
meditated what was insignificant, but having committed some great
crime, since he was now lost once for all, he expected to suffer a like
fate with the rest. Taking them, therefore, and forming a band of
robbers, he became a bold bandit-chief, the most violent, most bloody,
most cruel of them all. Time passed, and some necessity having arisen,
they sent for John. But he, when he had set in order the other matters
on account of which he had come, said, 'Come, O bishop, restore us the
deposit which both I and Christ committed to thee, the church, over
which thou presidest, being witness. (7) But the bishop was 13 at first
confounded, thinking that he was falsely charged in regard to money
which he had not received, and he could neither believe the accusation
respecting what he had not, nor could he disbelieve John. But when he
said, 'I demand the young man and the soul of the brother,' the old
man, groaning deeply and at the same time bursting into tears, said,
'He is dead.' 'How and what kind of death?' 'He is dead to God,' he
said; 'for he turned wicked and abandoned, and at last a robber. And
now, instead of the church, he haunts the mountain with a band like
himself.' But the 14 Apostle rent his clothes, and beating his head
with great lamentation, he said, 'A fine guard I left for a brother's
soul !But let a horse be brought me, and let some one show me the way.'
He rode away from the church just as he was, and coming to the place,
he was 15 taken prisoner by the robbers' outpost. He, however, neither
fled nor made entreaty,
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but cried out, 'For this did I come; lead 16 me to
your captain.' The latter, meanwhile, was waiting, armed as he was. But
when he recognized John approaching, he 17 turned in shame to flee. But
John, forgetting his age, pursued him with all his might, crying out,
'Why, my son, dost thou flee from me, thine own father, unarmed, aged?
Pity me, my son; fear not; thou hast still hope of life. I will give
account to Christ for thee. If need be, I will willingly endure thy
death as the Lord suffered death for us. For thee will I give up my
life. Stand, believe; Christ hath sent 18 me.' And he, when he heard,
first stopped and looked down; then he threw away his arms, and then
trembled and wept bitterly. And when the old man approached, he
embraced him, making confession with lamentations as he! was able,
baptizing himself a second time with tears, and concealing only his
right hand, 19 But John, pledging himself, and assuring him on oath
that he would find forgiveness with the Saviour, besought him, fell
upon his knees, kissed his right hand itself as if now purified by
repentance, and led him back to the church. And making intercession for
him with copious prayers, and struggling together with him in continual
fastings, and subduing his mind by various utterances, he did not
depart, as they say, until he had restored him to the church,
furnishing a great example of true repentance and a great proof of
regeneration, a trophy of a visible resurrection."
CHAPTER XXIV.
The Order of the Gospels.
1 This extract from Clement I have inserted here for the
sake of the history and for the benefit of my readers. Let us now point
out the undisputed writings of this apostle. 2 And in the first place
his Gospel, which is known to all the churches under heaven, must be
acknowledged as genuine. (1) That it has with good reason been put by
the ancients in the fourth place, after the other three Gospels, may be
made evident in the following way. Those great and truly divine men, I
mean 3 the apostles of Christ, were purified in their life, and were
adorned with every virtue of the soul, but were uncultivated in speech.
They were confident indeed in their trust in the divine and
wonder-working power which was granted unto them by the Saviour, but
they did not know how, nor did they attempt to proclaim the doctrines
of their teacher in studied and artistic language, but employing only
the demonstration of the divine Spirit, which worked with them, and the
wonder-working power of Christ, which was displayed through them, they
published the knowledge of the kingdom of heaven throughout the whole
world, paying little attention to the composition of written works. And
this 4 they did because they were assisted in their ministry by
one greater than man. Paul, for instance, who surpassed them all in
vigor of expression and in richness of thought, committed to writing no
more than the briefest epistles, (2) although he had innumerable
mysterious matters to communicate, for he had attained even unto the
sights of the third heaven, had been carried to the very paradise of
God, and had been deemed worthy to 'heat unspeakable utterances there.
(3) And the rest of the followers of our Saviour, 5 the twelve
apostles, the seventy disciples, and countless others besides, were not
ignorant of these things. Nevertheless, of all the disciples (4) of the
Lord, only Matthew and John have left us written memorials, and they,
tradition says, were led to write only under the pressure of necessity.
For Matthew, who had 6 at first preached to the Hebrews, when he was
about to go to other peoples, committed his Gospel to writing in his
native tongue, (5) and thus
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compensated those whom he was obliged 7 to leave for the loss of his
presence. And when Mark and Luke had already published their Gospels,
(6) they say that John, who had employed all his time in proclaiming
the Gospel orally, finally proceeded to write for the following reason.
The three Gospels already mentioned having come into the hands of all
and into his own too, they say that he accepted them and bore witness
to their truthfulness; but that there was lacking in them an account of
the deeds done by Christ at the beginning of his ministry. 8 (7) And
this indeed is true. For it is evident that the three evangelists
recorded only the deeds done by the Saviour for one year after the
imprisonment of John the Baptist, (8) and indicated this in the
beginning of their account. For Matthew, after the forty days' 9
fast and the temptation which followed it, indicates the
chronology of his work when he says: "Now when he heard that John was
delivered up he withdrew from Judea into Galilee.'' (9) Mark likewise
says: "Now after 10 that John was delivered up Jesus came into
Galilee." (10) And Luke, before commencing his account of the deeds of
Jesus, similarly marks the time, when he says that Herod, "adding to
all the evil deeds which he had done, shut up John in prison." (11)
They say, therefore, 11 that the apostle John, being asked to do it for
this reason, gave in his Gospel an account of the period which had been
omitted by the earlier evangelists, and of the deeds done by the
Saviour during that period; that is, of those which were done before
the imprisonment of the Baptist. And this is indicated by him, they
say, in the following words: "This beginning of miracles did Jesus ";
(12) and again when he refers to the Baptist, in the midst of the deeds
of Jesus, as still baptizing in [?]non near Salim; (13) where he states
the matter clearly in the words: "For John was not yet cast into
prison." (14) John 12 accordingly, in his Gospel, records the deeds of
Christ which were performed before the Baptist was cast into prison,
but the other three evangelists mention the events which happened after
that time. One who under- 13 stands this can no longer think that the
Gospels are at variance with one another, inasmuch as the Gospel
according to John contains the first acts of Christ, while the others
give an account of the latter part of his life. And the genealogy of
our Saviour according to the flesh John quite naturally omitted,
because it had been already given by Matthew and Luke, and began with
the doctrine of his divinity, which had, as it were, been reserved for
him, as their superior, by the divine Spirit. (15) These 14 things may
suffice, which we have said concerning the Gospel of John. The cause
which led to the composition of the Gospel of Mark has been already
stated by us. (16) But as for Luke, 15 in the beginning of his Gospel,
he states
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He states that since many others had more rashly undertaken to compose
a narrative of the events of which he had acquired perfect knowledge,
he himself, feeling the necessity of freeing us from their uncertain
opinions, delivered in his own Gospel an accurate account of those
events in regard to which he had learned the full truth, being aided by
his intimacy and his stay with Paul and by his acquaintance with 16 the
rest of the apostles. (17) So much for our own account of these things.
But in a more fitting place we shall attempt to show by quotations from
the ancients, what others have said concerning them. 17 But of
the writings of John, not only his Gospel, but also the former of his
epistles, has been accepted without dispute both now and in ancient
times. (18) But the other two 18 are disputed. (19) In regard to the
Apocalypse, the opinions of most men are still divided. (20) But at the
proper time this question
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likewise shall be decided from the testimony of the ancients.
CHAPTER XXV.
The Divine Scriptures that are accept and those that are not. (1)
1 Since we are dealing with this subject it is proper to
sum up the writings of the New Testament which have been already
mentioned. First then must be put the holy quaternion of the Gospels;
(2) following them the Acts of the Apostles. (3) After this must2 be
reckoned the epistles of Paul; (4) next in
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order the extanfinal former epistle of John, (5) and likewise the
epistle of Peter, (6) must be maintained. (6) After them is to be
placed, if it really seem proper, the Apocalypse of John, (7)
concerning which we shall give the different opinions at the proper
time. (8) These then belong among the accepted writings. (9) Among the
disputed writings, (10) which are nevertheless recognized n by many,
are extant the so-called epistle of James (12) and that of Jude, (13)
also the second epistle of Peter, (14) and those that are called the
second and third of John, (15) whether they belong to the evangelist or
to another person of the same name. Among the rejected 4 writings (16)
must be reckoned also the Acts of Paul, (17) and the
so-called Shepherd, (18) and the Apocalypse of Peter, (19) and in
addition to these the extant epistle of Barnabas, (20) and the
so-called Teachings of the Apostles; (21) and besides, as I said, the
Apocalypse of John, if it seem proper, which some, as I said, reject,
(22) but which others class with the accepted books. (23) And 5 among
these some have placed also the Gospel according to the Hebrews, (24)
with which
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those of the Hebrews that have accepted Christ are especially
delighted. And all these may be reckoned among the disputed books. (25)
But we have nevertheless felt compelled to give a catalogue of these
also, distinguishing those works which according to ecclesiastical
tradition are true and genuine and commonly accepted, (26) from those
others which, although not canonical but disputed, (27) are yet at the
same time known to most ecclesiastical writers--we have felt compelled
to give this catalogue in order that we might be able to know both
these works and those that are cited by the heretics under the name of
the apostles, including, for instance, such books as the Gospels of
Peter, (28) of Thomas, (29) of Matthias, (30) or of any others besides
them, and the Acts of Andrew (81) and John (82) and the other apostles,
which no one belonging to the succession of ecclesiastical writers has
deemed worthy of mention in his writings. And further, the character of
the style is at 7 variance with apostolic usage, and both the thoughts
and the purpose of the things that are related in them are so
completely out of accord with true orthodoxy that they clearly show
themselves to be the fictions of heretics. (33) Wherefore they are not
to be placed even among the rejected (34) writings, but are all of them
to be cast aside as absurd and impious. Let us now proceed with our
history.
CHAPTER XXVI.
Menander the Sorcerer.
Menander, (1) who succeeded Simon Magus, (2) showed himself in
his conduct another in-
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strument of diabolical power, (3) not inferior to the former. He also
was a Samaritan and carried his sorceries to no less an extent than his
teacher had done, and at the same time reveled in still more marvelous
tales than he. For he said that he was himself the Saviour, who had
been sent down from invisible aeons for 2 the salvation of men;
(4) and he taught that no one could gain the mastery over the
world-creating angels themselves (5) unless he had first gone through
the magical discipline imparted by him and had received baptism from
him. Those who were deemed worthy of this would partake even in the
present life of perpetual immortality, and would never die, but would
remain here forever, and without growing old become immortal. (6) These
facts can be easily 3 learned from the works of Irenaeus. (7) And
Justin, in the passage in which he mentions Simon, gives an account of
this man also, in the following words: (8) "And we know that a certain
Menander, who was also a Samaritan, from the village of Capparattea,
(9) was a disciple of Simon, and that he also, being driven by the
demons, came to Antioch (10) and deceived many by his magical art. And
he persuaded his followers that they should not die. And there are 4
still some of them that assert this." And it was indeed an artifice of
the devil to endeavor, by means of such sorcerers, who assumed the name
of Christians, to defame the great mystery of godliness by magic art,
and through them to make ridiculous the doctrines of the Church
concerning the immortality of the soul and the resurrection of the
dead. (11) But they that have chosen these men as their saviours have
fallen away from the true hope.
CHAPTER XXVII.
The Heresy of the Ebionites. (1)
The evil demon, however, being unable to tear
certain others from their allegiance
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to the Christ of God, yet found them susceptible in a different
direction, and so brought them over to his own purposes. The ancients
quite properly called these men Ebionites, because they held poor and
mean opinions concerning Christ. (2) For they considered him a plain
and common man, who was justified only because of his superior virtue,
and who was the fruit of the intercourse of a man with Mary. In their
opinion the observance of the ceremonial law was altogether necessary,
on the ground that they could not be saved by faith in Christ 3 alone
and by a corresponding life. (3) There were others, however, besides
them, that were of the same name, (4) but avoided the strange and
absurd beliefs of the former, and did not deny that the Lord was born
of a virgin and of the Holy Spirit. But nevertheless, inasmuch as they
also refused to acknowledge that he pre-existed, being God, Word, and
Wisdom, they turned aside into the impiety of the former, especially
when they, like them, endeavored to observe strictly the bodily worship
of the law. (6) These men, 4 moreover, thought that it was necessary to
reject all the epistles of the apostle, whom they called an apostate
from the law; (7) and they used only the so-called Gospel according to
the Hebrews (8) and made small account of the rest. The Sabbath and the
rest of the discipline 5 of the Jews they observed just like them, but
at the same time, like us, they celebrated the Lord's days as a
memorial of the
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6 resurrection of the Saviour. (9) Wherefore, in consequence of
such a course they received the name of Ebionites, which signified the
poverty of their understanding. For this is the name by which a poor
man is called among the Hebrews. (10)
CHAPTER XXVIII. Cerinthus the Heresiarch.
1 We have understood that at this time Cerinthus, (1) the
author of another heresy, made his appearance. Caius, whose words we
quoted above, (2) in the Disputation which is ascribed to him, writes
as follows concerning this man: "But Cerinthus also, by means 2 of
revelations which he pretends were written by a great apostle, brings
before us marvelous things which he falsely claims were shown him by
angels; and he says that after the resurrection the kingdom of Christ
will be set up on earth, and that the flesh dwelling in Jerusalem will
again be subject to desires and pleasures. And being an enemy of the
Scriptures of God, he asserts, with the purpose of deceiving men, that
there is to be a period of a thousand years a for marriage festivals."
(4) And Dionysius, (5) who 3 was bishop of the parish of Alexandria in
our day, in the second book of his work On the Promises, where he says
some things concerning the Apocalypse of John which he draws from
tradition, mentions this same man in the following words: (6)
"But (they say that) 4 Cerinthus, who founded the sect which was
called, after him, the Cerinthian, desiring reputable authority for his
fiction, prefixed the name. For the doctrine which he taught was this:
that the kingdom of Christ will be an
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5 earthly one. And as he was himself devoted to the pleasures of the
body and altogether sensual in his nature, he dreamed that that kingdom
would consist in those things which he desired, namely, in the delights
of the belly and of sexual passion, that is to say, in eating and
drinking and marrying, and in festivals and sacrifices and the slaying
of victims, under the guise of which he thought he could indulge his
appetites with a better grace." These are the 6 words of Dionysius. But
Irenaeus, in the first book of his work Against Heresies, (7)
gives some more abominable false doctrines of the same man, and in the
third book relates a story which deserves to be recorded. He says, on
the authority of Polycarp, that the apostle John once entered a bath to
bathe; but, learning that Cerinthus was within, he sprang from the
place and rushed out of the door, for he could not bear to remain under
the same roof with him. And he advised those that were with him to do
the same, saying, "Let us flee, lest the bath fall for Cerinthus, the
enemy of the truth, is within." (8)
CHAPTER XXIX.
Nicolaus and the Sect named after him.
1 At this time the so-called sect of the Nicolaitans made
its appearance and lasted for a very short time. Mention is made of it
in the Apocalypse of John. (1) They boasted that the author of their
sect was Nicolaus, one of the deacons who, with Stephen, were appointed
by the apostles for the purpose of ministering to the poor. (2) Clement
of Alexandria, in the third book of his Stromata, relates the following
things concerning him. (3) "They say that he had 2 a beautiful wife,
and after the ascension of the Saviour, being accused by the apostles
of jealousy, he led her into their midst and gave permission to any one
that wished to marry her. For they say that this was in accord with
that saying of his, that one ought to abuse the flesh. And those that
have followed his heresy, imitating blindly and foolishly that which
was done and said, commit fornication without shame. But I understand
that Nicolaus had to do 3 with no other woman than her to whom he was
married, and that, so far as his children are concerned, his daughters
continued in a state of virginity until old age, and his son remained
uncorrupt. If this is so, when he brought his wife, whom he jealously
loved, into the midst of the apostles, he was evidently renouncing his
passion; and when he used the expression, 'to abuse the flesh,' he was
inculcating self-control in the face of those pleasures that are
eagerly pursued. For I suppose that, in accordance with the command of
the Saviour, he did not wish to serve two masters, pleasure and the
Lord. (4) But they 4 say that Matthias also taught in the same manner
that we ought to fight against and abuse the flesh, and not give way to
it for the sake of pleasure, but strengthen the soul by faith and
knowledge." (5) So much concerning those who then attempted to pervert
the truth, but in less time than it has taken to tell it became
entirely extinct.
CHAPTER XXX.
The Apostles that were married. Clement, indeed, whose words we
have 1 just quoted, after the above-mentioned facts gives a
statement, on account of those who rejected marriage, of the apostles
that had wives. (1)
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"Or will they," says he, (2) "reject even the apostles? For Peter (3)
and Philip (4) begat children; and Philip also gave his daughters in
marriage. And Paul does not hesitate, in one of his epistles, to greet
his wife, (5) whom he did not take about with him, that he might not be
inconvenienced 2 in his ministry." And since we have mentioned this
subject it is not improper to subjoin another account which is given by
the same author and which is worth reading. In the seventh book of his
Stromata he writes as follows: (6) "They say, accordingly, that when
the blessed Peter saw his own wife led oat to die, he rejoiced because
of her summons and her return home, and called to her very
encouragingly and comfortingly, addressing her by name, and saying, 'Oh
thou, remember the Lord.' Such was the marriage of the blessed, and
their perfect disposition toward those dearest to them." This account
being in keeping with the subject in hand, I have related here in its
proper place.
CHAPTER XXXI.
The Death of John and Philip.
The time and the manner of the death of Paul and
Peter as well as their burial places, have been already shown by us.
(1) The time2, of John's death has also been given in a general way,
(2) but his burial place is indicated by an epistle of Polycrates (3)
(who was bishop of the parish of Ephesus), addressed to Victor, (4)
bishop of Rome. In this epistle he mentions him together with the
apostle Philip and his daughters in the following words: (5) "For in 3
Asia also great lights have fallen asleep, which shall rise again on
the last day, at the coming of the Lord, when he shall come with glory
from heaven and shall seek out all the saints. Among these are Philip,
one of the twelve apostles, (6) who sleeps in Hierapolis, (7) and his
two aged virgin daughters, and another daughter who lived in the Holy
Spirit and now rests at Ephesus; (8) and
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moreover John, who was both a witness (9) and a teacher, who reclined
upon the bosom of the Lord, and being a priest wore the sacerdotal
plate. (10) He also sleeps at Ephesus." (11) So much concerning their
death. And in the Dialogue of Caius which we mentioned a little above,
(12) Proclus, (13) against whom he directed his disputation, in
agreement with what has been quoted, (14) speaks thus concerning the
death of Philip and his daughters: "After him (15) there were four
prophetesses, the daughters of Philip, at Hierapolis in Asia. Their
tomb is there and the tomb of their father." Such is his state-merit.
But Luke, in the Acts of the Apostles, mentions the daughters of Philip
who were at that time at Caesarea in Judea with their father, and were
honored with the gift of prophecy. His words are as follows: "We came
unto Caesarea; and entering into the house of Philip the evangelist,
who was one of the seven, we abode with him. Now this man had four
daughters, virgins, which did prophesy." (16) We have thus set forth in
these pages6 what has come to our knowledge concerning the apostles
themselves and the apostolic age, and concerning the sacred writings
which they have left us, as well as concerning those which are
disputed, but nevertheless have been publicly used by many in a great
number of churches, (17) and moreover, concerning those that are
altogether rejected and are out of harmony with apostolic orthodoxy.
Having done this, let us now proceed with our history.
CHAPTER XXXII.
Symeon, Bishop of Jerusalem, suffers Martyrdom.
It is reported that after the age of Nero and 1 Domitian, under the
emperor whose times we are now recording, (1) a persecution was stirred
up against us in certain cities in consequence of a popular uprising.
(2) In this persecution we have understood that Symeon, the son of
Clopas, who, as we have shown, was the second bishop of the church of
Jerusalem, (3) suffered martyrdora. Hegesippus, whose words we have2
already quoted in various places, (4) is a witness to this fact also.
Speaking of certain heretics (5) he adds that Symeon was accused by
them at this time; and since it was clear that he was a Christian, he
was tortured in various ways for many days, and astonished even the
judge himself and his attendants in the highest degree, and finally he
suffered a death similar to that of our Lord. (6) But there is nothing
like hearing the historian 3 himself, who writes as follows: "Certain
of these heretics brought accusation against Symeon, the son of Clopas,
on the ground that he was a descendant of David (7) and a Christian;
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and thus he suffered martyrdom, at the age of one hundred and twenty
years, (8) while Trajan was emperor and Atticus governor." (9) 4 And
the same writer says that his accusers also, when search was made for
the descendants of David, were arrested as belonging to that family.
(10) And it might be reasonably assumed that Symeon was one of those
that saw and heard the Lord, (11) judging from the length of his life,
and from the fact that the Gospel makes mention of Mary, the wife of
Clopas, (12) who was the father of Symeon, as has been already shown.
(13) The same historian says that there were also others, descended
from one of the so-called brothers of the Saviour, whose name was
Judas, who, after they had borne testimony before Domitian, as has been
already recorded, (14) in behalf of faith in Christ, lived until the
same reign. He writes as follows: "They came, therefore, and took the
lead of every church (14a) as witness (15) and as relatives of the
Lord. And profound peace being established in every church, they
remained until the reign of the Emperor Trajan, (16) and until the
above-mentioned Symeon, son of Clopas, an uncle of the Lord, was
informed against by the heretics, and was himself in like manner
accused for the same cause (17) before the governor Atticus. (18) And
after being tortured for many days he suffered martyrdom, and all,
including even the proconsul, marveled that, at the age of one hundred
and twenty years, he could endure so much. And orders were given that
he should be crucified." In addition to these things the same 7 man,
while recounting the events of that period, records that the Church up
to that time had remained a pure and uncorrupted virgin, since, if
there were any that attempted to corrupt the sound norm of the
preaching of salvation, they lay until then concealed in obscure
darkness. But when the sacred college of 8 apostles had suffered
death in various forms, and the generation of those that had been
deemed worthy to hear the inspired wisdom with their own ears had
passed away, then the league of godless error took its rise as a result
of the folly of heretical teachers, (19) who, because none of the
apostles was still living, attempted henceforth, with a bold face, to
proclaim, in opposition to the preaching of the truth, the 'knowledge
which is falsely so-called.' (20)
CHAPTER XXXIII.
Trajan forbids the Christians to be sought after.
So great a persecution was at that time 1 opened against us in
many places that Plinius Secundus, one of the most noted of governors,
being disturbed by the great number of martyrs, communicated with the
emperor concerning the multitude of those that were put to death for
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their faith. (1) At the same time, he informed him in his communication
that he had not heard of their doing anything profane or contrary to
the laws,--except that they arose at dawn (2) and sang hymns to Christ
as a God; but that the), renounced adultery and murder and like
criminal offenses, and did all things in accordance with the laws. In
reply to this Trajan2. made the following decree: that the race of
Christians should not be sought after, but when found should be
punished. On account of this the persecution which had threatened to be
a most terrible one was to a certain degree checked, but there were
still left plenty of pretexts for those who wished to do us harm.
Sometimes the people, sometimes the rulers in various places, would lay
plots against us, so that, although no great persecutions took place,
local persecutions were nevertheless going on in particular provinces,
(3) and many of the faithful endured martyrdom in various forms. We
have taken our account from the 3 Latin Apology of Tertullian which we
mentioned above. (4) The translation runs as follows: (5) "And indeed
we have found that search for us has been forbidden. (6) For when
Plinius Secundus, the governor of a province, had condemned certain
Christians and deprived them of their dignity, (7) he was confounded by
the multitude, and was uncertain what further course to pursue. He
therefore communicated with Trajan the emperor, informing him that,
aside from their unwillingness to sacrifice, (8) he had found no
impiety in them. And he reported this also, 4 that the Christians arose
(9) early in the
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morning and sang hymns unto Christ as a God, and for the purpose of
preserving their discipline (10) forbade murder, adultery, avarice,
robbery, and the like. In reply to this Trajan wrote that the race of
Christians should not be sought after, but when found should be
punished." Such were the events which took place at that time.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
Evarestus, the Fourth Bishop of the Church of Rome.
In the third year of the reign of the emperor
mentioned above, (1) Clement (2) committed the episcopal government of
the church of Rome to Evarestus, (3) and departed this life after he
had superintended the teaching of the divine word nine years in all.
CHAPTER XXXV.
Justus, the Third Bishop of` Jerusalem.
But when Symeon also had died in the manner
described, (1) a certain Jew by the name of Justus (2) succeeded to the
episcopal throne in Jerusalem. He was one of the many thousands of the
circumcision who at that time believed in Christ.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
Ignatius and his Epistles.
1 At that time Polycarp, (1) a disciple
of the apostles, was a man of eminence in Asia, having been entrusted
with the episcopate of the church of Smyrna by those who had seen and
heard the Lord. 2 And at the same time
Papias, (2) bishop of the parish of Hierapolis, (3) became well known,
as did also Ignatius, who was chosen bishop of Antioch, second in
succession to Peter, and whose fame is still celebrated by a great
many. (4)
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Report says that he was sent from Syria to Rome, and became food for
wild beasts on account of his testimony to Christ. (5) And 4 as he made
the journey through Asia under the strictest military surveillance, he
fortified the parishes in the various cities where he stopped by oral
homilies and exhortations, and warned them above all to be especially
on their guard against the heresies that were then beginning to
prevail, and exhorted them to hold fast to the tradition of the
apostles. Moreover, he thought it necessary to attest that tradition in
writing, and to give it a fixed form for the sake of greater security.
So when he came to 5 Smyrna, where Polycarp was, he wrote an epistle to
the church of Ephesus, (6) in which he.
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mentions Onesimus, its pastor; (7) and another to the church of
Magnesia, situated upon the Maeander, in which he makes mention again
of a bishop Damas; and finally one to the church of Tralles, whose
bishop, he states, was at that 6 time Polybius. In addition to these he
wrote also to the church of Rome, entreating them not to secure his
release from martyrdom, and thus rob him of his earnest hope. In
confirmation of what has been said it is proper to quote briefly from
this epistle. He writes 7 as follows: (8) "From Syria even unto Rome I
fight with wild beasts, by land and by sea, by night and by day, being
bound amidst ten leopards? that is, a company of soldiers who only
become worse when they are well treated. In the midst of their
wrongdoings, however, I am more fully learning discipleship, but I 8 am
not thereby justified. (10) May I have joy of the beasts that are
prepared for me; and I pray that I may find them ready; I will even
coax them to devour me quickly that they may not treat me as they have
some whom they have refused to touch through fear. (11) And if they are
unwilling, I will compel them. Forgive me. 9 I know what is expedient
for me. Now do I begin to be a disciple. May naught of things visible
and things invisible envy me; (12) that I may attain unto Jesus Christ.
Let fire and cross and attacks of wild beasts, let wrenching of bones,
cutting of limbs, crushing of the whole body, tortures of the
devil,--let all these come upon me if only I may attain unto Jesus
Christ." 10 These things he wrote from the above-mentioned city to the
churches referred to. And when he had left Smyrna he wrote again from
Troas (13) to the Philadelphians and to the church of Smyrna; and
particularly to Polycarp, who presided over the latter church. And
since he knew him well as an apostolic man, he commended to him, like a
true and good shepherd, the flock at Antioch, and besought him to care
diligently for it. (14) And the same man, 11 writing to the Smyrnaeans,
used the following words concerning Christ, taken I know not whence:
(15) "But I know and believe that he was in the flesh after the
resurrection. And when he came to Peter and his companions he said to
them, Take, handle me, and see that I am not an incorporeal spirit.
(16) And immediately they touched him and believed." (17) Irenaeus 12
also knew of his martyrdom and mentions his epistles in the following
words: (18) "As one of our people said, when he was condemned to the
beasts on account of his testimony unto God, I am God's wheat, and by
the teeth of wild beasts am I ground, that I may be found pure bread."
Polycarp also mentions these 13 letters in the epistle to the
Philippians which is ascribed to him. (19) His words are as follows:
(20) "I exhort all of you, therefore, to be obedient and to practice
all patience such as ye saw with your own eyes not only in the blessed
Ignatius and Rufus and Zosimus, (21) but also in others from among
yourselves as well as in Paul himself and the rest of the apostles;
being persuaded that all these ran not in vain, but in faith and
righteousness, and that they are gone to their rightful place beside
the Lord, with whom also they suffered. For they loved not the present
world, but him that died for our sakes and was raised by God for us."
And afterwards 14 he adds: (22) "You have written to me, both you and
Ignatius, that if any one go to Syria he may carry with him the letters
from you. And this I will do if I have a suitable opportunity, either I
myself or one whom I send to be an ambassador for you also. The
epistles 15 of Ignatius which were sent to us by him and the others
which we had with us we sent to you as you gave charge. They are
appended to this epistle, and from them you will be able
169
to derive great advantage. For they comprise faith and patience, and
every kind of edification that pertaineth to our Lord." So much
concerning Ignatius. But he was succeeded by Heros (23) in the
episcopate of the church of Antioch.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
The Evangelists that were still Eminent at that
Time.
1 Among those that were celebrated at that time was
Quadratus, (1) who, report says, was renowned along with the daughters
of Philip for his prophetical gifts. And there were many others besides
these who were known in those days, and who occupied the first place
among the successors of the apostles. And they also, being illustrious
disciples of such great men, built up the foundations of the churches
which had been laid by the apostles in every place, and preached the
Gospel more and more widely and scattered the saving seeds of the
kingdom of heaven far and near throughout the whole world. (2) For
indeed most of the disciples of that time, animated by the divine word
with a more ardent love for philosophy, (3) had already fulfilled the
command of the Saviour, and had distributed their goods to the needy.
(4) Then starting out upon long journeys they performed the office of
evangelists, being filled with the desire to preach Christ to those who
had not yet heard the word of faith, and to deliver to 3 them the
divine Gospels. And when they had only laid the foundations
of the faith in foreign places, they appointed others as pastors, and
entrusted them with the nurture of those that had recently been brought
in, while they themselves went on again to other countries and nations,
with the grace and the co-operation of God. For a great many wonderful
works were done through them by the power of the divine Spirit, so that
at the first hearing whole multitudes of men eagerly embraced the
religion of the Creator of the universe. But since 4
it is impossible for us to enumerate the names of all that became
shepherds or evangelists in the churches throughout the world in the
age immediately succeeding the apostles, we have recorded, as was
fitting, the names of those only who have transmitted the apostolic
doctrine to us in writings still extant.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
The Epistle of Clement and the Writings falsely
ascribed to him.
Thus Ignatius has done in the epistles 1 which we have mentioned,
(1) and Clement in his epistle which is accepted by all, and which he
wrote in the name of the church of Rome to the church of Corinth. (2)
In this epistle he gives many thoughts drawn from the Epistle to the
Hebrews, and also quotes verbally some of its expressions, thus showing
most plainly that it is not a recent production. Wherefore it2. has
seemed reasonable to reckon it with the other writings of the apostle.
For as Paul had written to the Hebrews in his native tongue, some say
that the evangelist Luke, others that this Clement himself, translated
the epistle. The 3 latter seems more probable, because the epistle of
Clement and that to the Hebrews have a similar character in regard to
style, and still further because the thoughts contained in the two
works are not very different. (3)
But it must be observed also that there is 4 said to
be a second epistle of Clement. But we do not know that this is
recognized like the former, for we do not find that the ancients have
made any use of it. (4) And certain men 5
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lengthy writings under his name, containing dialogues of Peter and
Apion. (5) But no mention has been made of these by the ancients; for
they do not even preserve the pure stamp of apostolic orthodoxy. The
acknowledged writing of Clement is well known. We have spoken also of
the works of Ignatius and Polycarp. (6)
CHAPTER XXXIX.
The Writings of Papias.
1 There are extant five books of Papias, which bear the
title Expositions of Oracles of the Lord. (1) Irenaeus makes mention of
these as the only works written by him, (2) in the following words: (3)
"These things are attested by Papias, an ancient man who was a hearer
of John and a companion of Polycarp, in his fourth book. For five books
have been written by him." These are the words of Irenaeus. But Papias
himself in the preface to his discourses by no means declares that he
was himself a hearer and eye-witness of the holy apostles, but he shows
by the words which he uses that he received the doctrines of the faith
from those who were their friends. (4) He says: "But I shall not
hesitate also to put down for you along with my interpreta-
177
his episcopate, [12] was succeeded by Telesphorus, [13] the seventh in
succession from the apostles. In the meantime, after the lapse of a
year and some months, Eumenes, [14] the sixth in order, succeeded to
the leadership of the Alexandrian church, his predecessor having held
office eleven years. [15]
CHAPTER VI.
The Last Siege of the Jews under Adrian.
1 As the rebellion of the Jews at this time
grew much more serious, [1] Rufus, governor of Judea, after an
auxiliary force had been sent him by the emperor, using their madness
as a pretext, proceeded against them without mercy, and destroyed
indiscriminately thousands of men and women and children, and in
accordance with the laws of war reduced their country to a state of
complete subjection. The leader of the Jews at this time was a man by
the name of Barcocheba [2] (which signifies a star), who possessed the
character of a robber and a murderer, but nevertheless, relying upon
his name, boasted to them, as if they were slaves, that he possessed
wonderful powers; and he pretended that he was a star that had come
down to them out of heaven to bring them light in the midst of their
misfortunes. The war raged most fiercely in the eighteenth 3 year of
Adrian, [3] at the city of Bithara, [4] which was a very secure
fortress, situated not far from Jerusalem. When the siege had lasted a
long time, and the rebels had been driven to the last extremity by
hunger and thirst, and the instigator of the rebellion had suffered his
just punishment, the whole nation was prohibited from this time on by a
decree, and by the commands of Adrian, from ever going up to the
country about Jerusalem. For the emperor gave orders that they should
not even see from a distance the land of their fathers. Such is the
account of Aristo of Pella. [5] And4 thus, when the city had been
emptied of the Jewish nation and had suffered the total destruction of
its ancient inhabitants, it was colonized by a different race, and the
Roman city which subsequently arose changed its name and was called
Aelia, in honor of the emperor AElius Adrian. And as the church there
was now com-
178
posed of Gentiles, the first one to assume the government of it after
the bishops of the circumcision was Marcus. [6]
CHAPTER VII.
The Persons that became at that Time Leaders of Knowledge falsely
so-called. [1]
1 As the churches throughout the world were now shining
like the most brilliant stars, and faith in our Saviour and Lord Jesus
Christ was flourishing among the whole human race, [2] the demon who
hates everything that is good, and is always hostile to the truth, and
most bitterly opposed to the salvation of man, turned all his
arts against the Church. [3] In the beginning he armed himself against
it with 2,external persecutions. But now, being shut off from the use
of such means, [4] he devised all sorts of plans, and employed other
methods in his conflict with the Church, using base and deceitful men
as instruments for the ruin of souls and as ministers of destruction.
Instigated by him, impostors and deceivers, assuming the name of our
religion, brought to the depth of ruin such of the believers as they
could win over and at the same time, by means of the deeds
which they practiced, turned away from the path which leads to the word
of salvation those 3 who were ignorant of the faith. Accordingly
there proceeded from that Menander, whom we have already
mentioned as the successor of Simon, [3] a certain serpent-like power,
double-tongued and two-headed, which produced the leaders of two
different heresies, Saturninus, an Antiochian by birth, [6] and
Basilides, an Alexandrian. [7] The former of these established schools
of godless heresy in Syria, the latter in Alexandria. Irenaeus states
[8] that the 4 false teaching of Saturninus agreed in most respects
with that of Menander, but that Basilides, under the pretext of
unspeakable mysteries, invented monstrous fables, and carried the
fictions of his impious heresy quite beyond bounds. But as there were
at that time a 5 great many members of the Church [9] who were
fighting for the truth and defending apostolic and ecclesiastical
doctrine with uncommon eloquence, so there were some also that
furnished posterity through their writings with means of defense
against the heresies to which we have referred. [10] Of these
there 6 has come down to us a most powerful refutation of
Basilides by Agrippa Castor, [11] one of
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the most renowned writers of that day, which shows the terrible
imposture of the man. 7 While exposing his mysteries he says
that Basilides wrote twenty-four books upon the Gospel,
[12] and that he invented prophets for himself named Barcabbas and
Barcoph, [13] and others that had no existence, and that he gave them
barbarous names in order to amaze those who marvel at such things; that
he taught also that the eating of meat offered to idols and the
unguarded renunciation of the faith in times of persecution were
matters of indifference; [14] and that he enjoined upon his followers,
like 8 Pythagoras, a silence of five years. [15] Other similar things
the above-mentioned writer has recorded concerning Basilides, and has 9
ably exposed the error of his heresy. Irenaeus also writes [16] that
Carpocrates was a contemporary of these men, and that he was the father
of another heresy, called the heresy of the Gnostics, [17] who did not
wish to transmit any longer the magic arts of Simon, as that one [18]
had done, in secret, but openly. [19] For they boasted -- as of
something great -- of love potions that were carefully prepared by
them, and of certain demons that sent them dreams and lent them their
protection, and of other similar agencies; and in accordance with these
things they taught that it was necessary for those who wished to enter
fully into their mysteries, or rather into their abominations, to
practice all the worst kinds of wickedness, on the ground that they
could escape the cosmic powers, as they called them, in no other way
than by discharging their
180
obligations to them all by infamous-conduct. Thus it came to pass that
the malignant demon, making use of these ministers, on the one hand
enslaved those that were so pitiably led astray by them to their own
destruction, while on the other hand he furnished to the unbelieving
heathen abundant opportunities for slandering the divine word, inasmuch
as the reputation of these men brought infamy 11 upon the whole race of
Christians. In this way, therefore, it came to pass that there was
spread abroad in regard to us among the unbelievers of that age, the
infamous and most absurd suspicion that we practiced unlawful commerce
with mothers and sisters, and 12 enjoyed impious feasts. [20] He did
not, however, long succeed in these artifices, as the truth established
itself and in time shone 13 with great brilliancy. For the machinations
of its enemies were refuted by its power and speedily vanished. One new
heresy arose after another, and the former ones always passed away, and
now at one time, now at another, now in one way, now in other ways,
were lost in ideas of various kinds and various forms. But the splendor
of the catholic and only true Church, which is always the same, grew in
magnitude and power, and reflected its piety and simplicity and
freedom, and the modesty and purity of its inspired life and philosophy
to every nation 14 both of Greeks and of Barbarians. At the same time
the slanderous accusations which had been brought against the whole
Church 21 also vanished, and there remained our teaching alone, which
has prevailed over all, and which is acknowledged to be superior to all
in dignity and temperance, and in divine and philosophical doctrines.
So that none of them now ventures to affix a base calumny upon our
faith, or any such slander as our ancient enemies formerly delighted to
utter. Nevertheless, 15 in those times the truth again called forth
many champions who fought in its defense against the godless heresies,
refuting them not only with oral, but also with written arguments. [22]
CHAPTER VIII. Ecclesiastical Writers. Among these Hegesippus was well 1
known. [1] We have already quoted his words a number of times, [2]
relating events which happened in the time of the apostles according to
his account. He records in five2 books the true tradition of apostolic
doctrine in a most simple style, and he indicates the time in which he
flourished when he writes as follows concerning those that first set up
idols: "To whom they erected cenotaphs and temples, as is done to the
present day. Among whom is also Antinous, [3] a slave of the Emperor
Adrian, in whose honor are celebrated also the Antinoian games, which
were instituted in our day. For he [i.e. Adrian] also founded a city
named after Antinous, [4] and appointed prophets." At the same time
also Justin, a genuine lover 3 of the true philosophy, was still
continuing to busy himself with Greek literature. [5] He indicates (his
time in the Apology which he addressed to Antonine, where he writes as
follows: [6] "We do not think it out of place to mention here Antinous
also, who lived in our day, and whom all were driven by fear to worship
as a god, although they knew who he was and whence he came." 4 The same
writer, speaking of the Jewish war which took place at that time, adds
the following: [7] "For in the late Jewish war Barcocheba, the leader
of the Jewish rebellion, commanded that Christians alone [8] should be
visited with terrible punishments unless they would deny and blaspheme
Jesus Christ." And in the same work he shows that his conversion from
Greek philosophy to Christianity [9] was not without reason, but that
it was the result of deliberation on his part. His words are as
follows: [10] "For I myself, while I was delighted with the doctrines
of Plato, and heard the Christians slandered, and saw that they were
afraid neither of death nor of anything else ordinarily looked upon as
terrible, concluded that it was impossible that they could be living in
wickedness and pleasure. For what pleasure-loving or intemperate man,
or what man that counts it good to feast on human flesh, could welcome
death that he might be deprived of his enjoyments, and would not rather
strive to continue permanently his present life, and to escape the
notice of the rulers, instead of giving himself up to be put to death?"
The same writer, moreover, relates that Adrian having received from
Serennius Granianus, [11] a most distinguished governor, a letter [12]
in behalf of the Christians, in which he stated that it was not just to
slay the Christians without a regular accusation and trial, merely for
the sake of gratifying the outcries of the populace, sent a rescript
[13] to Minucius Fundanus, [14] proconsul of Asia, comrounding him to
condemn no one without an indictment and a well-grounded accusation.
And he gives a copy of the epistle, preserving 7 the original Latin in
which it was written, [15] and prefacing it with the following words:
[18] "Although from the epistle of the greatest and most illustrious
Emperor Adrian, your father, we have good ground to demand that you
order judgment to be given as we have desired, yet we have asked this
not because it was ordered by Adrian, but rather because we know that
what we ask is just. And we have subjoined the copy of Adrian's epistle
that you may know that we are
182
speaking the truth in this matter also. And 8 this is the copy."
After these words the author referred to gives the rescript in Latin,
which we have translated into Greek as accurately as we could. [17] It
reads as follows:
CHAPTER IX.
The Epistle of Adrian, decreeing that we should not be punished without
a Trial.
1 "To Minucius Fundanus. I have received an epistle, [1]
written to me by Serennius Granianus, a most illustrious man, whom you
have succeeded. It does not seem right to me that the matter should be
passed by without examination, lest the men [2] be harassed and
opportunity be given to the informers for 2. practicing villainy.
If, therefore, the inhabitants of the province can clearly sustain this
petition against the Christians so as to give answer in a court of law,
let them pursue this course alone, but let them not have resort to
men's petitions and outcries. For it is far more proper, if any one
wishes to make an accusation, that you should examine into it. 3
If any one therefore accuses them and shows that they are doing
anything contrary to the laws, do you pass judgment according to the
heinousness of the crime. [3] But, by Hercules! if any one bring an
accusation through mere calumny, decide in regard to his criminality,
[4] and see to it that you inflict punishment." [5] Such are the
contents of Adrian's rescript.
CHAPTER X.
The Bishops of Rome and of Alexandria during
the Reign of Antoninus.
Adrian having died after a reign of twenty-one
years, [1] was succeeded in the government of the Romans by Antoninus,
called the Pious. In the first year of his reign Telesphorus [2] died
in the eleventh year of his episcopate, and Hyginus became bishop of
Rome. [3] Irenaeus records that Telesphorus' death was made glorious by
martyrdom, [4] and in the same connection he states that in the time of
the above-mentioned Roman bishop Hyginus, Valentinus, the founder of a
sect of his own, and Cerdon, the author of Marcion's error, were both
well known at Rome. [5] He writes as follows: [6]
CHAPTER XI.
The Heresiarchs of that Age. "For Valentinus came to Rome under 1
Hyginus, flourished under Plus, and remained until Anicetus. [1] Cerdon
[2] also, Mar-
189
by his martyrdom." After these words, before giving the account of
Polycarp, they record the events which befell the rest of the martyrs,
and describe the great firmness which they exhibited in the midst of
their pains. For they say that the bystanders were struck with
amazement when they saw them lacerated with scourges even to the
innermost veins and arteries, so that the hidden inward parts of the
body, both their bowels and their members, were exposed to view; and
then laid upon sea-shells and certain pointed spits, and subjected to
every species of punishment and of torture, and finally thrown as food
to wild beasts. And they record that the most noble Germanicus [8]
especially distinguished himself, overcoming by the grace of God the
fear of bodily death implanted by nature. When indeed the proconsul [9]
wished to persuade him, and urged his youth, and besought him, as he
was very young and vigorous, to take compassion on himself, he did not
hesitate, but eagerly lured the beast toward himself, all but
compelling and irritating him, in order that he might the sooner be
freed from their unrighteous and lawless life. After his glorious death
the whole multitude marveling at the bravery of the God-beloved martyr
and at the fortitude of the whole race of Christians, began to cry out
suddenly, "Away with the atheists; [10] let Polycarp be sought." And
when a very great tumult arose in consequence of the cries, a certain
Phrygian, Quintus [11] by name, who was newly come from Phrygia, seeing
the beasts and the additional tortures, was smitten with cowardice and
gave up the attainment of salvation. But the above-mentioned epistle
shows that he, too hastily and without proper discretion, had rushed
forward with others to the tribunal, but when seized had furnished a
clear proof to all, that it is not right for such persons rashly and
recklessly to expose themselves to danger. Thus did matters turn out in
connection with them.
But the most admirable Polycarp, when he first heard
of these things, continued: undisturbed, preserved a quiet and unshaken
mind, and determined to remain in the city. But being persuaded by his
friends who en-treated and exhorted him to retire secretly, he went out
to a farm not far distant from the city and abode there with a few
companions, night and day doing nothing but wrestle with the Lord in
prayer, beseeching and imploring, and asking peace for the churches
throughout the whole world. For this was always his custom. And three
days before his 10 arrest, while he was praying, he saw in a vision at
night the pillow under his head suddenly seized by fire and consumed ;
and upon this awakening he immediately interpreted the vision to those
that were present, almost foretelling that which was about to happen,
and declaring plainly to those that were with him that it would be
necessary for him for Christ's sake to die by fire. Then, as those who
were seeking him 11 pushed the search with vigor, they say that he was
again constrained by the solicitude and love of the brethren to go to
another farm. Thither his pursuers came after no long time, and seized
two of the servants there, and tortured one of them for the purpose of
learning from him Polycarp's hiding-place. And coming 12 late in the
evening, they found him lying in an upper room, whence he might have
gone to another house, but he would not, saying, "The will of God be
done." And when 13 he learned that they were present, as the account
says, he went down and spoke to them with a very cheerful and gentle
countenance, so that those who did not already know the man thought
that they beheld a miracle when they observed his advanced age and the
gravity and firmness of his bearing, and they marveled that so much
effort should be made to capture a man like him. But he did not
hesitate, but immediately 14 gave orders that a table should be spread
for them. Then he invited them to partake of a bounteous meal, and
asked of them one hour that he might pray undisturbed. And when they
had given permission, he stood up and prayed, being full of the grace
of the Lord, so that those who were present and heard him praying were
amazed, and many of them now repented that such a venerable and godly
old man was about to be put to death. In addition to 15 these things
the narrative concerning him contains the following account: "But when
at length he had brought his prayer to an end, after remembering all
that had ever come into contact with him, small and great, famous and
obscure, and the whole catholic Church throughout the world, the hour
of departure being come, they put him upon an ass and brought him to
the city, it being a great Sabbath. [12] And he was met by
190
Herod, [13] the captain of police, [14] and by his father Nicetes, who
took him into their carriage, and sitting beside him endeavored to
persuade him, saying, ' For what harm is there in saying, Lord Caesar,
and sacrificing and saving your, 16 life ?' He at first did not answer;
but when they persisted, he said, ' I am not going to do what you
advise me.' And when they failed to persuade him, they uttered dreadful
words, and thrust him down with violence, so that as he descended from
the carriage he lacerated his shin. But without turning round, he went
on his way promptly and rapidly, as if nothing had happened to him, and
was taken to the 17 stadium. But there was such a tumult in the stadium
that not many heard a voice from heaven, which came to Polycarp as he
was entering the place: ' Be strong, Polycarp, and play the man.' [15]
And no one saw the speaker, but many of our people heard the voice. 18
And when he was led forward, there was a great tumult, as they heard
that Polycarp was taken. Finally, when he came up, the proconsul
asked if he were Polycarp. And when he confessed that he was, he
endeavored to persuade him to deny, saying, ' Have regard for thine
age,' and other like things, which it is 19 their custom to say: '
Swear by the genius of Caesar; [16] repent and say, Away with the
Atheists.' But Polycarp, looking with dignified countenance upon the
whole crowd that was gathered in the stadium, waved his hand to them,
and groaned, and raising his eyes toward 20 heaven, said, ' Away with
the Atheists.' But when the magistrate pressed him, and said,
Swear, and I will release thee; revile Christ,' Polycarp said,'
Fourscore and six years [17] have I been serving him, and he hath done
me no wrong; how then can I blaspheme my king who saved me
? "But when he again persisted, and said, 'Swear by
the genius of Caesar,' Polycarp replied, ' If thou vainly supposest
that I will swear by the genius of Caesar, as thou sayest, feigning to
be ignorant who I am, hear plainly: I am a Christian. But if thou
desirest to learn the doctrine of Christianity, assign a day and hear.'
The proconsul said, ' Persuade 22 the people.' But Polycarp said, 'As
for thee, I thought thee worthy of an explanation; for we have been
taught to render to princes and authorities ordained by God the honor
that is due, [18] so long as it does not injure us; [19] but as for
these, I do not esteem them the proper persons to whom to make my
defense.' [20] But the proconsul said, ' I have 23 wild beasts; I will
throw thee to them unless thou repent.' But he said, ' Call them; for
repentance from better to worse is a change we cannot make. But it is a
noble thing to turn from wickedness to righteousness.' But 24 he again
said to him, ' If thou despisest the wild beasts, I will cause thee to
be consumed by fire, unless thou repent.' But Polycarp said, ' Thou
threatenest a fire which burneth for an hour, and after a little is
quenched; for thou knowest not the fire of the future judgment and of
the eternal punishment which is reserved for the impious. But why dost
thou delay? Do what thou wilt.' Saying these and 25 other words
besides, he was filled with courage and joy, and his face was suffused
with grace, so that not only was he not terrified and dismayed by the
words that were spoken to him, but, on the contrary, the proconsul was
amazed, and sent his herald to proclaim three times in the midst of the
stadium: ' Polycarp hath confessed that he is a Christian.' And when 26
this was proclaimed by the herald, the whole multitude, both of
Gentiles and of Jews, [21] who dwelt in Smyrna, cried out with
ungovernable wrath and with a great shout, 'This is the teacher of
Asia, the father of the Christians, the over-thrower of our gods, who
teacheth many not to sacrifice nor to worship.' When they 27 had said
this, they cried out and asked the Asiarch Philip [22] to let a lion
loose upon Poly-carp. But he said that it was not lawful for
191
him,since he had closed the games. Then they thought fit to cry out
with one accord that 28 Polycarp should be burned alive. For it was
necessary that the vision should be fulfilled which had been shown him
concerning his pillow, when he saw it burning while he was praying, and
turned and said prophetically to the faithful that were with him, ' I
must needs be burned alive.' These things were done with great speed,
--more quickly than they were said,--the crowds immediately collecting
from the workshops and baths timber and fagots, the Jews being
especially zealous 30 in the work, as is their wont. But when the pile
was ready, taking off all his upper garments, and loosing his girdle,
he attempted also to remove his shoes, although he had never before
done this, because of the effort which each of the faithful always made
to touch his skin first; for he had been treated with all honor on
account of his virtuous life even before his 31 gray hairs came.
Forthwith then the materials prepared for the pile were placed about
him; and as they were also about to nail him to the stake, [23] he
said, ' Leave me thus; for he who hath given me strength to endure the
fire, will also grant me strength to remain in the fire unmoved without
being secured by you with nails.' So they did not nail him, but bound
32 him. And he, with his hands behind him, and bound like a noble ram
taken from a great flock, an acceptable burnt-offering unto 33 God
omnipotent, said, ' Father of thy beloved and blessed Son [24] Jesus
Christ, through whom we have received the knowledge of thee, the God of
angels and of powers and of the whole creation and of the entire race
of the righteous who live in thy presence, I bless thee that thou hast
deemed me worthy of this day and hour that I might receive a portion in
the number of the martyrs, in the cup of Christ, unto resurrection of
eternal life, [25] both of soul and of body, in the immortality of the
Holy Spirit. 34Among these may I be received before thee this day, in a
rich and acceptable saccrifice, as thou, the faithful and true God,
bast beforehand prepared and revealed, and hast fulfilled.
Wherefore I praise thee also for everything; I bless thee, I glorify
thee, through the eternal high priest, Jesus Christ, thy beloved
Son, through whom, with him, in the Holy Spirit, be glory unto
thee, both now 36 and for the ages to come, Amen.' When he
had offered up his Amen and had finished his prayer, the firemen
lighted the fire and as a great flame blazed out, we, to whom it was
given to see, saw a wonder, and we were preserved that we might relate
what happened to the others. For the fire presented 37 the appearance
of a vault, like the sail of a vessel filled by the wind, and made a
wall about the body of the martyr, [26] and it was in the midst not
like flesh burning, but like gold and silver refined in a furnace. For
we perceived such a fragrant odor, as of the fumes of frankincense or
of some other precious spices. So 38 at length the lawless men, when
they saw that the body could not be consumed by the fire, commanded an
executioner [27] to approach and pierce him with the sword. And 39 when
he had done this there came forth a quantity of blood [28] so that it
extinguished the fire; and the whole crowd marveled that there should
be such a difference between the unbelievers and the elect, of whom
this man also was one, the most wonderful teacher in our times,
apostolic and prophetic, who was bishop of the catholic Church [29] in
Smyrna. For every word which came from his mouth was accomplished and
will be accomplished. But the 40 jealous and envious Evil One, the
adversary of the race of the righteous, when he saw the greatness of
his martyrdom, and his blameless life from the beginning, and when he
saw him crowned with the crown of immortality and bearing off an
incontestable prize, took care that not even his body should be taken
away by us, although many desired to do it and to have communion with
his holy flesh. Accordingly 41 certain ones secretly suggested to
Nicetes, the father of Herod and brother of Alce, [30] that he should
plead with the magistrate
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not to give up his body, 'lest,' it was said, 'they should abandon the
crucified One and begin to worship this man.' [31] They said these
things at the suggestion and impulse of the Jews, who also watched as
we were about to take it from the fire, not knowing that we shall never
be able either to forsake Christ, who suffered for the salvation of the
whole world of those that 42 are saved, or to worship any other. For we
worship him who is the Son of God, but the martyrs, as disciples and
imitators of the Lord, we love as they deserve on account of their
matchless affection for their own king and teacher. May we also be made
partakers 43 and fellow-disciples with them. The centurion, therefore,
when he saw the contentiousness exhibited by the Jews, placed him in
the midst and burned him, as was their custom. And so we afterwards
gathered up his bones. which were more valuable than precious stones
and more to be esteemed than gold, and 44 laid them in a suitable
place. There the Lord will permit us to come together as we are able,
in gladness and joy to celebrate the birthday of his martyrdom, [32]
for the commemoration of those who have already fought and for the
training and preparation of those who 45 shall hereafter do the same.
Such are the events that befell the blessed Polycarp,
who suffered martyrdom in Smyrna with the eleven [33] from
Philadelphia. This one man is remembered more than the others by all,
so that even by the heathen he is talked about in every place." Of such
an end was the admirable and 46 apostolic Polycarp deemed worthy, as
recorded by the brethren of the church of Smyrna in their epistle which
we have mentioned. In the same volume [34] concerning him are subjoined
also other martyrdoms which took place in the same city, Smyrna, about
the same period of time with Polycarp's martyrdom. Among them also
Metrodorus, who appears to have been a proselyte of the Marcionitic
sect, suffered death by fire. A celebrated martyr of those times was 47
a certain man named Pionius. Those who desire to know his several
confessions, and the boldness of his speech, and his apologies in
behalf of the faith before the people and the rulers, and his
instructive addresses and moreover, his greetings to those who had
yielded to temptation in the persecution, and the words of
encouragement which he addressed to the brethren who came to visit him
in prison, and the tortures which he endured in addition, and besides
these the sufferings and the nailings, and his firmness on the pile,
and his death after all the extraordinary trials, [35]--those we refer
to that epistle which has been given in the Martyrdoms of the Ancients,
[36] collected by us, and which contains a very full account of him.
And there are also records extant of others 48 that suffered martyrdom
in Pergamus, a city
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of Asia, -- of Carpus and Papylus, and a woman named Agathonice, who,
after many and illustrious testimonies, gloriously ended their lives.
[37]
CHAPTER XVI.
Justin the Philosopher preaches the Word of Christ in Rome and suffers
Martyrdom.
1 About this time [1] Justin, who was mentioned by us just
above, [2] after he had addressed a second work in behalf of our
doctrines to the rulers already named, [3] was crowned with divine
martyrdom, [4] in consequence of a plot laid against him by Crescens,
[5] a philosopher who emulated the life and manners of the Cynics,
whose name he bore. After Justin had frequently refuted him in public
discussions he won by his martyrdom the prize of victory, dying in
behalf of the truth which he preached. And he himself, a man most
learned in the 2 truth, in his Apology already referred to [6] clearly
predicts how this was about to happen to him, although it had not yet
occurred. His words are as follows: [7] " I, too, [8] there- 3 fore,
expect to be plotted against and put in the stocks [9] by some one of
those whom I have named, or perhaps by Crescens, that unphilosophical
and vainglorious man. For the man is not worthy to be called a
philosopher who publicly bears witness against those concerning whom he
knows nothing, declaring, for the sake of captivating and pleasing the
multitude, that the Christians are atheistical and impious. [10]
Doing this he errs greatly. For if he assails 4 us without having read
the teachings of Christ, he is thoroughly depraved, and is much worse
than the illiterate, who often guard against discussing and bearing
false witness about matters which they do not understand. And if he has
read them and does not understand the majesty that is in them, or,
understanding it, does these things in order that he may not be
suspected of being an adherent, he is far more base and totally
depraved, being enslaved to vulgar applause and irrational fear. For I
5 would have you know that when I proposed certain questions of the
sort and asked him in regard to them, I learned and proved that he
indeed knows nothing. And to show that I speak the truth I am ready, if
these disputations have not been reported to you, to discuss the
questions again in your presence. And this indeed would be an act
worthy of an emperor. But if my questions and his 6
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answers have been made known to you, it is obvious to you that he knows
nothing about our affairs; or if he knows, but does not dare to speak
because of those who hear him, he shows himself to be, as I have
already said, [11] not a philosopher, but a vainglorious man, who
indeed does not even regard that most admirable saying of Socrates."
[12] These are the words of Justin.
And that he met his death as he had predicted that
he would, in consequence of the machinations of Crescens, is stated by
Tatian, [13] a than who early in life lectured upon the sciences of the
Greeks and won no little fame in them, and who has left a great many
195
monuments of himself in his writings. He records this fact in his work
against the Greeks, where he writes as follows: [14] " And that
most admirable Justin declared with truth thai the aforesaid persons
were like robbers." 8 Then, after making some remarks about the
philosophers, he continues as follows: [15] "Crescens, indeed, who made
his nest in the great city, surpassed all in his unnatural lust, and
was wholly devoted to the love of money. 9 And he who taught that death
should be despised, was himself so greatly in fear of
it that he endeavored to inflict death, as if it were a great evil,
upon Justin, because the latter, when preaching the truth, had proved
that the philosophers were gluttons and impostors."And such was the
cause of Justin's martyrdom.
CHAPTER XVII.
The Martyrs whom Justin intentions in his Own Work.
1 The same man, before his conflict, mentions in his first
Apology [1] others that suffered martyrdom before him, and most
fittingly records the following events. He
writes thus: [2] 2 "A certain woman lived with a dissolute
husband; she herself, too, having formerly been of the same character.
But when she came to the knowledge of the teachings of Christ, she
became temperate, and endeavored to persuade her husband likewise to be
temperate, repeating the teachings, and declaring the punishment in
eternal fire which shall come upon those who do not live temperately
3 and conformably to right reason. But he, continuing in the same
excesses, alienated his wife by his conduct. For she finally, thinking
it wrong to live as a wife with a man who, contrary to the law of
nature and right, sought every possible means of pleasure, desired 4 to
be divorced from him. And when she was earnestly entreated by her
friends, who counseled her still to remain with him, on the ground that
her husband might some time give hope of amendment, she did violence to
5 herself and remained. But when her husband had gone to Alexandria,
and was reported to be conducting himself still worse, she in order
that she might not, by continuing in wedlock, and by sharing his board
and bed, become a partaker in his lawlessness and impiety--gave him
what we a call a bill of divorce and left him. But her noble and 6
excellent husband,--instead of rejoicing, as he ought to have done,
that she had given up those actions which she had formerly recklessly
committed with the servants and hirelings, when she delighted in
drunkenness and in every vice, and that she desired him likewise to
give them up, -- when she had gone from him contrary to his wish,
brought an accusation concerning her, declaring that she was a
Christian. And 7 she petitioned you, the emperor, that she might be
permitted first to set her affairs in order, and afterwards, after the
settlement of her affairs, to make her defense against the accusation.
And this you granted. But 8 he who had once been her husband, being no
longer able to prosecute her, directed his attacks against a certain
Ptolemaeus, [4] who had been her teacher in the doctrines of
Christianity, and whom Urbicius [5] had punished. Against him he
proceeded in the following manner:
"He persuaded a centurion who was his 9 friend to
cast Ptolemaeus into prison, and to take him and ask him this only:
whether he were a Christian? And when Ptolemaeus, who was a lover of
truth, and not of a deceitful and false disposition, confessed that he
was a Christian, the centurion bound him and punished him for a long
time in the prison. And finally, 10 when the man was brought before
Urbicius he was likewise asked this question only: whether he were a
Christian ? And again, conscious of the benefits which he enjoyed
through the teaching of Christ, he confessed his schooling in divine
virtue. For whoever 11 denies that he is a Christian, either denies
because he despises Christianity, or he avoids confession because he is
conscious that he is unworthy and an alien to it; neither of which is
the case with the true Christian. And when 12 Urbicius commanded that
he be led away to punishment, a certain Lucius, [6] who was also a
Christian, seeing judgment so unjustly passed,
196
said to Urbicius, ' Why have you punished this I man who is not an
adulterer, nor a fornicator, nor a murderer, nor a thief, nor a robber,
nor has been convicted of committing any crime at all, but has
confessed that he beam the name of Christian? You do not judge, O
Urbicius, in a manner befitting the Emperor Pins, or the philosophical
son [7] of Caesar, or the sacred senate.' And without making any other
reply, he said to Lucius, ' Thou also seem-est to me to be such an
one.' And when Lucius said, 'Certainly,' he again commanded that he too
should be led away to punishment. But he professed his thanks, for he
was liberated, he added, from such wicked rulers and was going to the
good Father and King, God. And still a third having come forward was
condemned to be punished."
14 To this, Justin fittingly and consistently adds the words
which we quoted above, [8] saying, "I, too, therefore expect to be
plotted against by some one of those whom I have named," &c."
CHAPTER XVIII.
The Works of Justin which have come down to us.
1 This writer has left us a great many monuments of a mind
educated and practiced in divine things, which are replete with
profitable matter of every kind. To them we shall refer the studious,
noting as we proceed those 2.that have come to our knowledge. [1] There
) is a certain discourse [2] of his in defense of our doctrine
addressed to Antoninus surnamed t the Pious, and to his sons, and to
the Roman senate. Another work contains his second Apology [3] in
behalf of our faith, which he offered to him who was the successor of
the emperor mentioned and who bore the same name, Antoninus Verus, the
one whose times we are now recording. Also another work 3 against
the Greeks, [4] in which he discourses at length upon most of the
questions at issue between us and the Greek philosophers, and discusses
the nature of demons. It is not necessary for me to add any of these
things here. And still another work of his against the 4 Greeks has
come down to us, to which he gave the title Refutation. And besides
these another, On the Sovereignty of God, [5] which he establishes not
only from our Scriptures, but also from the books of the Greeks. Still
further, a work entitled Psaltes, [6] and another disputation On the
Soul, in which, after pro-pounding various questions concerning the
problem under discussion, he gives the opinions of the Greek
philosophers, promising to refute it, and to present his own view in
another work. He composed also a dialogue against 6 the Jews, [7] which
he held in the city of Ephesus with Trypho, a most distinguished man
among the Hebrews of that day. In it he shows how the divine grace
urged him on to the doctrine of the faith, and with what earnestness he
had formerly pursued philosophical studies, and how ardent a search he
had made for the truth. [8] And he records of the 7 Jews in the
same work, that they were plotting against the teaching of Christ,
asserting the
197
same things against Trypho: "Not only did you not repent of the
wickedness which you had committed, but you selected at that time
chosen men, and you sent them out from Jerusalem through all the land,
to announce that the godless heresy of the Christians had made its
appearance, and to accuse them of those things which all that are
ignorant of us say against us, so that you become the causes not only
of your own injustice, but also of all other men's." [9] 8 He
writes also that even down to his time prophetic gifts shone in the
Church. [10] And he mentions the Apocalypse of John, saying distinctly
that it was the apostle's. [11] He also refers to certain prophetic
declarations, and accuses Trypho on the ground that the Jews had cut
them out of the Scripture. [12] A great many other works of his are
still in the hands of many of the brethren. [13] And the discourses of
the man were thought so worthy of study even by the ancients, that
Irenaeus quotes his words: for instance, in the fourth book of his work
Against Heresies, where he writes as follows: [14] "And Justin well
says in his work against Marcion, that he would not have believed the
Lord himself if he had preached another God besides the Creator"; and
again in the fifth book of the same work he says: [15] "And Justin well
said that before the coming of the Lord Satan never dared to blaspheme
God, [16] because he did not yet know his condemnation." 10 These
things I have deemed it necessary to say for the sake
of stimulating the studious to peruse his works with diligence. So much
concerning him.
CHAPTER XIX.
The Rulers of the Churches of Rome and Alexandria during the Reign of
Ferns.
In the eighth year of the above-mentioned reign [1] Soter [2] succeeded
Anicetus [3] as bishop of the church of Rome, after the latter had held
office eleven years in all. But when Celadion [4] had presided over the
church of Alexandria for fourteen years tie was succeeded by
Agrippinus. [5]
CHAPTER XX.
The Rulers of the Church of Antioch.
AT that time also in the church of Antioch,
Theophilus [1] was well known as the sixth from the apostles. For
Cornelius, [2] who succeeded Hero, [3] was the fourth, and after him
Eros, [4] the fifth in order, had held the office of bishop.
CHAPTER XXI.
The Ecclesiastical Writers that flourished in Those Days.
AT that time there flourished in the Church
Hegesippus, whom we know from what has gone before, [I] and Dionysius,
[2] bishop of Corinth, and another bishop, Pinytus of Crete, [3] and
besides
198
these, Philip, [4] and Apolinarius, [5] and Melito, [6] and Musanus,
[7] and Modestus, [8] and finally, Irenaeus. [9] From them has come
down to us in writing, the sound and orthodox faith received from
apostolic tradition..
CHAPTER XXII.
Hegesippus and the Events which he mentiones. Hegesippus in the five
books of Memoirs [1] 1 which have come down to us has left a most
complete record of his own views. In them he states that on a journey
to Rome he met a great many bishops, and that he received the same
doctrine from all. It is fitting to hear what he says after making some
remarks about the epistle of Clement to the Corinthians. His words are
as follows: "And the churchIll of Corinth continued in the true faith
until Primus [2] was bishop in Corinth. I conversed with them on my way
to Rome, and abode with the Corinthians many days, during which we were
mutually refreshed in the true doctrine. And when I had come to Rome I
remained a there until Anicetus, [3] whose deacon was
199
Eleutherus. And Anicetus was succeeded by Soter, and he by Eleutherus.
In every succession, and in every city that is held which is preached
by the law and the prophets and the Lord." 4 The same
author also describes the beginnings of the heresies which arose in his
time, in the following words: "And after James the Just had suffered
martyrdom, as the Lord had also on the same account, Symeon, the son of
the Lord's uncle, Clopas, [4] was appointed the next bishop. All
proposed him as second bishop because he was a cousin of the Lord.
"Therefore, [4a] they called the Church a virgin, for it was not yet
corrupted by vain discourses. 5 But Thebuthis, [5] because he was not
made bishop, began to corrupt it. He also was sprung from the seven
sects [6] among the people, like Simon, [7] from whom came the
Simonians, and Cleobius, [8] from whom came the Cleobians, and
Dositheus, [9] from whom came the Dositheans, and Gorthaeus, [10] from
whom came the Goratheni, and Masbotheus, [11] from whom came the
Masbothaeans. From them sprang the Menandrianists, [12] and
Marcionists, [13] and Carpocratians, and Valentinians, and Basilidians,
and Saturnilians. Each introduced privately and separately his own
peculiar opinion. From them came false Christs, false prophets, false
apostles, who divided the unity of the Church by corrupt doctrines
uttered against God and against his Christ." The same writer also
records the 6 ancient heresies which arose among the Jews, in the
following words: "There were, moreover, various opinions in the
circumcision, among the children of Israel. The following were those
that were opposed to the tribe of Judah and the Christ: Essenes,
Galileans, Hemerobap-
200
tists, Masbothaeans, Samaritans, Sadducees, Pharisees." [14]
7 And he wrote of many other matters, which we
have in part already mentioned, introducing the accounts in their
appropriate places. And from the Syriac Gospel according to the Hebrews
he quotes some passages in the Hebrew tongue, [15] showing that he was
a convert from the Hebrews, [16] and he mentions other matters as taken
from the unwritten tradition of the 8 Jews. And not only he, but also
Irenaeus and the whole company of the ancients, called the Proverbs of
Solomon All-virtuous Wisdom. [17] And when speaking of the books called
Apocrypha, he records that some of them were composed in his day by
certain heretics. But let us now pass on to another.
CHAPTER XXIII.
Dionysius, Bishop of Corinth, and the Epistles which he wrote. [1]
And first we must speak of Dionysius, 1 who was appointed bishop
of the church in Corinth, and communicated freely of his inspired
labors not only to his own people, but also to those in foreign lands,
and rendered the greatest service to all in the catholic epistles which
he wrote to the churches. Among these is 2 the one addressed to the
Lacedaemonians, [2] containing instruction in the orthodox faith and an
admonition to peace and unity; the one also addressed to the Athenians,
exciting them to faith and to the life prescribed by the Gospel, which
he accuses them of esteeming lightly, as if they had almost apostatized
from the faith since the martyrdom of their ruler Publius, [3] which
had taken place during the persecutions of those days. He mentions
Quadratus [4] also, stating that he was appointed their bishop after
the martyrdom of Publius, and testifying that through his zeal they
were brought together again and their faith revived. He records,
moreover, that Dionysius the Areopagite, [5]
201
who was converted to the faith by the apostle l Paul, according to the
statement in the Acts of the Apostles, [6] first obtained the
episcopate 4 of the church at Athens. And there is extant another
epistle of his addressed to the Nicomedians, [7] in which he attacks
the heresy of Marcion, and stands fast by the canon of 5 the truth.
Writing also to the church that is in Gortyna, [8] together with the
other parishes in Crete, he commends their bishop Philip, [9] because
of the many acts of fortitude which are testified to as performed by
the church under him, and he warns them to be on their guard against
the aberrations of the heretics.
6 And writing to the church that is in Amastris, [10] together
with those in Pontus, he refers to Bacchylides [11] and Elpistus, as
having urged him to write, and he adds explanations of passages of the
divine Scriptures, and mentions their bishop Palmas [12] by name. He
gives them much advice also in regard to marriage and chastity, and
commands them to receive those who come back again after any fall,
whether it be 7 delinquency or heresy. [13] Among these is inserted
also another epistle addressed to the Cnosians, [14] in which he
exhorts Pinytus, bishop of the parish, not to lay upon the brethren a
grievous and compulsory burden in regard to chastity, but to have
regard to the weakness of the multitude. Pinytus, replying to this
epistle, ad- 8 mires and commends Dionysius, but exhorts him in
turn to impart some time more solid food, and to feed the people under
him, when he wrote again, with more advanced teaching, that they might
not be fed continually on these milky doctrines and imperceptibly grow
old under a training calculated for children. In this epistle also
Pinytus' orthodoxy in the faith and his care for the welfare of those
placed under him, his learning and his comprehension of divine things,
are revealed as in a most perfect image. There is extant also another
epistle written 9 by Dionysius to the Romans, and addressed to
Soter, [15] who was bishop at that time. We cannot do better than to
subjoin some passages from this epistle, in which he commends the
practice of the Romans which has been retained down to the persecution
in our own days. His words are as follows: "For from the beginning 10
it has been your practice to do good to all the brethren in various
ways, and to send contributions to many churches in every city. Thus
relieving the want of the needy, and making provision for the brethren
in the mines by the gifts which you have sent from the beginning, you
Romans keep up the hereditary customs of the Romans, which your blessed
bishop Soter has not only maintained, but also added to, furnishing an
abundance of supplies to the saints,, and encouraging the brethren from
abroad with blessed words, as a loving father his children.'' In this
same epistle he makes
11
mention also of Clement's epistle to the Corinthians, [16] showing that
it had been the custom from the beginning to read it in the church. His
words are as follows: "To-day we have passed the Lord's holy day, in
which we have read your epistle. From it, whenever we read it, we shall
always be able to draw advice, as also from the former epistle, which
was written 'to us through Clement." The same writer 12 also speaks as
follows concerning his own epistles, alleging that they had been
mutilated: "As the brethren desired me to write epistles, I wrote. And
these epistles the apostles of the devil have filled with tares,
cutting out some things and adding others. [17] For them a woe is
reserved. [18] It is, therefore, not to be wondered
202
at if some have attempted to adulterate the Lord's writings also, [19]
since they have formed designs even against writings which are of less
accounts." [20]
There is extant, in addition to these, another
epistle of Dionysius, written to Chrysophora [21] a most faithful
sister. In it he writes what is suitable, and imparts to her also the
proper spiritual food. So much concerning Dionysius.
CHAPTER XXIV.
Theaphilus Bishop of Antioch.
Of Theophilus, [1] whom we have mentioned as bishop
of the church of Antioch, [2] three elementary works addressed to
Autolycus are extant; also another writing entitled Against the Heresy
of Hermogenes, [3] in which he makes use of testimonies from the
Apocalypse of John, and finally certain other catechetical books. [4]
And as the heretics, no less then than at2 other times, were like
tares, destroying the pure harvest of apostolic teaching, the pastors
of the churches everywhere hastened to restrain them as wild beasts
from the fold of Christ, at one time by admonitions and exhortations to
the brethren, at another time by contending more openly against them in
oral discussions and refutations, and again by correcting their
opinions with most accurate proofs in written works. And that
Theophilus also, with 3 the others, contended against them, is manifest
from a certain discourse of no common merit written by him against
Marcion. [5] This work too, with the others of which we have spoken,
has been preserved to the present day.
Maximinus, [6] the seventh from the apostles,
succeeded him as bishop of the church of Antioch.
203
CHAPTER XXV. Philip and Modestus.
Philip who, as we learn from the words of Dionysius,
[1] was bishop of the parish of Gortyna, likewise wrote a most
elaborate work against Marcion, [2] as did also Irenaeus [3] and
Modestus. The last named has exposed the error of the man more
clearly than the rest to the view of all. There are a
number of others also whose works are still presented by a great
many of the brethren.
CHAPTER XXVI.
Melito and the Circumstances which he records.
1 In those days also Melito, [x] bishop of the
parish in Sardis, and Apolinarius, [2] bishop of Hierapolis, enjoyed
great distinction. Each of them on his own part addressed apologies in
behalf of the faith to the above-mentioned emperor [3] of the Romans
who was reigning at that time. The following works of these
writers have come to our knowledge. Of Melito, the two books On the
Passover, and
204
one On the Conduct of Life and the Prophets, [6] the discourse On the
Church, [7] and one On the Lord's Day, [8] still further one On the
Faith of Man, [9] and one On his Creation, [10] another also On the
Obedience of Faith, and one On the Senses; [11] besides these the work
On the Soul and Body, [12] and that On Baptism, [13] and the one On
Truth, [14] and On the Creation and Generation of Christ; [15] his
discourse also On Prophecy, [16] and that On Hospitality; [17] still
further, The Key, [18] and the books On the Devil and the Apocalypse of
John, [19] and the work On the Corporeality of God, [20] and finally
the book ad-
205
dressed to Antoninus. [21] In the books On the Passover he indicates
the time at which he wrote, beginning with these words: "While
Servilius Paulus was proconsul of Asia, at the time when Sagaris
suffered martyrdom, there arose in Laodicea a great strife concerning
the Passover, which fell according to rule in those 4 days; and these
were written." [22] And Clement of Alexandria refers to this work in
his own discourse On the Passover, [23] which, he says, he wrote on
occasion of Melito's work. But in his book addressed 5 to the
emperor he records that the following events happened to us under him:
"For, what never before happened, [24] the race of the pious is now
suffering persecution, being driven about in Asia by new decrees. For
the shameless informers and coveters of the property of others, taking
occasion from the decrees, openly carry on robbery night and day,
despoiling those who are guilty of no wrong." And a little
further on he says: "If these things are done by thy command, well and
good. For a just ruler will never take unjust measures; and we indeed
gladly accept the honor of such a death. But 6 this request alone we
present to thee, that thou wouldst thyself first examine the authors of
such strife, and justly judge whether they be worthy of death and
punishment, or of safety and quiet. But if, on the other hand, this
counsel and this new decree, which is not fit to be executed even
against barbarian enemies, be not from thee, much more do we beseech
thee not to leave us exposed to such lawless plundering
by the populace." Again he adds the following: [25] "For our 7
philosophy formerly flourished among the Barbarians; but having sprung
up among the nations under thy rule, during the great reign of thy
ancestor Augustus, it became to thine empire especially a blessing of
auspicious omen. For from that time the power of the Romans has grown
in greatness and splendor. To this power thou hast succeeded, as the
desired possessor, [26] and such shalt thou continue with thy son, if
thou guardest the philosophy which grew up with the empire and which
came into existence with Augustus; that philosophy which thy ancestors
also honored along with the other religions. And a most convincing
proof that our 8 doctrine flourished for the good of an empire happily
begun, is this--that there has no evil happened since Augustus' reign,
but that, on the contrary, all things have been splendid and glorious,
in accordance with the prayers of all. Nero and Domitian, alone,
persuaded 9 by certain calumniators, have wished to slander our
doctrine, and from them it has come to pass that the falsehood [26a]
has been
206
handed down, in consequence of an unreasonable practice which prevails
of bringing slanderous accusations against the Christians. [27] But thy
pious fathers corrected their ignorance, having frequently rebuked in
writing [28] many who dared to attempt new measures against them. Among
them thy grandfather Adrian appears to have written to many others, and
also to Fundanus, [29] the proconsul and governor of Asia. And thy
father, when thou also wast ruling with him, wrote to the cities,
forbidding them to take any new measures against us; among the rest to
the Larissaeans, to the Thessalonians, to the Athenians, and 11 to all
the Greeks. [30] And as for thee,--since thy opinions respecting the
Christians [31] are the same as theirs, and indeed much more benevolent
and philosophic,--we are the more persuaded that thou wilt do all that
we ask of thee." These words are found in the above-mentioned work.
But in the Extracts [32] made by him the same writer
gives at the beginning of the introduction a catalogue of the
acknowledged books of the Old Testament, which it is necessary to quote
at this point. He writes as follows: 18 "Melito to his brother
Onesimus, [33] greeting: Since thou hast often, in thy zeal for the
word, expressed a wish to have extracts made from the Law and the
Prophets concerning the Saviour and concerning our entire faith, and
hast also desired to have an accurate statement of the ancient
book, as regards their number and their order, I have endeavored
to perform the task, knowing thy zeal for the faith, and thy
desire to gain information in regard to the word, and
knowing that thou, in thy yearning after God, esteemest these
things above all else, struggling 14 to attain eternal salvation.
Accordingly when I went East and came to the place where these things
were preached and done, I learned accurately the books of the Old
Testament, and send them to thee as written below. Their names are as
follows: Of Moses, five books: Genesis, Exodus, Numbers, Leviticus,
[34] Deuteronomy; Jesus Nave, Judges, Ruth; of Kings, four books; of
Chronicles, two; the Psalms of David, [35] the Proverbs of Solomon,
Wisdom also, [36] Ecclesiastes, Song off Songs, Job; of Prophets,
Isaiah, Jeremiah; of the twelve prophets, one book [37]; Daniel,
Ezekiel, Esdras. [38] From which also I have made the extracts,
dividing them into six books." Such are the words of Melito.
CHAPTER XXVII.
Apolinarius, Bishop of the Church of Hierapolis.
A number of works of Apolinarius [1] have been
preserved by many, and the following have
207
reached us: the Discourse addressed to the above-mentioned emperor, [2]
five books Against the Greeks, [3] On Truth, a first and second book,
[4] and those which he subsequently wrote against the heresy of the
Phrygians, [5] which not long afterwards came out with its innovations,
[6] but at that time was, as it were, in its incipiency, since
Montanus, with his false prophetesses, was then laying the foundations
of his error.
CHAFFER XXVIII. Musanus and his Writings.
And as for Musanus, [1] whom we have mentione among
the foregoing writers, a certain very elegant discourse is extant,
which was written by him against some brethren that had gone over to
the heresy of the so-called Encratites, 2 which had recently sprung up,
and which introduced a strange and pernicious error. It is said that
Tatian was the author of this false doctrine.
CHAFFER XXIX.
The Heresy of Tatian. [1]
He is the one whose words we quoted 1 a little above [2] in regard to
that admirable
208
man, Justin, and whom we stated to have been a disciple of the martyr.
Irenaeus declares this in the first book of his work Against Heresies,
where he writes as follows concerning both him and his heresy:
[3] "Those who are called Encratites, [4] and who sprung from
Saturninus [5] and Marcion, preached celibacy, setting aside the
original arrangement of God and tacitly censuring him who made male and
female for the propagation of the human race. They introduced also
abstinence from the things called by them animate, [6] thus showing
ingratitude to the God who made all things. And they deny the salvation
of the first man? But 8
this has been only recently discovered by them, a certain Tatian being
the first to introduce this blasphemy. He was a hearer of Jus-tin, and
expressed no such opinion while he was with him, but after the
martyrdom of the latter he left the Church, and becoming exalted with
the thought of being a teacher, and puffed up with the idea that he was
superior to others, he established a peculiar type of doctrine of his
own, inventing certain invisible aeons like the followers of
Valentinus, [8] while, like Marcion and Saturninus, he pronounced
marriage to be corruption and fornication. His argument against the
salvation of Adam, however, he devised for
209
himself." Irenaeus at that time wrote thus. But a little later a
certain man named Severus [9] put new strength into the aforesaid
heresy, and thus brought it about that those who took their origin from
it were called, 5 after him, Severians. They, indeed, use the Law
and Prophets and Gospels, but interpret in their own way the utterances
of the Sacred Scriptures. And they abuse Paul the apostle and reject
his epistles, and do not 6 accept even the Acts of the Apostles.
But their original founder, Tatian, formed a certain combination and
collection of the Gospels, I know not how, [10] to which he gave the
title Diatessaron, [11] and which is still in the l hands of some. But
they say that he ventured to paraphrase certain words of the apostle,
[12] in order to improve their style. He 7 has left a great many
writings. Of these the one most in use among many persons is his
celebrated Address to the Greeks, [13] which also appears to be the
best and most useful of all his works. In it he deals with the most
ancient times, and shows that Moses and the Hebrew prophets were older
than all the celebrated men among the Greeks. [14] So much in regard
to these men.
CHAPTER XXX.
Bardesanes the Syrian and his Extant Works.
In the same reign, as heresies were 1 abounding in the region between
the rivers, [1] a certain Bardesanes, [2] a most able man and a
210
most skillful disputant in the Syriac tongue, having composed dialogues
against Marcion's followers and against certain others who were authors
of various opinions, committed them to writing in his own language,
together with many other works. His pupils, [3] of whom he had very
many (for he was a powerful defender of the faith), translated these
productions from the Syriac into Greek. Among them there2. is also his
most able dialogue On Fate, [4] addressed to Antoninus, and other works
which they say he wrote on occasion of the persecution which arose at
that time. [5] He indeed was at first a follower of 3 Valentinus, [6]
but afterward, having rejected his teaching and having refuted most of
his fictions, he fancied that he had come over to the more correct
opinion. Nevertheless he did not entirely wash off the filth of the old
heresy. [7] About this time also Soter, [8] bishop of the church of
Rome, departed this life.
BOOK V.
INTRODUCTION.
1SOTER, [1] bishop of the church of Rome, died after an episcopate of
eight years, and was succeeded by Eleutherus, [2] the twelfth from the
apostles. In the seventeenth year of the Emperor Antoninus Verus, [3]
the persecution of our people was rekindled more fiercely in certain
districts on account of an insurrection of the masses in the cities;
and judging by the number in a single nation, myriads suffered
martyrdom throughout the world. A record of this was written for
posterity, and in truth it is 2 worthy of perpetual remembrance. A full
account, containing the most reliable information on the subject, is
given in our Collection of Martyrdoms, [4] which constitutes a
narrative instructive as well as historical. I will repeat here such
portions of this account as may be needful for the present purpose.
Other writers of history record the victories 3 of war and trophies won
from enemies, the skill of generals, and the manly bravery of soldiers,
defiled with blood and with innumerable slaughters for the sake of
children and country and other possessions. But our 4 narrative of the
government of God [5] will record in ineffaceable letters the most
peaceful wars waged in behalf of the peace of the soul, and will tell
of men doing brave deeds for truth rather than country, and for piety
rather than dearest friends. It will hand down to imperishable
remembrance the discipline and the much-tried fortitude of the athletes
of religion, the trophies won from demons, the victories over invisible
enemies, and the crowns placed upon all their heads.
CHAPTER I.
The Number of those who fought for Religion in Gaul under Verus and the
Nature of their Conflicts.
The country in which the arena was pre- 1 pared for
them was Gaul, of which Lyons and Vienne [1] are the principal and most
celebrated cities. The Rhone passes through both of them, flowing in a
broad stream through the entire re-
212
gion. The most celebrated churches in that country sent an account of
the witnesses [2] to the churches in Asia and Phrygia, relating in the
following manner what was done among them. I will give their own words.
[3] 3 "The servants of Christ residing at
Vienne and Lyons, in Gaul, to the brethren through
out Asia and Phrygia, who hold the same faith and hope of redemption,
peace and grace and glory from God the Father and Christ Jesus our
Lord."
4 Then, having related some other matters they begin their
account in this manner: "The greatness of the tribulation in this
region, and the fury of the heathen against the saints, and the
sufferings of the blessed witnesses we cannot recount accurately, nor
indeed 5 could they possibly be recorded. For with all his might the
adversary fell upon us, giving us a foretaste of his unbridled activity
at his future coming. He endeavored in every manner to practice and
exercise his servants against the servants of God, not only shutting us
out from houses and baths and markets, but forbidding any of us to be
seen in any place whatever. But the grace of God led 6 the conflict
against him, and delivered the weak, and set them as firm pillars, able
through patience to endure all the wrath of the Evil One. And they
joined battle with him, undergoing all kinds of shame and injury; and
regarding their great sufferings as little, they hastened to Christ,
manifesting truly that 'the sufferings of this present time are not
worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed to
us-ward.' [4] First of all, they endured nobly 7 the injuries heaped
upon them by the populace; clamors and blows and draggings and
robberies and stonings and imprisonments, [5] and all things which an
infuriated mob delight in inflicting on enemies and adversaries.
Then, 8 being taken to the forum by the chiliarch [6] and the
authorities of the city, they were examined in the presence of the
whole multitude, and having confessed, they were imprisoned until the
arrival of the governor. When, 9 afterwards, they were brought
before him, and he treated us with the utmost cruelty, Vettius
Epagathus, [7] one of the brethren, and a man filled with love for God
and his neighbor, interfered. His life was so consistent that, although
young, he had attained a reputation equal to that of the eider
Zacharias: for he ' walked in all the commandments and ordinances of
the Lord blameless,' s and was untir-
213
ing in every good work for his neighbor, zealous for God and fervent in
spirit. Such being his character, he could not endure the unreasonable
judgment against us, but was filled with indignation, and asked to be
permitted to testify in behalf of his brethren, that there is among 10
us nothing ungodly or impious. But those about the judgment seat cried
out against him, for he was a man of distinction; and the governor
refused to grant his just request, and merely asked if he also were a
Christian. And he, confessing this with a loud voice, was himself taken
into the order [9] of the witnesses, being called the Advocate of the
Christians, but having the Advocate [10] in himself, the Spirit [11]
more abundantly than Zacharias. [12] He showed this by the fullness of
his love, being well pleased even to lay down his life [13] in defense
of the brethren. For he was and is a true disciple of Christ,
'following the Lamb whithersoever he goeth.' [14] 11 "Then the
others were divided, [15] and the proto-witnesses were manifestly
ready, and finished their confession with all eagerness. But some
appeared unprepared and untrained, weak as yet, and unable to endure so
great a conflict. About ten of these proved abortions, [16] causing us
great grief and sorrow beyond measure, and impairing the zeal of the
others who had not yet been seized, but who, though suffering all kinds
of affliction, continued constantly with the witnesses and did not
forsake [12] them. Then all of us feared greatly on account of
uncertainty as to their confession not because we dreaded the
sufferings to be endured, but because we looked to the end, and were
afraid that some of them might fall 18 away. But those who were worthy
were seized day by day, filling up their number, so that all the
zealous persons, and those through whom especially our affairs had been
established, were collected together out of the two 14 churches. And
some of our heathen setrants also were seized, as the governor had
commanded that all of us should be examined publicly. These, being
ensnared by Satan, and fearing for themselves the tortures which they
beheld the saints endure, [17] and being also urged on by the soldiers,
accused us falsely of Thyestean banquets and Edipodean intercourse,
[18] and of deeds which are not only unlawful for us to speak of or to
think, but which we cannot believe were ever done by men. When [15]
these accusations were reported, all the people raged like wild beasts
against us, so that even if any had before been moderate on account of
friendship, they were now exceedingly furious and gnashed their teeth
against us. And that which was spoken by our Lord was fulfilled: ' The
time will come when whosoever killeth you will think that he doeth God
service.' [19] Then finally the holy witnesses endured 18 sufferings
beyond description, Satan striving earnestly that some of the slanders
might be uttered by them also? "But the whole wrath of the populace,
and 17 governor, and soldiers was aroused exceedingly against Sanctus,
the deacon from Vienne, [21] and Maturus, a late convert, yet a noble
combatant, and against Attalus, a native of Pergamos [22] where he had
always been a pillar and foundation, and Blandina, through whom Christ
showed that things which appear mean and obscure and despicable to men
are with God of great glory, [23] through love toward him manifested in
power, and not boasting in appearance. For while we all trembled, and
her earthly 18 mistress, who was herself also one of the witnesses,
feared that on account of the weakness of her body, she would be unable
to make bold confession, Blandina was filled with such
214
power as to be delivered and raised above those who were torturing her
by turns from morning till evening in every manner, so that they
acknowledged that they were conquered, and could do nothing more to
her. And they were astonished at her endurance, as her entire body was
mangled and broken; and they testified that one of these forms of
torture was sufficient to destroy life, not to speak of so 19 many and
so great sufferings. But the blessed woman, like a noble athlete,
renewed her strength in her confession; and her comfort and recreation
and relief from the pain of her sufferings was in exclaiming, ' I am a
Christian, and there is nothing vile done by US.' 20 "But Sanctus
also endured marvelously and superhumanly [24] all the outrages which
he suffered. While the wicked men hoped, by the continuance and
severity of his tortures to wring something from him which he ought not
to say, he girded himself against them with such firmness that he would
not even tell his name, or the nation or city to which he belonged, or
whether he was bond or free, but answered in the Roman tongue to all
their questions, ' I am a Christian.' He confessed this instead of name
and city and race and everything besides, and the people 21 heard from
him no other word. There arose therefore on the part of the governor
and his tormentors a great desire to conquer him but having nothing
more that they could do to him, they finally fastened red-hot brazen
plates to the most tender parts of his body. 22. And these indeed were
burned, but he continued unbending and unyielding, firm in his
confession, and refreshed and strengthened by the heavenly fountain of
the water of life, flowing from the bowels of Christ. And his body was
a witness of his sufferings, being one complete wound and bruise,
drawn: out of shape, and altogether unlike a human form. Christ,
suffering in him, manifested his glory, delivering him from his
adversary, and making him an example for the others, showing that
nothing is fearful where the love of the Father is, and nothing painful
where there 24 is the glory of Christ. For when the wicked men tortured
him a second time after some days, supposing that with his body swollen
and inflamed to such a degree that he could not bear the touch of a
hand, if they should again apply the same instruments, they would
overcome him, or at least by his death under his sufferings others
would be made afraid, not only did not this occur, but, contrary to all
human expectation, his body arose and stood erect in the midst of the
subsequent torments, and resumed its original appearance and the use of
its limbs_ so that, through the grace of Christ, these second
sufferings became to him, not torture, but healing. "But the devil,
thinking that he had al- 25 ready consumed Biblias, who was one of
those who had denied Christ, desiring to increase her condemnation
through the utterance of blasphemy, [23]@ brought her again to the
torture, to compel her, as already feeble and weak, to report impious
things concerning us. But 26 she recovered herself under the suffering,
and as if awaking from a deep sleep, and reminded by the present
anguish of the eternal punishment in hell, she contradicted the
blasphemers. 'How,' she said, 'could those eat children who do not
think it lawful to taste the blood even of irrational animals?' And
thenceforward she confessed herself a Christian, and was given a place
in the order of the witnesses.
"But as the tyrannical tortures were 27 made by Christ of none
effect through the patience of the blessed, the devil invented
other contrivances, -- confinement in the dark and most loathsome
parts of the prison, stretching of the feet to the fifth hole in the
stocks, [26] and the other outrages which his servants are accustomed
to inflict upon the prisoners when furious and filled with the devil. A
great many were suffocated in prison, being chosen by the Lord for this
manner of death, that he might manifest in them his glory. For some,
128 though they had been tortured so cruelly that it seemed impossible
that they could live, even with the most careful nursing, yet,
destitute of human attention, remained in the prison, being
strengthened by the Lord, and invigorated both in body and soul; and
they exhorted and encouraged the rest. But such as were young, and
arrested recently, so that their bodies had not become accustomed to
torture, were unable to endure the severity of their confinement, and
died in prison.
"The blessed Pothinus, who had been 29 entrusted with the
bishopric of Lyons, was dragged to the judgment seat. He was more than
ninety years of age, and very infirm, scarcely indeed able to breathe
because of physical weakness; but he was strengthened by spiritual zeal
through his earnest desire for martyrdom. Though his body was worn out
by old age and disease, his life was preserved that Christ might
triumph in it. When he was brought by the soldiers to 30 the tribunal,
accompanied by the civil magistrates and a multitude who shouted
against him m every manner as if he were Christ himself, he bore noble
witness. Being asked 31
215
by the governor, Who was the God of the Christians, he replied, ' If
thou art worthy, thou shalt know.' Then he was dragged away harshly,
and received blows of every kind. Those near him struck him with their
hands and feet, regardless of his age; and those at a distance hurled,
at him whatever they could seize; all of them thinking that they would
be guilty of great wickedness and impiety if any possible abuse were
omitted. For thus they thought to avenge their own deities. Scarcely
able to breathe, he was cast into prison and died after two days.
32. "Then a certain great dispensation of God occurred, and the
compassion of Jesus appeared beyond measure, [27] in a manner rarely
seen among the brotherhood, but not beyond the power of Christ. For
those who had recanted at their first arrest were imprisoned with the
others, and endured terrible sufferings, so that their denial was of no
profit to them even for the present. But those who confessed what they
were imprisoned as Christians, no other accusation being brought
against them. But the first were treated afterwards as murderers and
defiled, and were punished twice as severely as the others. For the joy
of martyrdom, and the hope of the promises, and love for Christ, and
the Spirit of the Father supported the latter; but their consciences so
greatly distressed the former that they were easily distinguishable
from all the rest by their very countenances when they were led forth.
For the first went out rejoicing, glory and grace being blended in
their faces, so that even their bonds seemed like beautiful ornaments,
as those of a bride adorned with variegated golden fringes; and they
were perfumed with the sweet savor of Christ, [28] so that some
supposed they had been anointed with earthly ointment. But the others
were downcast and humble and dejected and filled with every kind of
disgrace, and they were reproached by the heathen as ignoble and weak,
bearing the accusation of murderers, and having lost the one honorable
and glorious and life-giving Name. The rest, beholding this, were
strengthened, and when apprehended, they confessed without hesitation,
paying no attention to the persuasions of the devil." 36 After
certain other words they continue: "After these things, finally, their
martyrdoms(were divided into every form. [29] For plaiting a crown of
various colors and of all kinds of flowers, they presented it to
the Father. It was proper therefore that the noble athletes, having
endured a manifold strife, and conquered grandly, should receive the
crown, great and incorruptible. "Maturus, therefore, and Sanctus and 37
Blandina and Attalus were led to the amphi-theater to be exposed to the
wild beasts, and to give to the heathen public a spectacle of cruelty,
a day for fighting with wild beasts being specially appointed on
account of our people. Both Maturus and Sanctus passed again 38 through
every torment in the amphitheater, as if they had suffered nothing
before, or rather, as if, having already conquered their antagonist in
many contests,8° they were now striving for the crown itself. They
endured again the customary running of the gauntlet [31] and the
violence of the wild beasts, and everything which the furious people
called for or desired, and at last, the iron chair in which their
bodies being roasted, tormented them with the fumes. And not with this
did the 39 persecutors cease, but were yet more mad against them,
determined to overcome their patience. But even thus they did not hear
a word from Sanctus except the confession which he had uttered from the
beginning. These, 40 then, after their life had continued for a long
time through the great conflict, were at last sacrificed, having been
made throughout that day a spectacle to the world, in place of the
usual variety of combats. "But Blandina was suspended on a
stake,41 and exposed to be devoured by the wild beasts who should
attack her. And because she appeared as if hanging on a cross, and
because of her earnest prayers, she inspired the combatants with great
zeal. For they looked on her in her conflict, and beheld with their
outward eyes, in the form of their sister, him who was crucified for
them, that he might persuade those who believe on him, that every one
who suffers for the glory of Christ has fellowship always with the
living God. As 42 none of the wild beasts at that time touched her, she
was taken down from the stake, and cast again into prison. She was
preserved thus for another contest, that, being victorious in more
conflicts, she might make the punishment of the crooked serpent
irrevocable; [33] and, though small and weak and despised, yet clothed
with Christ the mighty and conquering Athlete, she
216
might arouse the zeal of the brethren, and, having overcome the
adversary many times might receive, through her conflict, the crown
incorruptible.
43 "But Attalus was called for loudly by! the people,
because he was a person of distinction. He entered the contest readily
on account of a good conscience and his genuine practice in Christian
discipline, and as he had always been a witness for the truth among 44
us. He was led around the amphitheater, a tablet being carried before
him on which was written in the Roman language 'This is Attalus the
Christian,' and the people were filled with indignation against him.
But when the governor learned that he was a Roman, he commanded him to
be taken back with the rest of those who were in prison concerning whom
he had written to Caesar, and whose answer he was awaiting.
"But the intervening time was not wasted nor
fruitless to them; for by their patience the measureless compassion of
Christ was manifested. For through their continued life the dead were
made alive, and the witnesses showed favor to those who had failed to
witness. And the virgin mother had much joy in receiving alive those
whom she had brought forth as dead. [34] For through their influence
many who had denied were restored, and re-be-gotten, and rekindled with
life, and learned to confess. And being made alive and strengthened,
they went to the judgment seat to be again interrogated by the
governor; God, who desires not the death of the sinner, [35] but
mercifully invites to repentance, treating them with kindness. For
Caesar commanded that they should be put to death, [36] but that any
who might deny should be set free. Therefore, at the beginning of the
public festival [37] which took place there, and which was attended by
crowds of men from all nations, the governor brought the blessed ones
to the judgment seat, to make of them a show and spectacle for the
multitude. Wherefore also he examined them again, and beheaded those
who appeared to possess Roman citizenship, but he sent the others to
the wild beasts.
48 "And Christ was glorified greatly in those who had formerly
denied him, for, contrary to the expectation of the heathen, they
confessed. For they, were examined by themselves, as about to be set
free; but confessing, they were added to the order of the witnesses.
But some continued without, who had never possessed a trace of faith,
nor any apprehension of the wedding garment, [38] nor an understanding
of the fear of God; but, as sons of perdition, they blasphemed the Way
through their apostasy. But all the others were added to the 49 Church.
While these were being examined, a certain Alexander, a Phrygian by
birth, and physician by profession, who had resided in Gaul for many
years, and was well known to all on account of his love to
God and boldness of speech (for he was not without a share of
apostolic grace), standing before the judgment seat, and by signs
encouraging them to confess, appeared to those standing by as if in
travail. But the people being enraged be- 50
cause those who formerly denied now confessed, cried out against
Alexander as if he were the cause of this. Then the governor summoned
him and inquired who he was. And when he answered that he was a
Christian, being very angry he condemned him to the wild beasts. And on
the next day he entered along with Attalus. For to please the people,
the governor had ordered Attalus again to the wild beasts. And they
were tortured in 51 the amphitheater with all the instruments contrived
for that purpose, and having endured a very great conflict, were at
last sacrificed. Alexander neither groaned nor murmured in any manner,
but communed in his heart with God. But when Attalus was placed in 52
the iron seat, and the fumes arose from his burning body, he said to
the people in the Roman language: 'Lo! this which ye do is devouring
men; but we do not devour men; nor do any other wicked thing.' And
being asked, what name God has, he replied, ' God has not a name as man
has.'
"After all these, on the last day of the 53
contests, Blandina was again brought in, with Ponticus, a boy about
fifteen years old. They had been brought every day to witness the
sufferings of the others, and had been pressed to swear by the idols.
But because they remained steadfast and despised them, the multitude
became furious, so that they had no compassion for the youth of the boy
nor respect for the sex of the woman. Therefore they exposed them 54 to
all the terrible sufferings and took them through the entire round of
torture, repeatedly urging them to swear, but being unable to effect
this; for Ponticus, encouraged by his sister so that even the heathen
could see that she was confirming and strengthening him, having nobly
endured every torture, gave up the ghost.
55 But the blessed Blandina, last of all, having, as a noble mother,
encouraged her children and sent them before her victorious to the
King, endured herself all their conflicts and hastened after them, glad
and rejoicing in her departure as if called to a marriage supper,
rather than east to wild beasts. And, after the scourging, after the
wild beasts, after the roasting seat, [39] she was finally enclosed in
a net, and thrown before a bull. And having been tossed about by the
animal, but feeling none of the things which were happening to her, on
account of her hope and firm hold upon what had been entrusted to her,
and her communion with Christ, she also was sacrificed. And the heathen
themselves confessed that never among them had a woman endured so many
and such terrible tortures. 57 "But not even thus was their
madness and cruelty toward the saints satisfied. For incited by the
Wild Beast, wild and barbarous tribes were not easily appeased, and
their violence found another peculiar opportunity in 58 the dead
bodies [40] For, through their lack of manly reason, the fact
that they had been conquered did not put them to shame, but rather the
more enkindled their wrath as that of a wild beast, and aroused alike
the hatred of governor and people to treat us unjustly; that the
Scripture might be fulfilled: ' He that is lawless, let him be lawless
still, and he that is righteous, 59 let him be righteous still.' [41]
For they cast to the dogs those who had died of suffocation in the
prison, carefully guarding them by night and day, lest any one should
be buried by us. And they exposed the remains left by the wild beasts
and by fire, mangled and charred, and placed the heads of the others by
their bodies, and guarded them in like manner from burial by a watch of
soldiers for many days. 60 And some raged and gnashed their teeth
against them, desiring to execute more severe vengeance upon them; but
others laughed and mocked at them, magnifying their own idols, and
imputed to them the punishment of the Christians. Even the more
reasonable, and those who had seemed to sympathize somewhat, reproached
them often, saying, ' Where is their God, and what has their religion,
which they have chosen rather than life, profited them ?' 61 So various
was their conduct toward us; but we were in deep affliction because we
could not bury the bodies. For neither did night avail us for this
purpose, nor did money persuade, nor entreaty move to compassion; but
they kept watch in every way, as if the prevention of the burial would
be of some great advantage to them." In addition, they say after other
things: "The bodies of the martyrs, having thus 62 in every
manner been exhibited and exposed for six days, were afterward burned
and reduced to ashes, and swept into the Rhone by the wicked men, so
that no trace of them might appear on the earth. And this 68 they did,
as if able to conquer God, and prevent their new birth; 'that,' as they
said, 'they may have no hope of a resurrection, [43] through trust in
which they bring to us this foreign and new religion, and despise
terrible things, and are ready even to go to death with joy. Now let us
see if they will rise again, and if their God is able to help them, and
to deliver them out of our hands.'"
CHAPTER II.
The Martyrs, beloved of God, kindly ministered unto those who fell in
the Persecution.
Such things happened to the churches 1 of Christ under the
above-mentioned emperor, [1] from which we may reasonably
conjecture the occurrences in the other provinces. It is proper to add
other selections from the same letter, in which the moderation and
compassion of these witnesses is recorded in the following words: "They
were also so zealous in their imitation 2 of Christ, -- ' who, being in
the form of God, counted it not a prize to be on an equality with God,'
[2] -- that, though they had attained such honor, and had borne
witness, not once or twice, but many times,- having been brought back
to prison from the wild beasts, covered 'with burns and scars and
wounds, -- yet they did not proclaim themselves witnesses, nor did they
suffer us to address them by this name. If any one of us, in letter or
conversation, spoke of them as witnesses, they rebuked him
218
sharply. For they conceded cheerfully the appellation of Witness to
Christ ' the faithful and true Witness,' [3] and ' firstborn of the
dead,' [4] and prince of the life of God; [5] and they reminded us of
the witnesses who had already departed, and said, ' They are already
witnesses whom Christ has deemed worthy to be taken up in their
confession, having sealed their testimony by their departure; but we
are lowly and humble confessors.' [6] And they besought the brethren
with tears that earnest prayers should be offered that they might be
made perfect. [7] They showed in their deeds the power of ' testimony,'
manifesting great boldness toward all the brethren, and they made plain
their nobility through patience and fearlessness and courage, but they
refused the title of Witnesses as distinguishing them from their
brethren, [8] being filled with the fear of God." 5 A
little further on they say: "They humbled themselves under the mighty
hand, by which they are now greatly exalted. [9] They defended all,
[10] but accused none. They absolved all, but bound none. [11] And they
prayed for those who had inflicted cruelties upon them, even as
Stephen, the perfect witness, ' Lord, lay not this sin to their
charge.' [12] But if he prayed for those who stoned him, how much more
for the brethren !" [6] And again after mentioning other matters, they
say: "For, through the genuineness of their love, their greatest
contest with him was that the Beast, being choked, might cast out alive
those whom he supposed he had swallowed. For they did not boast over
the fallen, but helped them in their need with those things in which
they themselves abounded, having the compassion of a mother, and
shedding many tears 7 on their account before the Father. They
asked for life, and he gave it to them, and they shared it with their
neighbors. Victorious; over everything, they departed to God. Having
always loved peace, and having commended peace to us [13] they went in
peace to God, leaving no sorrow to their mother, nor division or strife
to the brethren, but joy and peace and concord and love."
This record of the affection of those 8 blessed ones
toward the brethren that had fallen may be profitably added on account
of the inhuman and unmerciful disposition of those who, after these
events, acted unsparingly toward the members of Christ. [14]
CHAPTER III.
The Vision which appeared in a Dream to the
Witness Attalus.
The same letter of the abovementioned[1]. witnesses contains another
account worthy of remembrance. No one will object to our bringing it to
the knowledge of our readers. It runs as follows: "For a certain
Alcibiades, 2 [1] who was one of them, led a very austere life,
partaking of nothing whatever but bread and water. When he endeavored
to continue this same sort of life in prison, it was revealed to
Attalus after his first conflict in the amphitheater that Alcibiades
was not doing well in refusing the creatures of God and placing a
stumbling-block before others. And Alcibiades 3 obeyed; and partook of
all things without restraint, giving thanks to God. For they were not
deprived of the grace of God, but the Holy Ghost was their counselor."
Let this suffice for these matters.
The followers of Montanus, [2] Alcibiades [3] 4 and
Theodotus [4] in Phrygia were now first giving wide circulation to
their assumption in regard to prophecy, -- for the may other miracles
219
that, through the gift of God, were still wrought in the different
churches caused their prophesying to be readily credited by many, --
and as dissension arose concerning them, the brethren in Gaul set forth
their own prudent and most orthodox judgment in the matter, and
published also several epistles from the witnesses that had been put to
death among them. These they sent, while they were still in prison, to
the brethren throughout Asia and Phrygia, and also to Eleutherus, [5]
who was then bishop of Rome, negotiating for the peace of the churches.
[6]
CHAPTER IV.
Irenaeus commended by the Witnesses in a Letter.
1 The same witnesses also recommended Irenaeus, [1] who was
already at that time a presbyter of the parish of Lyons, to the
above-mentioned bishop of Rome, saying many favorable things in regard
to him, as the following extract shows: 2. "We pray, father
Eleutherus, that you may rejoice in God in all things and
always. We have requested our brother and comrade Irenaeus to
carry this letter to you, and we ask you to hold him in esteem, as
zealous for the covenant of Christ. For if we thought that office could
confer righteousness upon any one, we should commend him among the
first as a presbyter of the church, which is his position."
3Why should we transcribe the catalogue of the witnesses given in the
letter already mentioned, of whom some were beheaded, others cast to
the wild beasts, and others fell asleep in prison, or give the number
of confessors [2] still surviving at that time? For whoever desires can
readily find the full account by consulting the letter itself, which,
as I have said, is recorded in our Collection of Martyrdoms. [3] Such
were the events which happened under Antoninus. [4]
CHAPTER V.
God sent Rain from Heaven for Marcus Aurelius Caesar in Answer to the
Prayers of our People.
It is reported [1] that Marcus Aurelius 1 Caesar, brother of Antoninus,
[2] being about to engage in battle with the Germans and Sarmatians,
was in great trouble on account of his army suffering from thirst. [3]
But the soldiers of the so-called Melitene legion, [4] through
220
the faith which has given strength from that time to the present, when
they were drawn up before the enemy, kneeled on the ground, as is our
custom in prayer, [5] and engaged in supplications 2 to God. This was
indeed a strange sight to the enemy, but it is reported [6] that a
stranger thing immediately followed. The lightning drove the enemy to
flight and destruction, but a shower refreshed the army of those who
had called on God, all of whom had been on the point of perishing with
thirst. 3 This story is related by non-Christian writers
who have been pleased to treat the times referred to, and it has also
been recorded by our own people. [7] By those historians who were
strangers to the faith, the marvel is mentioned, but it is not
acknowledged as an answer to our prayers. But by our own people, as
friends of the truth, the occurrence is related in a simple and artless
manner.
4 Among these is Apolinarius, [8] who says that from that time the
legion through whose prayers the wonder took place received from the
emperor a title appropriate to the event, being called in the language
of the Romans 5 the Thundering Legion. Tertullian is a trustworthy
witness of these things. In the Apology for the Faith, which he
addressed to the Roman Senate, and which work we have already
mentioned, [9] he confirms the history with greater and stronger
proofs. He 6 writes [10] that there are still extant letters [11]
of the most intelligent Emperor Marcus in which he testifies that his
army, being on the point of perishing with thirst in Germany, was saved
by the prayers of the Christians. And he says also that this emperor
threatened death [12] to those who brought accusation against us.
He adds further: [13] 7
"What kind of laws are those which
impious, unjust, and cruel persons use against us alone ? which
Vespasian, though he had conquered the Jews, did not regard; [14] which
Trajan partially annulled, forbidding Christians to be sought after;
[15] which neither Adrian, [16] though inquisitive in all matters, nor
he who was called Plus [17] sanctioned." But let any one treat these
things as he chooses; [18] we must pass on to what followed. Pothinus
having died with the other martyrs 8 in Gaul at ninety years of age,
[19] Irenaeus succeeded him in the episcopate of the church at Lyons.
[20] We have learned that, in his youth, he was a hearer of Polycarp.
[21] In the 9 third book of his work Against Heresies he has
inserted a list of the bishops of Rome, bringing it down as far as
Eleutherus (whose times we are now considering), under whom he composed
his work. He writes as follows: [22]
CHAPTER VI.
Catalogue of the Bishops of Rome.
1 "The blessed apostles [1] having founded and established
the church, entrusted the office of the episcopate to Linus. [2] Paul
speaks of this Linus in his Epistles to Timothy. [3] 2. Anencletus [4]
succeeded him, and after Anencletus, in the third place from the
apostles, Clement [5] received the episcopate. He had seen and
conversed with the blessed apostles, [6] and their preaching was still
sounding in his ears, and their tradition was still before his eyes.
Nor was he alone in this, for many who had been taught by the apostles
yet survived. 3 In the times of Clement, a serious dissension
having arisen among the brethren in Corinth, [7] the church of Rome
sent a most suitable letter to the Corinthians, [8] reconciling them in
peace, renewing their faith, and proclaiming [9] the doctrine lately
received from the apostles." [10] A little farther on he says:
[11]
"Evarestus [12] succeeded Clement, and Alexander,
[13] Evarestus. Then Xystus, [14] the sixth from the apostles, was
appointed. After him Telesphorus, [15] who suffered martyrdom
gloriously; then Hyginus; [16] then Pius; [17] and after him
Anicetus; [18] Sorer [19] succeeded Anicetus ; and now, in the twelfth
place from the apostles,
Eleutherus [20] holds the office of bishop. 5
In the same order and succession [21] the tradition in the Church and
the preaching of the truth has descended from the apostles unto us."
CHAPTER VII.
Even down to those Times Miracles were performed by the Faithful.
These things Irenaeus, in agreement with 1 the accounts already given
by us, [1] records in the work which comprises five books, and to which
he gave the title Refutation and Overthrow of the Knowledge Falsely
So-called. [2] In the second book of the same treatise he shows that
manifestations of divine and miraculous power continued to his time in
some of the churches. He says: [3] 1 "But so far do they come short of
raising the dead, as the Lord raised them, and the apostles
through prayer. And oftentimes in the brotherhood, when, on account of
some neces sity, our entire Church has besought with fasting and much
supplication, the spirit of the dead has returned, [4] and the man has
been restored through the prayers of the saints." And again, after
other remarks, he says : [5] 3
222
"If they will say that even the Lord did these
things in mere appearance, we will refer them to the prophetic
writings, and show from them that all things were beforehand spoken of
him in this manner, and were strictly fulfilled; and that he alone is
the Son of God. Wherefore his true disciples, receiving grace from him,
perform such works in his Name for the benefit of other men, as each
has received the gift from 4 him. For some of them drive out demons
effectually and truly, so that those who have been cleansed from evil
spirits frequently believe and unite with the Church. Others have
a foreknowledge of future events, and visions, and prophetic
revelations. Still others heal the sick by the laying on of hands, and
restore them to health. And, as we have said, even dead persons have
been raised, and remained with 5 us many years. But why should we
say more ? It is not possible to recount the number of gifts
which the Church, throughout all the world, has received from God in
the name of Jesus Christ, who was crucified under Pontius Pilate, and
exercises every day for the benefit of the heathen, never deceiving any
nor doing it for money. For as she has received freely from God, freely
also does she minister." [6] 6And in another place the same author
writes: [7] "As also we hear that many brethren in the Church possess
prophetic gifts, and speak, through the Spirit, with all kinds of
tongues, and bring to light the secret things of men for their good,
and declare the mysteries of God." So much in regard to the fact that
various gifts remained among those who were worthy even until that
time.
CHAPTER VIII.
The Statements of Irenaeus in regard to the Divine
Scriptures.
1 Since, in the beginning of this work, [1] we
promised to give, when needful, the words of the ancient presbyters and
writers of i the Church, in which they have declared those
traditions which came down to them concerning the canonical
books, and since Irenaeus was one h of them, we will now give his words
and, first, what he says of the sacred Gospels: [2]
"Matthew published his Gospel among the Hebrews in their own language,
[3] while Peter and Paul were preaching and founding the church
in Rome. [4] After their departure 3 Mark, the disciple and interpreter
of Peter, also transmitted to us in writing those things which Peter
had preached; [5] and Luke, the attendant of Paul, recorded in a book
the Gospel which Paul had declared. [6] After- 4 wards John, the
disciple of the Lord, who also reclined on his bosom, published
his Gospel, while staying at Ephesus in Asia." [7] He states
these things in the third book 5 of his above-mentioned work. In the
fifth book he speaks as follows concerning the Apocalypse of
John, and the number of the name of Antichrist: [8]
"As these things are so, and this number is found in
all the approved and ancient copies, [9] and those who saw John face to
face confirm it, and reason teaches us that the number of the name of
the beast, according to the mode of calculation among the Greeks,
appears in its letters .... " [10]
And farther on he says concerning the 6 same: [11]
"We are not bold enough to speak confidently of the
name of Antichrist. For if it were necessary that his name should be
declared clearly at the present time, it would have been announced by
him who saw the revelation. For it was seen, not long ago, but almost
in our generation, toward the end of the reign of Domitian." [12] He
states these things concerning the 7 Apocalypse [13] in the work
referred to. He also mentions the first Epistle of John, [14] taking
223
many proofs from it, and likewise the first Epistle of Peter. [15] And
he not only knows, but also receives, The Shepherd, [16] writing as
follows : [17]
"Well did the Scripture [18] speak, saying, [19] '
First of all believe that God is one, who has created and completed all
things,'" &c. And he uses almost the
precise words of the Wisdom of Solomon, saying: [20] "The vision of God
produces immortality, but immortality renders us near to God." He
men-lions also the memoirs [21] of a certain apostolic presbyter, [22]
whose name he passes by in silence, and gives his expositions of the
sacred 9 Scriptures. And he refers to Justin the Martyr, [23] and to
Ignatius, [24] using testimonies also from their writings. Moreover, he
promises to refute Marcion from his own writings, in a special work.
[25] 10 Concerning the translation of the inspired [26]
Scriptures by the Seventy, hear the very words which he writes: [27]
"God in truth became man, and the Lord himself saved
us, giving the sign of the virgin but not as some say, who now venture
to translate the Scripture, 'Behold, a young woman shall conceive and
bring forth a son,' [28] as Theodotion of Ephesus and Aquila of Pontus,
[29] both of them Jewish proselytes, interpreted; following whom, the
Ebionites say [30] that he was begotten by Joseph." Shortly after he
adds: 11
"For before the Romans had established their empire, while the
Macedonians were still holding Asia, Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, [31]
being desirous of adorning the library which he had rounded in
Alexandria with the meritorious writings of all men, requested the
people of Jerusalem to have their Scriptures translated into the Greek
language. But, as they were 12 then subject to the Macedonians, they
sent to Ptolemy seventy elders, who were the most skilled among them in
the Scriptures and in both languages. Thus God accomplished his
purpose. [32] But wishing to try them individ- 13
224
ually, as he feared lest, by taking counsel together, they might
conceal the truth of the Scriptures by their interpretation, he
separated them from one another, and commanded all of them to write the
same translation. [33] He 14 did this for all the books. But when they
came together in the presence of Ptolemy, and compared their several
translations, God was glorified, and the Scriptures were
recognized as truly divine. For all of them had rendered the same
things in the same words and with the same names from beginning
to end, so that the heathen perceived that the Scriptures had
been translated by the inspiration [34] of God. 15 And this was nothing
wonderful for God to do, who, in the captivity of the people trader
Nebuchadnezzar, when the Scriptures had been destroyed, and the Jews
had returned to their own country after seventy years,
afterwards, in the time of Artaxerxes, king of the Persians,
inspired Ezra the priest, of the tribe of Levi, to relate all the
words of the former prophets, and to restore to the people the
legislation of Moses." [35]
Such are the words of Irenaeus.
CHAPTER IX.
The Bishops under Commodus.
After Antoninus [1] had been emperor for nine-
teen years, Commodus received the government. [2] In his first year
Julian [3] became bishop of the Alexandrian churches, after Agrippinus
[4] had held the office for twelve years.
CHAPTER X.
Pantaenus the Philosopher.
About that time, Pantaenus, [1] a man highly 1
distinguished for his learning, had charge of the school of the
faithful in Alexandria. [2] A school of sacred learning, which
continues to our day, was established there in ancient times, [3]
225
and as we have been informed, [4] was managed by men of great ability
and zeal for divine things. Among these it is reported [5] that
Pantaenus was at that time especially conspicuous, as he had been
educated in the philosophical 2 system of those called Stoics. They say
that he displayed such zeal for the divine Word, that he was appointed
as a herald of the Gospel of Christ to the nations in the East, and was
sent as far as India. [6] For indeed [7] there were still many
evangelists of the Word who sought earnestly to use their inspired
zeal, after the examples of the apostles, for the increase and building
up of the Divine Word. 3 Pantaenus was one of these, and is said
to have gone to India. It is reported that among persons there who knew
of Christ, he found the Gospel according to Matthew, which had
anticipated his own arrival. For Bartholomew, [8] one of the apostles,
had preached to them, and left with them the writing of Matthew in the
Hebrew language, [9] which they had preserved till that time.
4 After many good deeds, Pantaenus finally
became the head of the school at Alexandria, [10] and expounded the
treasures of divine doctrine both orally and in writing. [11]
CHAPTER XI.
Clement of Alexandria.
At this time Clement, [1] being trained with 1 him [2] in the
divine Scriptures at Alexandria, became well known. He had the same
name as the one who anciently was at the head of the Roman church, and
who was a disciple of the apostles. [3] In his Hypotyposes [4] he 2
speaks of Pantaenus by name as his teacher. It seems to me that he
alludes to the same person also in the first book of his Stromata,
when, referring to the more conspicuous of the successors of the
apostles whom he had met, [[5] he says: [6]
"This work [7] is not a writing artfully 3
constructed for display; but my notes are stored up for old age, as a
remedy against forgetfulness; an image without art, and a rough sketch
of those powerful and animated words which it was my privilege to hear,
as well as of blessed and truly remarkable men. Of 4 these the one --
the Ionian 8 __ was in
226
Greece, the other in Magna Graecia ; [9] the one of them was from
Coele-Syria, [10] the other from Egypt. There were others in the East,
one of them an Assyrian, [11] the other a Hebrew in Palestine? But when
I met with the last, [13]--in ability truly he was first,-- having
hunted him out in his concealment in Egypt, I found rest. These men,
preserving the true tradition of the blessed doctrine, directly from
the holy apostles, Peter and James and John and Paul, the son receiving
it from the father (but few were like the fathers), have come by God's
will even to us to deposit those ancestral and apostolic seeds." [14]
CHAPTER XII.
The Bishops in Jerusalem.
1 At this time Narcissus [1] was the bishop of the church
at Jerusalem, and he is celebrated by many to this day. He was the
fifteenth in succession from the siege of the Jews under Adrian. We
have shown that from that time first the church in Jerusalem was
composed of Gentiles, after those of the circumcision, and that Marcus
was the first Gentile bishop that presided over them. [2] After him the
2 succession in the episcopate was: first Cassianus; after him Publius;
then Maximus; [3] following them Julian; then Gaius; [4] after him
Symmachus and another Gaius, and again another Julian; after these
Capito [5] and Valens and Dolichianus; and after all of them Narcissus,
the thirtieth in regular succession from the apostles.
227
CHAPTER XIII.
Rhodo and his Account of the Dissension of
Marcion.
1 At this time Rhodo, [1] a native of Asia, who
had been instructed, as he himself states, by Tatian, with whom we have
already become acquainted, [2] having written several books, published
among the rest one against the heresy of Marcion. [3] He says that this
heresy was divided in his time into various opinions; [4] and while
describing those who occasioned the division, he refutes accurately the
falsehoods devised 2 by each of them. But hear what he writes: [5]
"Therefore also they disagree among themselves,
maintaining an inconsistent opinion. [6] For Apelles, [7] one of the
herd, priding himself on his manner of life [8] and his age,
acknowledges one principle, [9] but says that the prophecies [10] are
from an opposing spirit, being led to this view by the responses of a
maiden by name Philumene, [11] who was possessed by a
228
[3] demon. But others, among whom are Potitus and Basilicus, [12] hold
to two principles, [13] as 4 does the mariner [14] Marcion himself.
These following the wolf [15] of Pontus, and, like
him, unable to fathom the division of things, became reckless, and
without giving any proof asserted two principles. Others, again,
drifting into a worse error, consider that there are not only two, but
three natures. [16] Of these, Syneros [17] is the leader and chief, as
those who defend 5 his teaching [18] say." The same author writes
that he engaged in conversation with Apelles. He speaks as follows:
"For the old man Apelles, when conversing with us,
[19] was refuted in many things which he spoke falsely; whence also he
said that it was not at all necessary to examine one's doctrine, [20]
but that each one should continue to hold what he believed. For he
asserted that those who trusted in the Crucified would be saved, if
only they were found doing good works. [21] But as we have said before,
his opinion concerning God was the most obscure of all. For he spoke of
one principle, as also our doctrine does."
Then, after stating fully his own opinion, 6 he adds:
"When I said to him, Tell me how you know this or
how can you assert that there is one principle, he replied that the
prophecies refuted themselves, because they have said nothing true;
[22] for they are inconsistent, and false, and self-contradictory. But
how there is one principle he said that he did not know, but that he
was thus persuaded. As I then adjured him to 7 speak the truth, he
swore that he did so
when he said that he did not know how there is one unbegotten God, but
that he believed it. Thereupon I laughed and reproved him because,
though calling himself a teacher, he knew not how to confirm what he
taught." [23]
In the same work, addressing Callistio, [24] the 8
same writer acknowledges that he had been instructed at Rome by Tatian.
[25] And he says that a book of Problems [26] had been prepared by
Tatian, in which he promised to explain the obscure
229
and hidden parts of the divine Scriptures. Rhodo himself promises
to give in a work of his: own solutions of Tatian's problems. [27]
There is also extant a Commentary of his on the Hexaemeron. [28]
9 But this Apelles wrote many things, an impious manner, of
the law of Moses, blaspheming the divine words in many of his
works, being, as it seemed, very zealous for their refutation and
overthrow? So much concerning these.
CHAPTER XIV.
The False Prophets of the Phrygians.
The enemy of God's Church, who is emphatically a hater of
good and a lover of evil, and leaves untried no manner of craft
against men, was again active in causing strange heresies to
spring up against the Church. [1] For some persons, like venomous
reptiles, crawled over Asia and Phrygia, boasting that Montanus was the
Paraclete, and that the women that followed him, Priscilla and
Maximilla, were prophetesses of Montanus. [2]
CHAPTER XV.
The Schism of Blastus at Rome. [1]
Others, of whom Florinus [2] was chief,
flourished at Rome. He fell from the presbyterate of the Church, and
Blastus was involved in a similar fall. They also drew away many oft
the Church to their opinion, each striving to introduce his own
innovations in respect to the truth
CHAPTER XVI.
The Circumstances related of Montanus and his
False Prophets. [1]
Against the so-called Phrygian [2] heresy, 1 the power which
always contends for the truth raised up a strong and invincible weapon,
Apolinarius of Hierapolis, whom we have mentioned before, [3] and with
him many other men of ability, by whom abundant material for our 2
history has been left. A certain one of these, in the beginning of his
work against them, [4] first intimates that he had contended with them
in oral controversies. He commences his work in this manner: [5]
"Having for a very long and sufficient time, O beloved Avircius
Marcellus, [6] been urged by you to write a treatise against the heresy
of those who are called after Miltiades, [7] I have hesitated till the
present time, not through lack of ability to refute the falsehood or
bear testimony for the truth, but from fear and apprehension that I
might seem to some to be making additions to the doctrines or precepts
of the Gospel of the New Testament, which it is impossible for one who
has chosen to live according to the Gospel, either to increase or to
diminish. But being recently in Ancyra [8] in Galatia, I found the
church there [9] greatly agitated by this novelty, not prophecy, as
they call it, but rather false prophecy, as will be shown. Therefore,
to the best of our ability, with the Lord's help, we disputed in the
church many days concerning these and other matters separately brought
forward by them, so that the church rejoiced and was strengthened in
the truth, and those of the opposite side were for the time confounded,
and the adversaries were grieved. The 5 presbyters in the place, our
fellow-presbyter Zoticus [10] of Otrous also being present, requested
us to leave a record of what had been said against the opposers of the
truth. We did not do this, but we promised to write it out as soon as
the Lord permitted us, and to send it to them speedily."
231
6 Having said this with other things, in the beginning of
his work, he proceeds to state the cause of the above-mentioned heresy
as follows: "Their opposition and their recent heresy which has
separated them from the Church 7 arose on the following account. There
is said to be a certain village called Ardabau in
that part of Mysia, which borders upon Phrygia. [11] There first, they
say, when Gratus was proconsul of Asia, [12] a recent convert, Montanus
by name, through his unquenchable desire for@ leadership, [13] gave the
adversary opportunity against him. And he became beside himself, and
being suddenly in a sort of frenzy and ecstasy, he raved, and began to
babble and utter strange things, prophesying in a manner contrary to
the constant custom of the Church handed down by
tradition from the be-8 ginning. [14] Some of those who heard his
spurious utterances at that time were indignant, and they rebuked him
as one that was possessed, and that was under the control of a demon,
and was led by a deceitful spirit, and was distracting the multitude;
and they forbade him to talk, remembering the distinction [15] drawn by
the Lord and his warning to guard watchfully against the coming of
false prophets? But others imagining themselves possessed of the Holy
Spirit and of a prophetic gift,[17] were elated and not a little puffed
up; and forgetting the distinction of the Lord, they challenged the mad
and insidious and seducing spirit, and were cheated and deceived by
him. In consequence of this, he could no longer be held in check, so as
to keep silence. Thus by artifice, or 9 rather by such a system
of wicked craft, the devil, devising destruction for the disobedient,
and being unworthily honored by them, secretly excited and inflamed
their understandings which had already become estranged from the true
faith. And he stirred up besides two women, [18] and filled them with
the false spirit, so that they talked wildly and unreasonably and
strangely, like the person already mentioned. [19] And the spirit
pronounced them blessed as they rejoiced and gloried in him, and puffed
them up by the magnitude of his promises. But sometimes he rebuked them
openly in a wise and
232
faithful manner, that he might seem to be a reprover. But those of the
Phrygians that were deceived were few in number.
"And the arrogant spirit taught them to revile the
entire universal Church under heaven, because the spirit of false
prophecy received neither honor from it nor entrance into it. 10 For
the faithful in Asia met often in many places throughout Asia to
consider this matter, [20] and examined the novel utterances and
pronounced them profane, and rejected the heresy, and thus these
persons were expelled from the Church and debarred from
communion." 11 Having related these things at the outset,
and continued the refutation of their delusion through his entire work,
in the second book he speaks as follows of their end: 12 "Since,
therefore, they called us slayers of the prophets [21] because we did
not receive their loquacious prophets, who, they say, are those that
the Lord promised to send to the people, [22] let them answer as in
God's presence: Who is there, O friends, of these who began to talk,
from Montanus and the women down, that was persecuted by the Jews, or
slain by lawless men ? None. Or has any of them been seized and
crucified for the Name ? Truly not. Or has one of these women ever been
scourged in the synagogues of the Jews, or stoned ? No; 13 never
anywhere. [23] But by another kind of death Montanus and Maximilla are
said to have died. For the report is that, incited by the spirit of
frenzy, they both hung themselves; [24] not at the same time, but at
the time which common report gives for the death of each. And thus they
died, and ended their lives like the traitor Judas. So also, as general
14 report says, that remarkable person, the first steward, [25] as it
were, of their so-called prophecy, one Theodotus- who, as if at
sometime taken up and received into heaven, fell into trances, and
entrusted himself to the deceitful spirit- was pitched like a quoit,
and died miserably? They say that these things happened 15 in this
manner. But as we did not see them, O friend, we do not pretend to
know. Perhaps in such a manner, perhaps not, Montanus and Theodotus and
the above-mentioned woman died." He says again in the same book
that the 16 holy bishops of that time attempted to refute the spirit in
Maximilla, but were prevented by others who plainly co-operated with
the spirit. He writes as
follows: 17 "And let
not the spirit, in the same work of Asterius Urbanus, [27] say through
Maximilla, ' I am driven away from the sheep like a wolf. [28] I am not
a wolf. I am word and spirit and power.' But let him show clearly and
prove the power in the spirit. And by the spirit let him compel those
to confess him who were then present for the purpose of proving and
reasoning with the talkative spirit,- those eminent men
233
and bishops, Zoticus, [29] from the village Comana and Julian, [30]
from Apamea, whose mouths the followers of Themiso [31] muzzled,
refusing to per-knit the false and seductive spirit to be refuted by
them." 18 Again in the same work, after saying other things in
refutation of the false prophecies of Maximilla, he indicates the time
when he wrote these accounts, and mentions her predictions in which she
prophesied wars and anarchy. Their falsehood he censures in the
following manner: 19 "And has not this been shown clearly to be
false ? For it is to-day more than thirteen years since the woman died,
and there has been neither a partial nor general war in the world; but
rather, through the mercy of God, continued peace even to the
Christians." [32] These things are taken from the second book. 20
I will add also short extracts from the third book, in which he speaks
thus against! their boasts that many of them had suffered,
martyrdom: "When therefore they are at a loss, being refuted in
all that they say, they try to take refuge in their martyrs, alleging
that they have many martyrs, and that this is sure evidence of the ,
power of the so-called prophetic spirit that is with them. But this, as
it appears, is entirely fallacious. [33] For some of the heresies have
a great many martyrs; but surely we shall not on that account agree
with them or confess that they hold the truth. And first, indeed, those
called Marcionites, from the heresy of Marcion, say that they have a
multitude of martyrs for Christ; yet they do not confess Christ himself
in truth."A little farther on he
continues:
22 "When those called to martyrdom from the Church for the truth of the
faith have met with any of the so-called martyrs of the Phrygian
heresy, they have separated from them, and died without any fellowship
with them, [34] because they did not wish to give their assent to the
spirit of Montanus and the women. And that this is true and took place
in our own time in Apamea on the Maeander, [35] among those who
suffered martyrdom with Gaius and Alexander of Eumenia, is well known."
CHAPTER XVII. Miltiades and his Works.
In this work he mentions a writer, Miltiades, [1]
stating that he also wrote a certain
234
book against the above-mentioned heresy. After quoting some of their
words, he adds:
"Having found these things in a certain work of
theirs in opposition to the work of the brother Alcibiades, [2] in
which he shows that a prophet ought not to speak in ecstasy, [3] I made
an abridgment."
A little further on in the same work he gives a list
of those who prophesied under the new covenant, among whom he
enumerates a certain Ammia [4] and Quadratus, [5] saying "But the false
prophet falls into an ecstasy, in which he is without shame or fear.
Beginning with purposed ignorance, he passes on, as has been stated, 16
involuntary madness of soul. They cannot show that one of the old or 3
one of the new prophets was thus carried away in spirit. Neither can
they boast of Agabus, [6] or Judas, [7] or Silas, [8] or the daughters
of Philip, [9] or Ammia in Philadelphia, or Quadratus, or any others
not belonging to them."
And again after a little he says: "For if 4 after
Quadratus and Ammia in Philadelphia, as they assert, the women with
Montanus received the prophetic gift, let them show who among them
received it from Montanus and the women. For the apostle thought it
necessary that the prophetic gift should continue in all the Church
until the final coming. But they cannot show it, though this is the
fourteenth year since the death of Maximilla." [10]
He writes thus. But the Miltiades to 5 whom he
refers has left other monuments of his own zeal for the Divine
Scriptures, [11] in the discourses which he composed against the Greeks
and against the Jews, [12] answering each of them separately in two
books. [13] And in addition he addresses an apology to the
earthly rulers, [14] in behalf of the philosophy which he embraced.
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CHAPTER XVIII.
The Manner in which Apollonius refuted the Phrygians, and the Persons
[1] whom he men-lions.
1 As the so-called Phrygian heresy [2] was still
flourishing in Phrygia in his time, Apollonius [3] also, an
ecclesiastical writer, undertook its refutation, and wrote a special
work against it, correcting in detail the false prophecies current
among them and reproving the life of the founders of the heresy. But
hear his own words respecting Montanus:
"His actions and his teaching show who this new
teacher is. This is he who taught the dissolution of marriage; [4] who
made laws for fasting; [5] who named Pepuza and Tymion, [6] small towns
in Phrygia, Jerusalem, wishing to gather people to them from all
directions; who appointed collectors of money; [7] who contrived the
receiving of gifts under the name of offerings; who provided salaries
for those who preached his doctrine, that its teaching might prevail
through gluttony." [8]
He writes thus concerning Montanus; 3 and a little
farther on he writes as follows concerning his prophetesses: "We show
that these first prophetesses themselves, as soon as they were filled
with the Spirit, abandoned their husbands. How falsely therefore they
speak who call Prisca a virgin." [9]
Afterwards he says: "Does not all Scripture 4 seem to you to
forbid a prophet to receive gifts and money ? [10] When therefore I see
the prophetess receiving gold and silver and costly garments, how can I
avoid reproving her?"
And again a little farther on he speaks 5 thus
concerning one of their confessors:
"So also Themiso, [11] who was clothed with
plausible covetousness, could not endure the sign of confession, but
threw aside bonds for an abundance of possessions. Yet, though he
should have been humble on this account, he dared to boast as a martyr,
and in imitation of the apostle, he wrote a certain catholic [12]
epistle,
236
to instruct those whose faith was better than his own, contending for
words of empty sound, and blaspheming against the Lord and the apostles
and the holy Church." 6 And again concerning others of
those honored among them as martyrs, he writes as follows:
"Not to speak of many, let the prophetess herself
tell us of Alexander, [13] who called himself a martyr, with whom she
is in the habit of banqueting, and who is worshiped [13a] by many. We
need not mention his robberies and other daring deeds for which he was
punished, but the 7 archives [14] contain them. Which of these forgives
the sins of the other? Does the prophet the robberies of the martyr, or
the: martyr the covetousness of the prophet? For although the Lord
said,' Provide neither gold, nor silver, neither two coats,' [15] these
men, in complete opposition, transgress in respect to the possession of
the forbidden things. For we will show that those whom they call
prophets and martyrs gather their gain not only from rich men, but also
from the poor, and orphans, 8 and widows. But if they are confident,
let them stand up and discuss these matters, that if
convicted they may hereafter cease transgressing. For the fruits of the
prophet must be tried; ' for the tree is known by its fruit.' [16] 9
But that those who wish may know concerning Alexander, he was tried by
AEmilius Frontinus, [17] proconsul at Ephesus; not on account of the
Name, [18] but for the robberies which he had committed, being already
an apostate. [19] Afterwards, having falsely declared for the name of
the Lord, he was released, having deceived the faithful that were
there. [20] And his own parish, from which he came, did not receive
him, because he was a robber. [21] Those who wish to learn about him
have the public records [22] of Asia. And yet the prophet with whom he
spent many years knows nothing about him ! [23] Exposing him, through
him we ex- 10 pose also the pretense [24] of the prophet. We could show
the same thing of many others. But if they are confident, let them
endure the test." Again, in another part of his work he 11 speaks
as follows of the prophets of whom they boast: "If they deny that their
prophets have received gifts, let them acknowledge this: that if the@'
are convicted of receiving them, they are not' prophets. And we will
bring a multitude of proofs of this. But it is necessary that all the
fruits of a prophet should be examined. Tell me, does a prophet dye his
hair? [25] Does a prophet stain his eyelids ? [26] Does a prophet
delight in adornment? Does a prophet play with tables and dice ? Does a
prophet lend on usury? Let them confess whether these things are lawful
or not; but I will show that they have been done by them." [27] This
same Apollonius states in the same [12] work that, at the time of his
writing, it was the fortieth year since Montanus had begun his
pretended prophecy. [28] And he says 13 also that Zoticus, who was
mentioned by the former writer, [29] when Maximilla was pretending to
prophesy in Pepuza, resisted her and endeavored to refute the spirit
that was working in her; but was prevented by those who agreed with
her. He mentions also a certain Thraseas [30] among the martyrs of that
time.
He speaks, moreover, of a tradition that the Saviour
commanded his apostles not to depart from Jerusalem for twelve years.
[31] He uses testimonies also from the Revelation of John, [32] and
237
he relates that a dead man had, through the Divine power, been raised
by John himself in Ephesus. [38] He also adds other things by which he
fully and abundantly exposes the error of the heresy of which we have
been speaking.These are the matters recorded by Apollonius.
CHAPTER XIX.
Serapion on the Heresy of the Phrygians.
Serapion, [1] who, as report says, succeeded Maximinus [2] at that time
as bishop of the church of Antioch, mentions the works of Apolinarius
[3] against the above-mentioned heresy. And he alludes to him in a
private letter to Caricus and Pontius, [4] in which he himself exposes
the same heresy, and adds the following words: [5]
"That you may see that the doings of this lying band
of the new prophecy, so called, are an abomination to all the
brotherhood throughout the world, I have sent you writings [6] of the
most blessed Claudius Apolinarius, bishop of Hierapolis in Asia." In
the same letter of Serapion the signatures 3 of several bishops are
found, [7] one of whom subscribes himself as follows: "I, Aurelius
Cyrenius, a witness, [8] pray for your health." And another in this
manner: "AElius Publius Julius, [9] bishop of Debeltum, a colony of
Thrace. [1] As God liveth in the heavens, the blessed Sotas in
Anchialus desired to cast the demon out of Priscilla, but the
hypocrites did not permit him." [10] And the autograph signatures of
many 4 other bishops who agreed with them are contained in the same
letter. So much for these persons.
CHAPTER XX.
The Writings of Irenaeus against the Schismatics at Rome.
Irenaeus [1] wrote several letters against 1 those who were
disturbing the sound ordinance of the Church at Rome. One of them was
to Blastus On Schism; [2] another to Florinus
238
On Monarchy, [3] or That God is not the Author of Evil. For Florinus
seemed to be defending this opinion. And because he was being drawn
away by the error of Valentinus, Irenaeus wrote his work On the Ogdoad,
[4] in which he shows that he himself had been acquainted with the
first successors of the apostles. [5] At the2. close of the treatise we
have found a most beautiful note which we are constrained to insert in
this work. [6] It runs as follows:
"I adjure thee who mayest copy this book, by our
Lord Jesus Christ, and by his glorious advent when he comes to judge
the living and the dead, to compare what thou shalt write, and correct
it carefully by this manuscript, and also to write this adjuration, and
place it in the copy."
These things may be profitably read in 3
his work, and related by us, that we may have those ancient and truly
holy men as the best example of painstaking carefulness. In the
letter to Florinus, of which we 4 have spoken, [7] Irenaeus mentions
again his intimacy with Polycarp, saying:
"These doctrines, O Florinus, to speak mildly, are
not of sound judgment. These doctrines disagree with the Church, and
drive into the greatest impiety those who accept them. These doctrines,
not even the heretics outside of the Church, have ever dared to
publish. These doctrines, the presbyters who were before us, and who
were companions of the apostles, did not deliver to thee.
"For when I was a boy, I saw thee in 5 lower Asia
with Polycarp, moving in splendor in the royal court, [8] and
endeavoring to gain his approbation. I remember the 6 events of
that time more clearly than those of recent years. For what boys learn,
growing with their mind, becomes joined with it; so that I am able to
describe the very place in which the blessed Polycarp sat as he
discoursed, and his goings out and his comings in, and the man-
239
ner of his life, and his physical appearance, and his discourses to the
people, and the accounts which he gave of his intercourse with John and
with the others who had seen the Lord. And as he remembered their
words, and what he heard from them concerning the Lord, and concerning
his miracles and his teaching, having received them from eyewitnesses
of the 'Word of life,' [9] Polycarp related all things in harmony 7
with the Scriptures. These things being told me by the mercy of God, I
listened to them attentively, noting them down, not on paper, but in my
heart. And continually, through God's grace, I recall them faithfully.
And I am able to bear witness before God that if that blessed and
apostolic presbyter had heard any such thing, he would have cried out,
and stopped his ears, and as was his custom, would have exclaimed, O
good God, unto what times hast thou spared me that I should endure
these things ? And he would have fled from the place where, sitting or
standing, he had heard 8 such words. [10] And this can be shown plainly
from the letters [11] which he sent, either to the neighboring churches
for their confirmation, or to some of the brethren, admonishing and
exhorting them." Thus far Irenaeus.
CHAPTER XXI.
How Appolonius suffered Martyrdom at Rome.
ABOUT the same time, in the reign of Com- modus, our condition
became more favorable, and through the grace of God the churches
throughout the entire world enjoyed peace, [1] and the word of
salvation was leading every soul, from every race of man to the devout
worship of the God of the universe. So that now at Rome
many who were highly distinguished for wealth and family turned
with all their household and relatives unto their salvation. t 2 But
the demon who hates what is good, being malignant in his nature, could
not endure this, but prepared himself again for conflict,
contriving many devices against us. And he brought to the judgment seat
Apollonius, [2] of the city of Rome, a man renowned among the faithful
for learning and philosophy, having stirred up one of his servants, who
was well fitted for such a purpose, to accuse him. [3] But this
wretched man made the charge 3 unseasonably, because by a royal
decreeit was unlawful that informers of such things should live. And
his legs were broken immediately, Perennius the judge having pronounced
this sentence upon him. [4] But the 4 martyr, highly beloved of God,
being ear
240
nestly entreated and requested by the judge to give an account of
himself before the Senate, made in the presence of all an eloquent
defense of the faith for which he was witnessing. And as if by decree
of the Senate he was put to death by decapitation; an ancient law
requiring that those who were brought to the judgment seat and refused
to recant should not be liberated, [5] Whoever desires to know his
arguments before the judge and his answers to the questions of
Perennius, and his entire defense before the Senate will find them in
the records of the ancient martyrdoms which we have collected. [6]
CHAPTER XXII.
The Bishops that were well known at this Time.
In the tenth year of the reign of Commodus, Victor
[1] succeeded Eleutherus, [2] the latter having held the
episcopate for thirteen years. In the same year, after Julian a had
completed his tenth year, Demetrius [4] received the charge of the
parishes at Alexandria. At this time the above-mentioned Serapion, [5]
the eighth from the apostles, was still well known as bishop of the
church at Antioch. Theophilus [6] presided at Caesarea in Palestine ;
and Narcissus, [7] whom we have mentioned before, still had charge of
the church at Jerusalem. Bacchylus [8] at the same time was bishop of
Corinth in Greece, and Polycrates [9] of
241
the parish of Ephesus. And besides these a multitude of others, as is
likely, were then prominent. But we have given the names of those
alone, the soundness of whose faith has come down to us in writing.
CHAPTER XXIII.
The Question then agitated concerning the Passover.
1 A QUESTION Of no small importance arose at
that time. For the parishes of all Asia, as from an older tradition,
held that the fourteenth day of the moon, on which day the Jews were
commanded to sacrifice the lamb, should be observed as the feast of the
Saviour's passover. [1] It was therefore necessary to end their fast on
that day, whatever day of the week it should happen to be. But it was
not the custom of the churches in the rest of the world to end it at
this time, as they observed the practice which, from apostolic
tradition, has prevailed to the present time, of terminating the fast
on no other day than on that of the resurrection of our Saviour.
Synods and assemblies of bishops were 2 held on this
account, [2] and all, with one consent, through mutual correspondence
drew. up an ecclesiastical decree, that the mystery of the resurrection
of the Lord should be celebrated on no other but the Lord's day, and
that we should observe the close of the paschal fast on this day only.
There is still extant a writing of those who were then assembled in
Palestine, over whom Theophilus, [3] bishop of Caesarea, and Narcissus,
bishop of Jerusalem, presided. And there is also another writing extant
of those who were assembled at Rome to consider the same question,
which bears the name of Bishop Victor ; [4] also of the bishops in
242
Pontus over whom Palmas, [5] as the oldest, presided; and of the
parishes in Gaul of which Irenaeus was bishop, and of those in Osrhoene
[6] and the cities there; and a personal letter of Bacchylus, [7]
bishop of the church at Corinth, and of a great many others, who
uttered the same opinion and judgment, and cast the same vote. And that
which has been given above was their unanimous decision. [8]
CHAPTER XXIV.
The Disagreement in Asia. 1But the bishops of Asia, led by
Polycrates, decided to hold to the old custom handed down to them. [1]
He himself, in a letter which he addressed to Victor and the church of
Rome, set forth in the following words the tradition which had come
down to him: [2] "We observe the exact day;
neither adding, nor taking away. For in Asia also great lights have
fallen asleep, which shall rise again on the day of the Lord's coming,
when he shall come with glory from heaven, and shall seek out all the
saints. Among these are Philip, one of the twelve apostles, who fell
asleep in Hierapolis; and his two aged virgin daughters, and another
daughter, who lived in the Holy Spirit and 3 now rests at Ephesus; and,
moreover, John, who was both a witness and a teacher, who
reclined upon the bosom of the Lord, and, being
a priest, wore the sacerdotal plate. He 4 fell asleep at Ephesus. And
Polycarp [3] in Smyrna, who was a bishop and martyr; and Thraseas, [4]
bishop and martyr from Eumenia, who fell asleep in Smyrna. Why need I 5
mention the bishop and martyr Sagaris [5] who fell asleep in Laodicea,
or the blessed Papirius, [6] or Melito, [7] the Eunuch who lived
altogether in the Holy Spirit, and who lies in Sardis, awaiting the
episcopate from heaven, when he shall rise from the dead ? All these
observed the 6 fourteenth day of the passover according to the
Gospel, deviating in no respect, but following the rule of faith. [8]
And I also, Polycrates, the least of you all, do according to the
tradition of my relatives, some of whom I have closely followed. For
seven of my relatives were bishops; and I am the eighth. And my
relatives always observed the day when the people [9] put away the
leaven. I, therefore, brethren, 7 who have lived sixty-five years in
the Lord, and have met with the brethren throughout the world, and have
gone through every Holy Scripture, am not affrighted by terrifying
words. For those greater than I have said ' We ought to obey God rather
than man.' " [10] He then 8 writes of all the bishops who were present
with him and thought as he did. His words are as follows: "I could
mention the bishops who were present, whom I summoned at your desire;
[11] whose names, should I write them, would constitute a great
multitude. And they, beholding my littleness, gave their consent to the
letter, knowing that I did not bear my gray hairs in vain, but had
always governed my life by the Lord Jesus." Thereupon Victor, who
presided over the 9 church at Rome, immediately attempted to cut off
from the common unity the parishes of all Asia, with the churches that
agreed with them, as heterodox; and he wrote letters and declared all
the brethren there wholly excommuni-
243
10 cate. [12] But this did not please all the bishops. And they
besought him to consider
the things of peace, and of neighborly unity and
love. Words of theirs are extant,
sharply
11 rebuking Victor. Among them was Irenaeus,
who, sending letters in the name of the
brethren in Gaul over whom he presided, maintained that the mystery of
the resurrection of the Lord should be observed only on the Lord's day.
He fittingly admonishes Victor that he should not cut off whole
churches of God which observed the tradition of an ancient custom and
after many other words he proceeds as follows: [13]
12 "For the controversy is not only concerning the day, but also
concerning the very
manner of the fast. For some think that they should fast one day,
others two, yet others more;
some, moreover, count their day as consisting 13 of forty hours day and
night. [14] And this
variety in its observance has not originated
in our time; but long before in that of our ancestors. [15] It is
likely that they did not hold to
strict accuracy, and thus formed a custom for their posterity according
to their own simplicity and peculiar mode. Yet all of these lived none
the less in peace, and we also live in peace with one another; and the
disagreement in regard to the fast confirms the agreement in the faith."
He adds to this the following account, 14 which I
may properly insert:
"Among these were the presbyters before Soter, who
presided over the church which thou now rulest. We mean Anicetus, and
Plus, and Hyginus, and Telesphorus, and Xystus. They neither observed
it [16] themselves, nor did they permit those after them to do so. And
yet though not observing it, they were none the less at peace with
those who came to them from the parishes in which it was observed;
although this observance was more opposed to those who did
not observe it. [17] But none were ever cast 15
out on account of this form; but the presbyters before thee who did not
observe it, sent the eucharist to those of other parishes who observed
it. [18] And when the blessed Poly- 16 carp was at Rome [19] in the
time of Anicetus,
244
and they disagreed a little about certain other things, they
immediately made peace with one another, not caring to quarrel over
this matter. For neither could Anicetus persuade Polycarp not to
observe what he had always observed with John the disciple of our Lord,
and the other apostles with whom he had associated; neither could
Polycarp persuade Anicetus to observe it as he said that he ought to
follow the customs of the presbyters that had preceded him.
17 But though matters were in this shape, they
communed together, and Anicetus con-
ceded the administration of the eucharist in the church to Polycarp,
manifestly as a mark of respect. [20] And they parted from each other
in peace, both those who observed, and those who did not, maintaining
the peace of the whole church."
18 Thus Irenaeus, who truly was well named, [21]
became a peacemaker in this matter, exhorting and
negotiating in this way in behalf of the peace of the churches. And he
conferred by letter about this mooted question, not only with Victor,
but also with most of the other rulers of the churches. [22]
CHAPTER XXV.
How All came to an Agreement respecting the
Passover.
Those in Palestine whom we have recently mentioned,
Narcissus and Theophilus, [1] and with
them Cassius, [2] bishop of the church of Tyre, and Clarus of the
church of Ptolemais, and those who met with them, [3] having stated
many things respecting the tradition concerning the passover which had
come to them in succession from the apostles, at the close of their
writing add these words: [4]
"Endeavor to send copies of our letter to every
church, that we may not furnish occasion to those who easily deceive
their souls. We show you indeed that also in Alexandria they keep it on
the same day that we do. For letters are carried from us to them and
from them to us, so that in the same manner and at the same time we
keep the sacred day." [5]
CHAPTER XXVI.
The Elegant Works of Irenaeus which have come
down to us.
Besides the works and letters of Irenaeus which we
have mentioned, [1] a certain book of his On Knowledge, written against
the Greeks, [2] very concise and remarkably forcible, is extant; and
another, which he dedicated to a brother Martian, In Demonstration of
the Apostolic Preaching; [3] and a volume containing various
Dissertations, [4] in which he mentions the Epistle to the Hebrews and
the so-called Wisdom of Solomon, making
245
quotations from them. These are the works of Irenaeus which have come
to our knowledge.
Commodus having ended his reign after thirteen
years, Severus became emperor in less than six months after his death,
Pertinax having reigned during the intervening time. [5]
CHAPTER XXVII.
The Works of Others that flourished at that
Time.
NUMEROUS memorials of the faithful zeal of the
ancient ecclesiastical men of that time are still preserved by many. Of
these we would note particularly the writings of Heraclitus [1] On the
Apostle, and those of Maximus on the question so much discussed among
heretics, the Origin of Evil, and on the Creation of Matter. [2] Also
those of Candidus on the Hexaemeron, [3] and
of Apion [4] on the same subject; likewise of Sextus [5] on the
Resurrection, and another treatise of Arabianus, [6] and writings of a
multitude of others, in regard to whom, because we have no data, it is
impossible to state in our work when they lived, or to give any account
of their history. [7] And works of many others have come
246
down to us whose names we are unable to give, orthodox and
ecclesiastical, as their interpretations of the Divine Scriptures show,
but unknown to us, because their names are not stated in their
writings. [8]
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Those who first advanced the
Heresy of Artemon; their Manner of Life, and how they dared to corrupt
the Sacred Scriptures.
1 In a laborious work by one of these
writers against the heresy of Artemon, [1]
which Paul of Samosata [2] attempted to revive
again in our day, there is an account appropriate
to the history which we are now examining.
For he criticises, as a late innovation, the2
above-mentioned heresy which teaches that
the Saviour was a mere man, because they were attempting to magnify it
as ancient? Having given in his work many other arguments in refutation
of their blasphemous falsehood, he adds the following words:
"For they say that all the early teachersa
and the apostles received and taught what
they now declare, and that the truth of the Gospel was preserved until
the times of Victor, who was the thirteenth bishop of Rome from Peter,
[4] but that from his successor, Zephyrinus, [5]
the truth had been corrupted. And what 4
they say might be plausible, if first of all
247
the Divine Scriptures did not contradict them. And there are writings
of certain brethren older than the times of Victor, which they wrote in
behalf of the truth against the heathen, and against the heresies which
existed in their day. I refer to Justin [6] and Miltiades [7] and
Tatian [8] and Clement [9] and many others, in all of whose
5 works Christ is spoken of as God. [10] For
who does not know the works of Irenaeus [11]
and of Melito [12] and of others which teach that Christ is God and
man? [13] And how many psalms and hymns, [14] written by the faithful
brethren from the beginning, celebrate Christ the Word of God, speaking
of him as
6 Divine. How then since the opinion held
by the Church has been preached for so
many years, can its preaching have been delayed as they affirm, until
the times of Victor ? And
how is it that they are not ashamed to speak thus falsely of Victor,
knowing well that he cut off from communion Theodotus, the cobbler,
[15] the leader and father of this God-denying apostasy, and the first
to declare that Christ is mere man ? For if Victor agreed with their
opinions, as their slander affirms, how came he to cast out Theodotus,
the inventor of this heresy ?"
So much in regard to Victor. His bishopric 7 lasted
ten years, and Zephyrinus was
appointed his successor about the ninth year of
the reign of Severus. [16] The author of the above-
mentioned book, concerning the founder of this
heresy, narrates another event which occurred in
the time of Zephyrinus, using these words:
"I will remind many of the brethren of 8
a fact which took place in our time, which,
had it happened in Sodom, might, I think, have proved a warning to
them. There was a certain confessor, Natalius, [17] not long ago, but in
our own day. This man was deceived at 9
one time by Asclepiodotus [18] and another
Theodotus, [19] a money-changer. Both of them were disciples of
Theodotus, the cobbler, who, as I have said, was the first person
excommunicated by Victor, bishop at that time, on account of this
sentiment, or rather senselessness. [20]
Natalius was persuaded by them to allow 10
himself to be chosen bishop of this heresy with a salary, to be paid by
them, of one
hundred and fifty denarii a month. [21] When 11
he had thus connected himself with them,
he was warned oftentimes by the Lord through visions. For the
compassionate God and our Lord Jesus Christ was not willing that a
witness of his own sufferings, being cast out of the Church, should
perish. But as he paid little 12 regard to the visions, because he was
en-
248
snared by the first position among them and by that shameful
covetousness which destroys a great many, he was scourged by holy
angels, and punished severely through the entire night. [22] Thereupon
having risen in the morning, he put on sackcloth and covered himself
with ashes, and with great haste and tears he fell down before
Zephyrinus, the bishop, rolling at the feet not only of the clergy, but
also of the laity; and he moved with his tears the compassionate l
Church of the merciful Christ. And though he used much supplication,
and showed the welts of the stripes which he had received, yet scarcely
was he taken back into communion."
13 We will add from the same writer some
other extracts concerning them, which run
as follows: [23]
"They have treated the Divine Scriptures recklessly
and without fear. They have set aside the rule of ancient faith; and
Christ they have not known. They do not endeavor to learn what the
Divine Scriptures declare, but strive laboriously after any form of
syllogism which may be devised to sustain their impiety. And if any one
brings before them a passage of Divine Scripture, they see whether a
conjunctive
or disjunctive form of syllogism can be
14 made from it. And as being of the earth
and speaking of the earth, and as ignorant
of him who cometh from above, they forsake the holy writings of God to
devote themselves to geometry. [24] Euclid is laboriously measured [25]
by some of them; and Aristotle and Theophrastus are admired; and Galen,
perhaps, by 15 some is even worshiped. But that those
who use the arts of unbelievers for their heretical opinions and
adulterate the simple faith of the Divine Scriptures by the craft of
the godless, are far from the faith, what need is there to say?
Therefore they have laid their hands boldly upon the Divine Scriptures,
alleging that they have corrected them. That 16
I am not speaking falsely of them in this
matter, whoever wishes may learn. For if any one will collect their
respective copies, and compare them one with another, he will
find that they differ greatly. Those of As- 17
clepiades, [26] for example, do not agree with
those of Theodotus. And many of these can be obtained, because their
disciples have assiduously written the corrections, as they call them,
that is the corruptions, [27] of each of them.
i Again, those of Hermophilus 28 do not agree with
these, and those of Apollonides [29] are
not consistent with themselves. For you can compare those
prepared by them at an earlier date with those which they corrupted
later,
and you will find them widely different. But 18
how daring this offense is, it is not likely
that they themselves are ignorant. For either they do not believe that
the Divine Scriptures were spoken by the Holy Spirit, and thus are
unbelievers, or else they think themselves wiser than the Holy Spirit,
and in that case what else are they than demoniacs? For they cannot
deny the commission of the crime, since the copies have been written by
their own hands. For they did not receive such Scriptures from their
instructors, nor can they produce any copies from which they were
transcribed.
But some of them have not thought it 19
worth while to corrupt them, but simply
deny the law and the prophets, [30] and thus through their lawless and
impious teaching under pretense of grace, have sunk to the lowest
depths of perdition."
Let this suffice for these things.
BOOK VI.
CHAPTER I.
The Persecution under Severus.
WHEN Severus began to persecute the churches,[1] glorious testimonies
were given everywhere by the athletes of religion. This was especially
the case in Alexandria, to which city, as to a most prominent theater,
athletes of God were brought from Egypt and all Thebais according to
their merit, and won crowns from God through their great patience under
many tortures and every mode of death. Among these was Leonides, who
was called the father of Origen,[2] and who was beheaded while his son
was still young. How remarkable the predilection of this son was for
the Divine Word, in consequence of his father's instruction, it will
not be amiss to state briefly, as his fame has been very greatly
celebrated by many.
CHAPTER II.
The Training of Origen from Childhood.[1]
MANY things might be said in attempting 1 to describe the life of the
man while in school; but this subject alone would require a separate
treatise. Nevertheless, for the present, abridging most things, we
shall state a few facts concerning him as briefly as possible,
gathering them from certain letters, and from the statement of persons
still living who were acquainted with him. What they report of 2 Origen
seems to me worthy of mention, even, so to speak, from his
swathing-bands.
It was the tenth year of the reign of Severus,
250
while Laetus[2] was governor of Alexandria and the rest of Egypt, and
Demetrius[3] had lately received the episcopate of the parishes 3
there, as successor of Julian.[4] As the flame of persecution had been
kindled greatly,[5] and multitudes had gained the crown of martyrdom,
such desire for martyrdom seized the soul of Origen, although yet a
boy, that he went close to danger, springing forward and rushing 4 to
the conflict in his eagerness. And truly the termination of his life
had been very near had not the divine and heavenly Providence, for the
benefit of many, prevented his desire through the agency of his mother.
5 For, at first, entreating him, she begged him to have compassion on
her motherly feelings toward him; but finding, that when he had learned
that his father had been seized and imprisoned, he was set the more
resolutely, and completely carried away with his zeal for martyrdom,
she hid all his clothing, and 6 thus compelled him to remain at home.
But, as there was nothing else that he could do, and his zeal beyond
his age would not suffer him to be quiet, he sent to his father an
encouraging letter on martyrdom,[6] in which he exhorted him, saying,
"Take heed not to change your mind on our account." This may be
recorded as the first evidence of Origen's youthful wisdom and of his
genuine 7 love for piety. For even then he had stored up no small
resources in the words of the faith, having been trained in the Divine
Scriptures from childhood. And he had not studied them with
indifference, for his father, besides giving him the usual liberal
education,[7] had made them a matter of no secondary 8 importance.
First of all, before inducting him into the Greek sciences, he drilled
him in sacred studies, requiring him to learn and recite every day. Nor
was this irksome to the boy, but he was eager and diligent in these
studies. And he was not satisfied with learning what was simple and
obvious in the sacred words, but sought for something more, and even at
that age busied himself with deeper speculations. So that he puzzled
his father with inquiries for the true meaning of the inspired
Scriptures.
And his father rebuked him seemingly to 10 his face, telling him not to
search beyond his age, or further than the manifest meaning. But by
himself he rejoiced greatly and thanked God, the author of all good,
that he had deemed him worthy to be the father of such a child. And
they say that often, standing by the 11 boy when asleep, he uncovered
his breast as if the Divine Spirit were enshrined within it, and kisses
it reverently; considering himself blessed in his goodly offspring.
These and other things like them are related to Origen when a boy. But
when 12 his father ended his life in martyrdom, he was left with his
mother and six younger brothers when he was not quite seventeen years
old.[8] And the poverty of his father being 13 confiscated to the royal
treasury, he and his family were in want of the necessaries of life.
But he was deemed worthy of Divine care. And he found welcome and rest
with a woman of great wealth, and distinguished in her manner of life
and in other respects. She was treating with great honor a famous
heretic then in Alexandria;[9] who, however, was born in Antioch. He
was with her as an adopted son, and she treated him with the greatest
kindness. But although Origen was under the necessity 14 of associating
with him, he nevertheless gave from this time on strong evidences of
his orthodoxy in the faith. For when on account of the apparent skill
in argument[10] of Paul, -- for this was the man's name, -- a great
multitude came to him, not only of heretics but also of our people,
Origen could never be induced to join with him in prayer;[11] for he
held, although a boy, the rule of the Church,[12] and abominated, as he
somewhere expresses it, heretical teachings.[13] Having been instructed
in the sciences of the Greeks by his father, he
251
devoted him after his death more assiduously and exclusively to the
study of literature, so that he obtained considerable preparation in
philology[14] ad was able not long after the death of his father, by
devoting himself to that subject, to earn a compensation amply
sufficient for his needs at his age.[15]
CHAPTER III.
While still very Young, he taught diligently the Word of Christ.
1 BUT while he was lecturing in the school, as he tells us himself, and
there was no one at Alexandria to give instruction in the faith, as all
were driven away by the threat of persecution, some of the heathen came
to him to 2 hear the word of God. The first of them, he says, was
Plutarch,[1] who after living well, was honored with divine martyrdom.
The second was Heracles,[2] a brother of Plutarch; who after he too had
given with him abundant evidence of a philosophic ad ascetic life, was
esteemed worthy to succeed Demetrius in the bishopric of Alexandria. He
was in his eighteenth year when he 3 took charge of the catechetical
school.[3] He was prominent also at this time, during the persecution
under Aquila,[4] the governor of Alexandria, when his name became
celebrated among the leaders in the faith, through the kindness and
goodwill which he manifested toward all the holy martyrs, whether known
to him or strangers. For not only was he with them 4 while in bonds,
and until their final condemnation, but when the holy martyrs were led
to death, he was very bold and went with them into danger. So that as
he acted bravely, and with great boldness saluted the martyrs with a
kiss, oftentimes the heathen multitude round about them became
infuriated, and were on the point of rushing upon him. But through 5
the helping hand of God, he escaped absolutely and marvelously. And
this same divine and heavenly power, again and again, it is impossible
to say how often, on account of his great zeal and boldness for the
words of Christ, guarded him when thus endangered.[5] So great was the
enmity of the unbelievers toward him, on account of the multitude that
were instructed by him in the sacred faith, that they placed bands of
soldiers around the house where he abode. Thus day by day the
persecution burned 6 against him, so that the whole city could no
longer contain him; but he removed from house to house and was driven
in every direction because of the multitude who attended upon the
divine instruction which he gave. For his life also exhibited right and
admirable conduct according to the practice of genuine philosophy. For
they say that his manner of life was 7 as his doctrine, and his
doctrine as his life.[6] Therefore, by the divine Power working with
him he aroused a great many to his own zeal. But when he saw yet more
coming to him 8 for instruction, and the catechetical school
252
had been entrusted to him alone by Demetrius, who presided over the
church, he considered the teaching of grammatical science inconsistent
with training in divine subjects,[7] and forthwith he gave up his
grammatical school as unprofitable 9 and a hindrance to sacred
learning. Then, with becoming consideration, that he might not need aid
from others, he disposed of whatever valuable books of ancient
literature he possessed, being satisfied with receiving from the
purchaser four aboli a day.[8] For many years he lived
philosophically[9] in this manner, putting away all the incentives of
youthful desires. Through the entire day he endured no small amount of
discipline; and for the greater part of the night he gave himself to
the study of the Divine Scriptures. He restrained himself as much as
possible by a most philosophic life; sometimes by the discipline of
fasting, again by limited time for sleep. And in his zeal he never lay
upon a 10 bed, but upon the ground. Most of all, he thought that the
words of the Saviour in the Gospel should be observed, in which he
exhorts not to have two coats nor to use shoes,[10] nor to occupy
oneself with cares for the future.[11] 11 With a zeal beyond his age he
continued in col and nakedness; and, going to the very extreme of
poverty, he greatly astonished those about him. And indeed he grieved
may of his friends who desired to share their possessions with him, on
account of the wearisome toil which they saw him enduring in the
teaching 12 of divine things. But he did not relax his perseverance. He
is said to have walked for a number of years never wearing a shoe, and,
for a great many years, to have abstained from the use of wine, and of
all other things beyond his necessary food; so that he was in danger of
breaking down and destroying his constitution.[12]
By giving such evidences of a philosophic 13 life to those who saw
him,, he aroused may of his pupils to similar zeal; so that prominent
men even of the unbelieving heathen and men that followed learning and
philosophy were led to his instruction. Some of them having
received from hi into the depth of their souls faith in the Divine
Word, became prominent in the persecution then prevailing; and some of
them were seized and suffered martyrdom.
CHAPTER IV.
The fist of thee was Plutarch, who was 1 mentioned just above.[1] As he
was led to death the man of whom we are speaking being with him at the
end of hiss life, came near being slain by his fellow-citizens, as if
he were the cause of his death. But the providence of God preserved him
at this time also. After 2 Plutarch, the second martyr among the pupils
of Origen was Serenus,[2] who gave through fire a proof of the faith
which he had received. The third martyr from the same 3 school was
Heraclides,[3] and after him the fourth was Hero.[4] The former of
these was as yet a catechumen, and the latter had but recently been
baptized. Both of them were beheaded. After them, the fifth from the
same school proclaimed as an athlete of piety was another Serenus, who,
it is reported, was beheaded, after a long endurance of tortures. And
of women, Herais[5] died while yet a catechumen, receiving baptism by
fire, as Origen himself somewhere says.
253
CHAPTER V.
Potamiaena.[1]
1 BASILIDES[2] may be counted the seventh of these. He led to martyrdom
the celebrated Potamiaena, who is still famous among the people of the
country for the many things which she endured for the preservation of
her chastity and virginity. For she was blooming in the perfection of
her mind and her physical graces. Having suffered much for the faith of
Christ, finally after tortures dreadful and terrible to speak of, she
with her mother, 2 Marcella,[3] was put to death by fire. They say that
the judge, Aquila by name, having inflicted severe tortures upon her
entire body, at last threatened to hand her over to the gladiators for
bodily abuse. After a little consideration, being asked for her
decision, she made a reply which was regarded as impious. 3 Thereupon
she received sentence immediately, and Basilides, one of the officers
of the army, led her to death. But as the people attempted to annoy and
insult her with abusive words, he drove back her insulters, showing her
much pity and kindness. And perceiving the man's sympathy for her, she
exhorted him to be of good courage, for she would supplicate her Lord
for him after her departure, and he would soon received a reward for
the kindness he 4 had shown her. Having said this, she nobly sustained
the issue, burning pitch being poured little by little, over various
parts of her body, from the sole of her feet to the crown of her head.
Such was the conflict endured by this famous maiden. 5 Not long after
this Basilides, being asked by his fellow-soldiers to swear for a
certain reason, declared that it was not lawful for him to swear at
all, for he was a Christian, and he confessed this openly. At first
they thought that he was jesting, but when he continued to affirm it,
he was led to the judge, and, acknowledging his conviction before him,
he was imprisoned. But the brethren in God coming 6 to him and
inquiring the reason of this sudden and remarkable resolution, he is
reported to have said that Potamiaena, for three days after her
martyrdom, stood beside him by night and placed a crown on his head and
said that she had besought the Lord for him and had obtained what she
asked, and that soon she would take him with her. Thereupon the
brethren gave him the seal[4] of the Lord; and on the next day, after
giving glorious testimony for the Lord, he was beheaded. And many
others 7 in Alexandria are recorded to have accepted speedily the word
of Christ in those times. For Potamiaena appeared to them in their
dreams and exhorted them. But let this suffice in regard to this matter.
CHAPTER VI.
Clement of Alexandria.
CLEMENT[1] having succeeded Pantaenus,[2] had charge at that time of
the catechetical instruction in Alexandria, so that Origen also, while
still a boy,[3] was one of his pupils. In the first
254
book of the work called Stromata, which Clement wrote, he gives a
chronological table,[4] bringing events down to the death of Commodus.
So it is evident that that work was written during the reign of
Severus, whose times we are now recording.
CHAPTER VII.
The Writer, Judas.[1]
AT this time another writer, Judas, discoursing about the seventy weeks
in Daniel, brings down the chronology to the tenth year of the reign of
Severus. He thought that the coming of Antichrist, which was much
talked about, was then near.[2] So greatly did the agitation caused by
the persecution of our people at this time disturb the minds of many.
CHAPTER VIII.
Origen's Daring Deed.
1 AT this time while Origen was conducting catechetical instruction at
Alexandria, a deed was done by him which evidenced an immature and
youthful mind, but at the same time gave the highest proof of faith and
continence.[1] For he took the words, "There 2 are eunuchs who have
made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven's sake,"[2] in too
literal ad extreme a sense. And in order to fulfill the Saviour's word,
and at the same time to take away from the unbelievers all opportunity
for scandal,--for, although young, he met for the study of divine
things with women as well as men,--he carried out in action the word of
the Saviour. He thought that this would not be known by many of his
acquaintances. But it was impossible for him, though desiring to do so,
to keep such an actio secret. When Demetrius, who presided over that 3
parish, at last learned of this, he admired greatly the daring nature
of the act, and as he perceived his zeal and the genuineness of his
faith, he immediately exhorted him to courage, and urged him the more
to continue his work of catechetical instruction. Such was he at 4 that
time. But soon afterward, seeing that he was prospering, and becoming
great and distinguished among all men, the same Demetrius, overcome by
human weakness, wrote of his deed
255
as most foolish to the bishops throughout the world. But the bishops of
Cesarea and Jerusalem, who were especially notable and distinguished
among the bishops of Palestine, considering Origen worthy in the
highest degree of the
5 honor, ordained him a presbyter. [3] There-
upon his fame increased greatly, and his
name became renowned everywhere, and he obtained no small reputation
for virtue and wisdom. But Demetrius, having nothing else that he could
say against him, save this deed of his boyhood, accused him bitterly,
[4] and dared to include with him in these accusations those who had
raised him to the presbyterate. These things, however, took place a
little later. But at this time Origen continued fearlessly the
instruction in divine things at Alexandria by day and night to all who
came to him; devoting his entire leisure without cessation to divine
studies and to his pupils.
7 Severus, having held the government for
eighteen years, was succeeded by his son,
Antoninus. [5] Among those who had endured courageously the persecution
of that time, and had been preserved by the Providence of God through
the conflicts of confession, was Alexander, of whom we have spoken
already [6] as bishop
of the church in Jerusalem. On account of his pre-eminence in the
confession of Christ he was thought worthy of that bishopric, while
Narcissus, [7] his predecessor, was still living.
CHAPTER IX.
The Miracles of Narcissus.
The citizens of that parish mention many 1
other miracles of Narcissus, on the tradition of the brethren who
succeeded him; among
which they relate the following wonder as
performed by him. They say that the oil2
once failed while the deacons were watching
through the night at the great paschal vigil.
Thereupon the whole multitude being dismayed,
Narcissus directed those who attended to the
lights, to draw water and bring it to him.
This being immediately done he prayed 3
over the water, and with firm faith in the
Lord, commanded them to pour it into the lamps. And when they had done
so, contrary to all expectation by a wonderful and divine power, the
nature of tim water was changed into that of oil. A small portion of it
has been preserved even to our day by many of the brethren there as a
memento of the wonder. [1]
They tell many other things worthy to be 4
noted of the life of this man, among which
is this. Certain base men being unable to endure the strength and
firmness of his life, and fearing punishment for the many evil deeds of
which they were conscious, sought by plotting to anticipate him, and
circulated a terrible
slander against him. And to persuade 5
those who heard of it, they confirmed their
accusations with oaths: one invoked upon himself destruction by fire;
another the wasting of his body by a foul disease; the third the loss of
256
his eyes. But though they swore in this manner, they could not affect
the mind of the believers; because the continence and virtuous
life of Narcissus were well known to all.
6 But he could not in any wise endure the
wickedness of these men; and as he had
followed a philosophic [2] life for a long time, he fled from the whole
body of the Church, and
hid himself in desert and secret places, and
7 remained there many years. [3] But the great
eye of judgment was not unmoved by these
things, but soon looked down upon these impious men, and brought on
them the curses with which they had bound themselves. The residence of
the first, from nothing but a little spark failing upon it, was
entirely consumed by night, and he perished with all his family. The
second was speedily covered with the disease which he had imprecated
upon himself, from the
8 sole of his feet to his head. But the third,
perceiving what had happened to the others,
and fearing the inevitable judgment of God, the ruler of all,
confessed publicly what they had plotted together. And in his
repentance he became so wasted by his great lamentations,
and continued weeping to such an extent, that both his eyes were
destroyed. Such were the punishments which these men received for their
falsehood.
CHAPTER X.
The Bishops of Jerusalem.
Narcissus having departed, and no one knowing where
he was, those presiding over the neighboring churches thought it best
to ordain another bishop. His name was Dius. [1] He presided but a
short time, and Germanio succeeded him. He was followed by Gordius, [2]
in whose time Narcissus appeared again, as if raised from the dead. [3]
And immediately the brethren besought him to take the episcopate, as
all admired him the more on account of his retirement and philosophy,
and especially because of the punishment with which God had avenged him.
CHAPTER XI. Alexander.
But as on account of his great age Narcissus 1 was no longer able
to perform his
official duties, [1] the Providence of God called to
the office with him, by a revelation given him
in a night vision, the above-mentioned Alexander, who was then bishop
of another parish. [2]
257
Thereupon, as by Divine direction, he journeyed from the land of
Cappadocia, where he first held the episcopate, to Jerusalem, in
consequence of a vow and for the sake of information in regard to its
places. [3] They received , him there with great cordiality, and would
not
permit him to return, because of another revelation seen by them at
night, which uttered the clearest message to the most zealous among
them. For it made known that if they would go outside the gates, they
would receive the bishop foreordained for them by God. And having done
this, with the unanimous consent of the bishops of the neighboring
churches, they constrained him to remain. Alexander, himself, in
private letters to the Antinoites,4 which are still preserved among us,
mentions the joint episcopate of NarciSsus and himself, writing in
these words at the end of the epistle:
4 "Narcissus salutes you, who held the episcopate here
before me, and is now associated
with me in prayers, being one hundred and sixteen years of age; and he
exhorts you, as I do, to be of one mind."
These things took place in this manner. But, on the
death of Serapion, [5] Asclepiades, [6] who had
been himself distinguished among the confessors r during the
persecution, succeeded to the episcopate of the church at Antioch.
Alexander alludes to his appointment, writing thus to the church at
Antioch:
"Alexander, a servant and prisoner of Jesus 5 Christ, to the
blessed church of Antioch,
greeting in the Lord. The Lord hath made my
bonds during the time of my imprisonment light
and easy, since I learned that, by the Divine Providence, Asclepiades,
who in regard to the true
faith is eminently qualified, has undertaken the
bishopric of your holy church at Antioch."
He indicates that he sent this epistle by 6
Clement, [8] writing toward its close as follows:
"My honored brethren, [9] have sent this letter to
you by Clement, the blessed presbyter, a man virtuous and approved,
whom ye yourselves also know and will recognize. Being here, in the
providence and oversight of the Master, he has strengthened and built
up the Church of the Lord."
CHAPTER XII.
Serapion and his Extant Works.
It is probable that others have preservedI
other memorials of Serapion's [x] literary industry, [2] but there have
reached us only those addressed to a certain Domninus, who, in the time
of persecution, fell away from faith in Christ to the Jewish
will-worship; [3] and those addressed
258
to Pontius and Caricus, [4] ecclesiastical men, and other letters to
different persons, and still another work composed by him on the
so-called Gospel of Peter. [5] He wrote this last to refute the
falsehoods which that Gospel contained, on account of some in the
parish of Rhossus [6] who had been led astray by it into heterodox
notions. It may be well to give some brief extracts from his work,
showing his opinion of the book. He writes as follows:
"For we, brethren, receive both
Peter and the other apostles as Christ; but we
reject intelligently the writings
falsely ascribed to them, knowing that such were not handed
4 down to us. When I visited you I supposed
that all of you held the true faith, and as I
had not read the Gospel which they put forward under the name of Peter,
I said, ' If this is the only thing which occasions dispute among you,
let it be read.' But now having learned, from what has been told me,
that their mind was involved in some heresy, I will hasten to come to
you again. Therefore, brethren,
5 expect me shortly. But you will learn,
brethren, from what has been written to you,
that we perceived the nature of the heresy of Marcianus, [7] and
that, not understanding',
what he was saying, he contradicted himself.
6 For having obtained this Gospel from others
who had studied it diligently, namely, from
the successors of those who first used k, whom we call Docet' [8]
(for most of their opinions are
connected with the teaching of that school [9]) we have been able to
read it through, and we
find many things in accordance
with the true doctrine of the Saviour, but some things added to that
doctrine, which we have pointed out for you farther on."
So much in regard to Serapion.
CHAPTER XIII.
The Writings of Clement.[1]
All the eight Stromata of Clement are preserved
among us, and have been given by
259
him the following title: "Titus Flavius Clement's
Stromata of Gnostic Notes on the
True Philosophy." 2 [2] The books entitled Hypotyposes [3]
are of the same number. In them he mentions Pant'nus [4] by name as his
teacher, and
gives his opinions and traditions. Besides
these there is his Hortatory Discourse
addressed to the Greeks; [5] three books of a work entitled the
Instructor; [6] another with the title What Rich Man is Saved? [7] the
work on
the Passover ; [8] discussions on Fasting and on Evil Speaking ; [9]
the Hortatory Discourse on Patience, or To Those Recently Baptized; 20
and the one bearing the title Ecclesiastical Canon, or Against the
Judaizers, [11] which he dedicated
260
to Alexander, the bishop mentioned above.
4 In the Stromata, he has not only treated
extensively [12] of the Divine Scripture, but he
also quotes from the Greek writers whenever anything that they have
said seems to him profitable.
He elucidates the opinions of many, both
5 Greeks and barbarians. He also refutes the
false doctrines of the heresiarchs, and besides
this, reviews a large portion of history, giving us specimens of very
various learning; with all the rest he mingles the views of
philosophers. It is likely that on this account he gave his work the
appropriate title of Stromata. [13]
6 He makes use also in these works of testimonies from the
disputed Scriptures, [14] the
so-called Wisdom of Solomon, [15] and of Jesus, the son of Sirach, and
the Epistle to the Hebrews, [16] and those of Barnabas, [17] and
Clement [18]
and Jude. [19] He mentions also Tatian's [20] 7
Discourse to the Greeks, and speaks of Cassianus [21] as the author of
a chronological work. He refers to the Jewish authors Philo, [22]
Aristobulus, [28] Josephus, [24] Demetrius, [25] and Eupolemus, [226]
as showing, all of them, in their works, that Moses and the Jewish race
existed before
the earliest origin of the Greeks. These 8
books abound also in much other learning.
In the first of them [27] the author speaks of him-
261
self as next after the successors of the apostles.
In them he promises also to write a com-
9 mentary on Genesis. (28) In his book on the
Passover (29) he acknowledges that he had
been urged by his friends to commit to writing, for posterity, the
traditions which he had heard from the ancient presbyters; and in the
same work he mentions Melito and Iren'us, and certain others, and gives
extracts from their writings.
CHAPTER XIV.
The Scriptures mentioned by him.
1 To sum up briefly, he has given in the
Hypotyposes (1) abridged accounts of all
canonical Scripture, not omitting the disputed books, (2) -- I refer to
Jude and the other Catholic epistles, and Barnabas (3) and the
so-called Apocalypse of Peter. (4) He says that the Epistle to the
Hebrews (5) is the work of
Paul, and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language;
but that Luke translated it carefully and published it for the Greeks,
and hence the same style of expression is found in this epistle and in
the Acts. But he says that the words, Paul the Apostle, were probably
not prefixed, because, in sending it to the Hebrews, who were
prejudiced and suspicious of him, he wisely did not wish to repel them
at the very beginning by giving his name.
4 Farther on he says: "But now, as the
blessed presbyter said, since the Lord being the apostle
of the Almighty, was sent to the Hebrews, Paul, as sent to the
Gentiles, on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an
apostle of the Hebrews, through respect for the Lord, and because being
a herald and apostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his
superabundance."
5 Again, in the same books, Clement gives
the tradition of the earliest presbyters, as
to the order of the Gospels, in the following
manner: The Gospels containing the genealogies, 6 he
says, were written first. The
Gospel according to Marks had this occasion. As Peter had preached the
Word publicly at Rome, and declared the Gospel by the Spirit, many who
were present requested that Mark, who had followed him for a long time
and remembered his sayings, should write them out. And having composed
the Gospel he gave
it to those who had requested it. When 7
Peter learned of this, he neither directly for-
bade nor encouraged it. But, last of all, John, perceiving that the
external (7) facts had been made plain in the Gospel, being urged by
his friends, and inspired by the Spirit, composed a spiritual Gospel.
(8) This is the account of Clement.
Again the above-mentioned Alexander, (9) 8
in a certain letter to Origen, refers to Clement, and at the same time
to Pant'nus, as being among his familiar acquaintances. He writes as
follows:
"For this, as thou knowest, was the will of God,
that the ancestral friendship existing between us should remain
unshaken; nay,
rather should be warmer and stronger. For 9
we know well those blessed fathers who
have trodden the way before us, with whom we shall soon be; (10)
Pant'nus, the truly blessed man and master, and the holy Clement, my
master and benefactor, and if there is any other like them, through
whom I became acquainted with thee, the best in everything, my master
and brother." (11)
So much for these matters. But Adamantius, 10 (12) -- for this
also was a name of Origen,
-- when Zephyrinus (13) was bishop of Rome, visited
262
Rome, "desiring," as he himself somewhere says, "to see the most
ancient church of Rome."
After a short stay there he returned to
11 Alexandria. And he performed the duties
of catechetical instruction there with great
zeal; Demetrius, who was bishop there at that time, urging and even
entreating him to work diligently for the benefit of the brethren. (14)
CHAPTER XV.
Heraclas. (1)
BUT when he saw that he had not time for the deeper
study of divine things, and for the investigation and interpretation of
the Sacred Scriptures, and also for the instruction of those who came
to him,-- for coming, one after another, from morning till evening to
be taught by him, they scarcely gave him time to breathe, --he divided
the multitude. And from those whom he knew well, he selected Heraclas,
who was a zealous student of divine things, and in other respects a
very learned man, not ignorant of philosophy, and made him his
associate in the work of instruction. He entrusted to him the
elementary training of beginners, but reserved for himself the teaching
of those who were farther advanced.
CHAPTER XVI.
Origen's Earnest Study of the Divine Scriptures.
1 So earnest and assiduous was Origen's
research into the divine words that he
learned the Hebrew language, (1) and procured as his own the original
Hebrew Scriptures which were in the hands of the Jews. He investigated
also the works of other translators of the Sacred Scriptures besides
the Seventy. (2) And in addition to the well-known translations of
Aquila, (3) Symmachus, (4) and Theodotion, (5) he discovered certain
others which had been concealed from remote times, -- in what
out-of-the-way corners I know not, -- and by his search he
brought them to light. (6) Since he did not 2
263
know the authors, he
simply stated that he had found this one in Nicopolis near Ac-tium (7)
and that one in some other place. In the Hexapla (8) of the Psalms,
after the four
prominent translations, he adds not only a fifth,
p
but also a sixth and seventh. (9) He states of one
of these that he found it in a jar in Jericho in the time of Antoninus,
the son of Severus.
Having collected all of these, he divided 4
them into sections, and placed them opposite
each other, with the Hebrew text itself. He thus left us the copies of
the so-called Hexapla. He arranged also separately an edition of Aquila
and Symmachus and Theodotion with the Septuagint, in the Tetrapla. (10)
264
CHAPTER XVII.
The Translator Symmachus. (1)
As to these translators it should be stated that
Symmachus was an Ebionite. But the heresy of the Ebionites, as it is
called, asserts that Christ was the son of Joseph and Mary, considering
him a mere man, and insists strongly on keeping the law in a Jewish
manner, as we have seen already in this history. (2) Commentaries of
Symmachus are still extant in which he appears to support this heresy
by attacking the Gospel of Matthew. (3) Origen states that he obtained
these and other commentaries of Symmachus on the Scriptures from a
certain Juliana, (4) who, he says, received the books by inheritance
from Symmachus himself.
CHAPTER XVIII. Ambrose.
ABOUT this time Ambrose, (1) who held the heresy of
Valentinus, (2) was convinced by
Origen's presentation of the truth, and, as if his
mind were illumined by light, he accepted
the orthodox doctrine of the Church. Many2
others also, drawn by the fame of Origen's
learning, which resounded everywhere, came to
him to make trial of his skill in sacred literature. And a great many
heretics, and not a few
of the most distinguished philosophers, studied
under him diligently, receiving instruction from
him not only in divine things, but also in
secular philosophy. For when he perceived 3
that any persons had superior intelligence
he instructed them also in philosophic branches
--in geometry, arithmetic, and other preparatory studies--and then
advanced to the systems (3) of the philosophers and explained their
writings. And he made observations and comments upon each of them, so
that he became
celebrated as a great philosopher even
among the Greeks themselves. And he 4
instructed many of the less learned in the
common school branches, (4) saying that these would be no small help to
them in the study and understanding of the Divine Scriptures. On this
account he considered it especially necessary for himself to be skilled
in secular and philosophic learning. (5)
CHAPTER XIX.
Circumstances related of Origen.
THE Greek philosophers of his age are witnesses to
his proficiency in these subjects.
We find frequent mention of him in their writings. Sometimes they
dedicated their own works to him; again, they submitted their labors to
him as a teacher for his judgment. Why need we say these things when
even Porphyry, (1) who lived in Sicily in our own times and
265
wrote books against us, attempting to traduce the Divine Scriptures by
them, mentions those who have interpreted them; and being unable in any
way to find a base accusation against the doctrines, for lack of
arguments turns to reviling and calumniating their interpreters,
attempting especially to slander Origen, whom he says he
3 knew in his youth. But truly, without knowing it, he commends
the man; telling the
I truth about him in some cases where he could not do otherwise;
but uttering falsehoods where he thinks he will not be detected.
Sometimes he accuses him as a Christian; again he describes his
proficiency in philosophic learning. But hear his own words:
"Some persons, desiring to find a solution 4 of the baseness of
the Jewish Scriptures
rather than abandon them, have had recourse to explanations
inconsistent and incongruous with
the words written, which explanations, instead of supplying a defense
of the foreigners, contain rather approval and praise of themselves.
For they boast that the plain words of Moses are enigmas, and regard
them as oracles full of hidden mysteries; and having bewildered the
mental judgment by folly, they make their explanations." Farther on he
says:
"As an example of this absurdity take a 5 man whom I
met when I was young, and who was then greatly celebrated and still is,
on account of the writings which he has left. I refer to Origen, who is
highly honored by the
teachers of these doctrines. For this man, 6
having been a hearer of Ammonius, (2) who
had attained the greatest proficiency in philosophy of any in our day,
derived much benefit from his teacher in the knowledge of the sciences;
but as to the correct choice of life,
he pursued a course opposite to his. For 7 Ammonius, being a Christian,
and brought up by Christian parents, when he gave himself to study and
to philosophy straightway conformed to the life required by the laws.
But Origen, having been educated as a Greek in Greek literature, went
over to the barbarian recklessness. (3) And carrying over the learning
266
which he had obtained, he hawked it about, in his life conducting
himself as a Christian and contrary to the laws, but in his opinions of
material things and of the Deity being like a Greek, and mingling
Grecian teachings with foreign fables. (4)
8 For he was continually studying Plato, and
he busied himself with the writings of Numenius (5) and Cronius,
(6) Apollophanes, (7) Longinus, (8)
Moderatus, (9) and Nicomachus, (10) and those famous
among the Pythagoreans. And he used the books
of Ch'remon (11) the Stoic, and of Cornutus. (12)
Becoming acquainted through them with the figurative interpretation of
the Grecian mysteries, he applied it to the Jewish Scriptures." (13)
These things are said by Porphyry in the 9
third book of his work against the Christians. (14) He speaks truly of
the industry and learning of the man, but plainly utters a falsehood
(for what will not an opposer of Christians do?) when he says that he
went over from the Greeks, (15) and that Ammonius fell from a life
of piety into heathen customs. For the 10
doctrine of Christ was taught to Origen by
his parents, as we have shown above. And Ammonius held the divine
philosophy unshaken and
267
unadulterated to the end of his life. (16) His works yet extant show
this, as he is celebrated among many for the writings which he has
left. For example, the work entitled The Harmony of Moses and Jesus,
and such others as are in
11 the possession of the learned. These things
are sufficient to evince the slander of the
false accuser, and also the proficiency of Origen in Grecian learning.
He defends his diligence in this direction against some who blamed him
for it, in a certain epistle, (17) where he writes as
follows:
"When I devoted myself to the word, and the fame of
my proficiency went abroad, and when heretics and persons conversant
with Grecian learning, and particularly with philosophy, came to me, it
seemed necessary that I should examine the doctrines of the heretics,
and what the philosophers say concerning
13 the truth. And in this we have followed
Pantaenus, (18) who benefited many before our
time by his thorough preparation in such things, and also Heraclas,
(19) who is now a member of the presbytery of Alexandria. I found him
with the teacher of philosophic learning, with whom he had already
continued five years before I
began to hear lectures on those subjects. (20) 14
And though he had formerly worn the com-
mon dress, he laid it aside and assumed and still wears the
philosopher's garment; (21) and he continues the earnest investigation
of Greek works."
He says these things in defending himself
for his study of Grecian literature. About 15
this time, while he was still at Alexandria,
a soldier came and delivered a letter from the governor of Arabia (22)
to Demetrius, bishop of the parish, and to the prefect of Egypt who was
in office at that time, requesting that they would with all speed send
Origen to him for an interview. Being sent by them, he went to Arabia.
And having in a short time accomplished the object of his visit, he
returned to Alexandria. But sometime after a considerable 16
war broke out in the city, (23) and he departed
from Alexandria. And thinking that it would be unsafe for him to remain
in Egypt, he went to Palestine and abode in Caesarea. While there the
bishops of the church in that country (24) requested him to preach and
expound the Scriptures publicly, although he had not yet
been ordained as presbyter. (25) This is evi- 17
268
dent from what Alexander, (26) bishop of Jerusalem and Theoctistus (27)
of Caesarea, wrote to Demetrius (28) in regard to the matter, defending
themselves thus:
"He has stated in his letter that such a thing was
never heard of before, neither has hitherto taken place, that laymen
should preach in the presence of bishops. I know not how he comes to
18 say what is plainly untrue. For whenever
persons able to instruct the brethren are
found, they are exhorted by the holy bishops to preach to the people.
Thus in Laranda, Euelpis by Neon; and in Iconium, Paulinus by Celsus;
and in Synada, Theodorus by Atticus, our blessed brethren. (29) And
probably this has been done in other places unknown to us."
He was honored in this manner
while yet a young man, not only by his countrymen, but
19 also by foreign bishops. (30) But Demetrius
sent for him by letter, and urged him
through members and deacons of the church to return to Alexandria. So
he returned and resumed his accustomed duties.
CHAPTER XX.
The Extant Works of the Writers of that Age.
1 THERE flourished many learned men in
the Church at that time, whose letters to
each other have been preserved and are easily accessible. They have
been kept until our time in the library at AElia, (1) which was
established by Alexander, who at that time presided over that church.
We have been able to gather from that library material for our present
work.
Among these Beryllus (2) has left us, besides 2 letters and treatises,
various elegant works. He was bishop of Bostra in Arabia. Likewise also
Hippolytus, (3) who presided over another
church, has left writings. There has reached 3 us also a dialogue of
Caius, (4) a very learned man, which was held at Rome under Zephyrinus,
(5) with Proclus, who contended for the Phrygian heresy. In this he
curbs the rashness and boldness of his opponents in setting forth new
Scriptures. He mentions only thirteen epistles of the holy apostle, not
counting that to the Hebrews (6) with the others. And unto our day
there are some among the Romans who do not consider this a work of the
apostle.
CHAPTER XXI.
The Bishops that were well known at that Time.
AFTER Antoninus (1) had reigned seven years 1
and six months, Macrinus succeeded him.
He held the government but a year, and was succeeded by another
Antoninus. During his first year the Roman bishop, Zephyrinus, (2)
having held his office for eighteen years, died, and Callistus (3)
received the episcopate. He continued 2 for five years, and was
succeeded by
269
Urbanus. (4) After this, Alexander became Roman emperor, Antoninus
having reigned but four years. (5) At this time Philetus (6) also
succeeded Asclepiades (7) in the church of Antioch.
3 The mother of the emperor, Mammaea 8
by name, was a most pious woman, if there ever was one, and of
religious life. When the fame of Origen had extended everywhere and had
come even to her ears, she desired greatly to see the man, and above
all things to make trial of his celebrated understanding of
divine things. Staying for a time in Antioch, 4 she sent for him with a
military escort.
Having remained with her a while and shown her many things which were
for the glory of the Lord and of the excellence of the divine teaching,
he hastened back to his accustomed work.
CHAPTER XXII.
The Works of Hippolytus which have reached us.
AT that time Hippolytus, (1) besides many 1
other treatises, wrote a work on the pass-
270
over. (2) He gives in this a chronological table, and presents a
certain paschal canon of sixteen
years, bringing the time down to the first
2. year of the Emperor Alexander. Of his
other writings the following have reached
us: On the Hexaemeron, (3) On the Works after the Hexaemeron, (4)
Against Marcion, (5) On the Song of Songs, (6) On Portions of Ezekiel,
(7) On the Passover, (8) Against All the Heresies; (9) and you can find
many other works preserved by many.
271
CHAPTER XXIII.
Origen's Zeal and his Elevation to the Presbyterate.
1 AT that time Origen began his commentaries on the Divine
Scriptures, being urged
thereto by Ambrose, (1) who employed innumerable
incentives, not only exhorting him by word,
but also furnishing abundant means. For he dictated to more than seven
amanuenses, who relieved each other at appointed times. And he employed
no fewer copyists, besides girls who were skilled in elegant writing.
For all these Ambrose furnished the necessary expense in abundance,
manifesting himself an inexpressible earnestness in diligence and zeal
for the divine oracles, by which he especially pressed him on to the
preparation of his commentaries. While these things were in progress,
Urbanus, (2) who had been for eight years bishop
of the Roman church, was
succeeded by Pontianus, (3) and Zebinus (4) succeeded Philetus (5) in
4 Antioch. At this time Origen was sent to
Greece on account of a pressing necessity
in connection with ecclesiastical affairs, (6) and went through
Palestine, and was ordained as presbyter in Caesarea by the bishops of
that country. The matters that were agitated concerning him on this
account, and the decisions on these matters by those who presided over
the churches, besides the other works concerning the divine word which
he published while in his prime, demand a separate treatise. We have
written of them to some extent in the second book of the Defense which
we have composed in his behalf. (7)
CHAPTER XXIV.
The Commentaries which he prepared at
Alexandria.
IT may be well to add that in the sixth 1
book of his exposition of the Gospel of
John (1) he states that he prepared the first five while in Alexandria.
Of his work on the entire Gospel only twenty-two volumes have come down
to us. In the ninth of those on Genesis, (2) of which there are twelve
in all, he
272
states that not only the preceding eight had been composed at
Alexandria, but also those on the first twenty-five Psalms (3) and on
Lamentations. (4) Of these last five volumes have reached us. In them
he mentions also his books On the
3 Resurrection, (5) of which there are two. He
wrote also the books De Principiis (6) before
leaving Alexandria; and the discourses entitled Stromata, (7) ten in
number, he composed in the same city during the reign of Alexander, as
the notes by his own hand preceding the volumes indicate.
CHAPTER XXV.
His Review of the Canonical Scriptures.
WHEN expounding the first Psalm, (1) he
I
gives a catalogue of the sacred Scriptures
of the Old Testament (2) as follows:
"It should be stated that the canonical books,
as the Hebrews have handed them down, are
twenty-two; corresponding with the number of
their letters." Farther on he says:
"The twenty-two books of the Hebrews 2
are the following: That which is called by
us Genesis, but by the Hebrews, from the beginning of the book,
Bresith, (3) which means, 'In the beginning'; Exodus, Welesmoth, (3a)
that is, 'These are the names'; Leviticus, Wikra, 'And he called';
Numbers, Ammesphekodeim; Deuteronomy, Eleaddebareim, ' These are the
words'; Jesus, the son of Nave, Josoue ben Noun; Judges and Ruth, among
them in one book, Saphateim; the First and Second of Kings, among them
one, Samouel, that is, 'The called of God'; the Third and Fourth of
Kings in one, Wammelch David, that is, 'The kingdom of David'; of the
Chronicles, the First and Second in one, Dabreiamein, that is, 'Records
of days'; Esdras, (4) First and Second in one, Ezra, that is, 'An
assistant'; the book of Psalms, Spharthelleim; the Proverbs of Solomon,
Me-loth; Ecclesiastes, Koelth; the Song of Songs (not, as some suppose,
Songs of Songs), Sir Hassirim; Isaiah, Jessia; Jeremiah, with
Lamentations and the epistle in one, Jeremia; Daniel, Daniel; Ezekiel,
Jezekiel; Job, Job; Esther, Esther. And besides these there are the
Maccabees, which are entitled Sarbeth Sabanaiel. (5) He gives these in
the above-mentioned work.
273
3 In his first book on Matthew's Gospel, (6)
maintaining the Canon of the Church, he
testifies that he knows
only four Gospels, writing as follows:
4 "Among the four Gospels, (7) which are the
only indisputable ones in the Church of God
under heaven, I have learned by tradition that the first was written by
Matthew, who was once a publican, but afterwards an apostle of Jesus
Christ, and it was prepared for the converts from Judaism, and
published in the Hebrew
5 language. (8) The second is by Mark, who
composed it according to the instructions of
Peter, (9) who in his Catholic epistle acknowledges him as a son,
saying, 'The church that is at Babylon elected together with you,
saluteth you, and so doth Marcus, my son.' (10) And the third by Luke,
the Gospel commended
by Paul, (11) and composed
for Gentile converts. Last of all that by John." (12)
7 In the fifth book of his Expositions of
John's Gospel, he speaks thus concerning
the epistles of the apostles: (13)
"But he who was 'made sufficient to be a
minister of the New Testament, not of the letter, but of the Spirit,'
(14) that is, Paul, who 'fully
preached the Gospel from Jerusalem and round
about even unto Illyricum,' (15) did not write
to all the churches which he had instructed
and to those to which he wrote he sent but
8 few lines. (16) And Peter, on whom the Church
of Christ is built, 'against which the gates
of hell shall not prevail,' (17) has left one acknowledged epistle;
perhaps also a second, but this
i is doubtful. (18) Why need we speak of him9
who reclined upon the bosom of Jesus, (19)
John, who has left us one Gospel, (20) though he confessed that he
might write so many that the world could not contain them? (21) And he
wrote also the Apocalypse, but was commanded to keep silence and not to
write the words of the seven thunders. (22) He has left also an epistle
of very few lines; perhaps also a second and third; but not all
consider them
genuine, and together they do not contain
hundred lines."
In addition he makes the following statements 11 in regard to the
Epistle to the He-
brews (23) in his Homilies upon it:
"That the verbal style of the epistle entitled 'To
the Hebrews,' is not rude like the language of the apostle, who
acknowledged himself 'rude in speech,' (24) that is, in expression; but
that its diction is purer Greek, any one who has the power to discern
differences of phraseology will acknowledge. Moreover, that the
thoughts of the epistle are admirable, and not inferior to the
acknowledged apostolic writings, any one who carefully examines the
apostolic text (25) will admit." Farther on he adds:
"If I gave my opinion, I should say that the
thoughts are those of the apostle, but the diction and phraseology are
those of some one who remembered the apostolic teachings, and wrote
down at his leisure what had been said by his teacher. Therefore if any
church holds that this epistle is by Paul, let it be commended for
this. For not without reason have the ancients
handed it down as Paul's. But who wrote 14
the epistle, in truth, God knows. The statement of some who have gone
before us is that Clement, bishop of the Romans, wrote the epistle, and
of others that Luke, the author of the Gospel and the Acts, wrote it."
But let this suffice on these matters.
274
CHAPTER XXVI.
Heraclas becomes Bishop of Alexandria.
IT was in the tenth year of the above-mentioned
reign that Origen removed from Alexandria to Caesarea, (1) leaving the
charge of the catechetical school in that city to Heraclas. Not long
afterward Demetrius, bishop of the church of Alexandria, died, having
held the office for forty-three full years, (2) and Heraclas succeeded
him. At this time Firmilianus, (3) bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia,
was conspicuous.
CHAPTER XXVII.
How the Bishops regarded Origen.
HE was so earnestly affected toward Origen, that he
urged him to come to that country for the benefit of the churches, and
moreover he visited him in Judea, remaining with him for some time, for
the sake of improvement in divine things. And Alexander, (1) bishop of
Jerusalem, and Theoctistus, (2) bishop of Caesarea, at-tended on him
constantly, (3) as their only teacher, and allowed (4) him to expound
the Divine Scriptures, and to perform the other duties pertaining to
ecclesiastical discourse. (5)
CHAPTER XXVIII.
The Persecution under Maximinus.
THE Roman emperor, Alexander, having finished his
reign in thirteen years, was succeeded by Maximinus Caesar. (1) On
account of his hatred toward the household of Alexander, (2) which
contained many believers, he began a persecution, commanding that only
the rulers of the churches should be put to death, as responsible for
the Gospel teaching. Thereupon Origen composed his work On Martyrdom,
(3) and dedicated it to Ambrose and Protoctetus, (4) a presbyter of the
parish of Caesarea, because in the persecution there had come upon them
both unusual hardships, in which it is reported that they were eminent
in confession during the reign of Maximinus, which lasted but three
years. Origen has noted this as the time of the persecution in the
twenty-second book of his Commentaries on John, and in several
epistles. (5)
CHAPTER XXIX.
Fabianus, who was wonderfully designated
Bishop of Rome by God.
GORDIANUS succeeded Maximinus as Roman emperor; (1)
and Pontianus, (2) who had
275
been bishop of the church at Rome for six years, was succeeded by
Anteros. (3) After he had held the office for a month, Fabianus (4)
succeeded him. They say (5) that Fabianus having come, after the
death of Anteros, with others from the country, was staying at Rome,
and that while there he was chosen to the office through a most
wonderful manifestation of divine and heavenly grace. For when all the
brethren had assembled to select by vote him who should succeed to the
episcopate of the church, several renowned and honorable men were in
the minds of many, but Fabianus, although present, was in the mind of
none. But they relate that suddenly a dove flying down lighted on his
head, resembling the descent of the Holy Spirit on the Saviour in the
form of a dove. Thereupon all the people, as if moved by one Divine
Spirit, with all eagerness and unanimity cried out that he was worthy,
and without delay they took him and placed him upon the episcopal seat.
(6)
5 About that time Zebinus, (7) bishop of Antioch
died, and Babylas (8) succeeded him.
And in Alexandria Heraclas, (9) having received the episcopal office
after Demetrius, (10) was succeeded in the charge of the catechetical
school by Dionysius, (11) who had also been one of Origen's pupils.
CHAPTER XXX. The Pupils of Origen.
WHILE Origen was carrying on his customary duties in
Caesarea, many pupils came to him not only from the vicinity, but also
from other countries. Among these Theodorus, the same that was
distinguished among the bishops of our day under the name of Gregory,
(1) and his brother
276
Athenodorus, (2) we know to have been especially celebrated. Finding
them deeply interested in Greek and Roman learning, he infused into
them a love of philosophy, and led them to exchange their old zeal for
the study of divinity. Remaining with him five years, they made such
progress in divine things, that although they were still young, both of
them were honored with a bishopric in the churches of Pontus.
CHAPTER XXXI.
Africanus.
AT this time also Africanus, (1) the writer of the
books entitled Cesti, was well known.
There is extant an epistle of his to Origen, expressing doubts
(2) of the story of Susannah in Daniel, as being spurious and
fictitious. Origen answered this very fully. Other works of the same
Africanus which have reached us are his five books on Chronology, a
work accurately and laboriously prepared. He says in this that he went
to Alexandria on account of the great fame of Heraclas, (3) who
excelled especially in philosophic studies and other Greek learning,
and whose appointment to the bishopric of the church there we have
277
3 already mentioned. There is extant also
another epistle from the same Africanus to
Aristides on the supposed discrepancy between Matthew and Luke in the
Genealogies of Christ. In this he shows clearly the agreement of the
evangelists, from an account which had come down to him, which we have
already given in its proper place in the first book of this work. (4)
CHAPTER XXXII.
The Commentaries which Origen composed in
Caesarea in Palestine.
1 ABOUT this time Origen prepared his
Commentaries on Isaiah (1) and on Ezekiel. (2)
Of the former there have come down to us thirty books, as far as the
third part of Isaiah, to the vision of the beasts in the desert; (3) on
Ezekiel twenty-five books, which are all that he wrote on the whole
prophet. Being at that time in Athens, (4) he finished his work on
Ezekiel and commenced his Commentaries on the Song of Songs, (5) which
he carried forward to the fifth book. After his return to
Caesarea,
he completed these also, ten books in number. But why should we give in
this history 3
an accurate catalogue of the man's works,
which would require a separate treatise? (6) we have furnished this
also in our narrative of the life of Pamphilus, (7) a holy martyr of
our own time. After showing how great the diligence of Pamphilus was in
divine things, we give in that a catalogue of the library which he
collected of the works of Origen and of other ecclesiastical writers,
Whoever desires may learn readily from this which of Origen's works
have reached us. But we must proceed now with our history.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
The Error of Beryllus.
BERYLLUS, (1) whom we mentioned recently 1
as bishop of Bostra in Arabia, turned aside
from the ecclesiastical standard (2) and attempted to introduce ideas
foreign to the faith. He dared to assert that our Saviour and Lord did
not pre-exist in a distinct form of being of his own (3) before his
abode among men, and that he does not possess a divinity of his own,
(4) but only that of the Father dwelling
in him. Many bishops carried on investigations 2 and discussions with
him on this matter, and Origen having been invited with the others,
went down at first for a conference with him to ascertain his real
opinion. But when he understood his views, and perceived that they were
erroneous, having persuaded him by argument, and convinced him by
demonstration, he brought him back to the true doctrine, and re-
278
stored him to his former sound opinion. There are still extant writings
of Beryllus and of the synod held on his account, which contain the
questions put to him by Origen, and the discussions which were carried
on in his parish, as well as all the things done at that time.
4 The elder brethren among us s have handed
down many other facts respecting Origen
which I think proper to omit, as not pertaining to this work. But
whatever it has seemed necessary to record about him can be found in
the Apology in his behalf written by us and Pamphilus, the holy martyr
of our day. We prepared this carefully and did the work jointly on
account of faultfinders. (6)
CHAPTER XXXIV. Philip Caesar.
GORDIANUS had been Roman emperor for six years when
Philip, with his son Philip, succeeded him. (1) It is reported that he,
being a Christian desired, on the day of the last paschal vigil, to
share with the multitude in the prayers of the Church, (2) but that he
was not permitted to enter, by him who then presided, (3) until he had
made confession and had numbered himself among those who were reckoned
as transgressors and who occupied the place of penance. (4) For if he
had not done this, he would never have been received by him, on account
of the many crimes which he had committed. It is said that he obeyed
readily, manifesting in his conduct a genuine and pious fear of God.
CHAPTER XXXV.
Dionysius succeeds Heraclas in the Episcopate.
IN the third year of this emperor, Heraclas 1 died,
having held his office for sixteen years, and Dionysius (2) received
the episcopate of the churches of Alexandria.
CHAPTER XXXVI. Other Works of Origen.
AT this time, as the faith extended and our doctrine
was proclaimed boldly before all, (1) Origen, being, as they say, over
sixty years old, (2) and having gained great facility by his long
practice, very properly permitted his public discourses to be taken
down by stenographers, a thing which he had never before allowed. He
also at this time composed a work of eight books in answer to that
entitled True Discourse, which had been written against us by Celsus (3)
279
the Epicurean, and the twenty-five books on the Gospel of Matthew, (4)
besides those on the
Twelve Prophets, of which we have found
3 only twenty-five. (5) There is extant also an
epistle (6) of his to the Emperor Philip, and
another to Severa his wife, with several others
to different persons. We have arranged in distinct books to the number
of one hundred, so
that they might be no longer scattered, as many
of these as we have been able to collect, (7) which have been preserved
here and there by different persons. He wrote also to Fabianus 4 , (8)
bishop of Rome, and to many other
rulers of the churches concerning his orthodoxy. You have examples of
these in the eighth book of the Apology (9) which we have written in
his behalf.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
The Dissension of the Arabians. (1)
ABOUT the same time others arose in Arabia, putting
forward a doctrine foreign to the truth. They said that during the
present time the human soul dies and perishes with the body, but that
at the time of the resurrection they will be renewed together. And at
that time also a synod of considerable size assembled, and Origen,
being again invited thither, spoke publicly on the question with such
effect that the opinions of those who had formerly fallen were changed.
280
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
The Heresy of the Elkesites.
ANOTHER error also arose at this time, called the
heresy of the Elkesites, (1) which was extinguished in the very
beginning. Origen speaks of it in this manner in a public homily on the
eighty-second Psalm: (2)
"A certain man (3) came just now, puffed up greatly
with his own ability, proclaiming that godless and impious opinion
which has appeared lately in the churches, styled 'of the Elkesites.' I
will show you what evil things that opinion teaches, that you may not
be carried away by it. It rejects certain parts of every scripture.
Again it uses portions of the Old Testament and the Gospel, but rejects
the apostle (4) altogether. It says that to deny Christ is an
indifferent matter, and that he who understands will, under necessity,
deny with his mouth, but not in his heart. They produce a certain book
which they say fell from heaven. They hold that whoever hears and
believes (5) this shall receive remission of sins, another remission
than that which Jesus Christ has given."
Such is the account of these persons.
CHAPTER XXXIX.
The Persecution under Decius, and the Sufferings of Origen.
AfTER a reign of seven years Philip was 1
succeeded by Decius. (1) On account of his
hatred of Philip, he commenced a persecution of the churches, in which
Fabianus (2) suffered martyrdom at Rome, and Cornelius succeeded him in
the episcopate. (3) In Pales- 2 tine, Alexander, (4) bishop of the
church of Jerusalem, was brought again on Christ's account
281
before the governor's judgment seat in Caesarea, and having acquitted
himself nobly in a second
confession was cast into prison, crowned
3 with the hoary locks of venerable age. And
after his honorable and illustrious confession
at the tribunal of the governor,
he fell asleep in prison, and Mazabanes (5) became his successor 4 in
the bishopric of Jerusalem. Baby-
las (6) in Antioch, having like Alexander passed
away in prison after hi confession, was succeeded by
Fabius 7 in the episcopate of that church.
15 But how many and how great things came
upon Origen in the persecution, and what
was their final result, -- as the demon of evil
marshaled all his forces, and fought against the
man with his utmost craft and power, assaulting
him beyond all others against whom he con-
tended at that time, --and what and how many
things he endured for the word of Christ, bonds
and bodily tortures and torments under the iron
collar and in the dungeon; and how for many
days with his feet stretched four spaces in the
stooks (8) he bore patiently the threats of fire and
whatever other things were inflicted by his
enemies; and how his sufferings terminated, as
his judge strove eagerly with all his might not
to end his life; and what words he left after
these things, full of comfort to those needing
aid, a great many of his epistles show with truth
and accuracy. (9)
CHAPTER XL.
The Events which happened to Dionysius. (1)
I SHALL quote from the epistle of Dionysius to
Germanus (2) an account of what befell the former. Speaking of himself,
he writes as follows:
282 "I speak before God, and he knows
that I do not lie. I did not flee on my own impulse nor without divine
direction. But even before this, at the very hour when the Decian
persecution was commanded, Sabinus (3) sent a frumentarius (4) to
search for me, and I remained at home four days awaiting his arrival.
But he went about examining all places, -- roads, rivers, and fields,
--where he thought I might be concealed or on the way. But he was
smitten with blindness, and did not find the house, (5) for he did not
suppose, that being pursued, I would remain at home. And after the
fourth day God commanded me to depart, and made a way for me in a
wonderful manner; and I and my attendants (6) and many of the brethren
went away together. And that this occurred through the providence of
God was made manifest by what followed, in which perhaps we were useful
to some." Farther on he relates in this manner what happened to him
after his flight:
"For about sunset, having been seized with those
that were with me, I was taken by the soldiers to Taposiris, (7) but in
the providence of God, Timothy (8) was not present and was not
captured. But coming later, he found the house deserted and guarded by
soldiers, and our-
selves reduced to slavery." (9) After a little 5 he says:
"And what was the manner of his admirable
management? for the truth shall be told. One of the country people met
Timothy fleeing and disturbed, and inquired the cause of his
haste. And he told him the truth. And 6 when the man heard it (he was
on his way to a marriage feast, for it was customary to spend the
entire night in such gatherings), he entered and announced it to those
at the table. And they, as if on a preconcerted signal, arose with one
impulse, and rushed out quickly and came and burst in upon us with a
shout. Immediately the soldiers who were guarding us fled, and they
came to us lying as we were upon the
bare couches. But I, God knows, thought 7 at first that they were
robbers who had come for spoil and plunder. So I remained upon the bed
on which I was, clothed only in a linen garment, and offered them the
rest of my clothing which was lying beside me. But they directed me to
rise and come away quickly.
Then I understood why they were come,8
and I cried out, beseeching and entreating
them to depart and leave us alone. And I requested them, if they
desired to benefit me in any way, to anticipate those who were carrying
me off, and cut off my head themselves. And when I had cried out in
this manner, as my companions and partners in everything know, they
raised me by force. But I threw myself on my back on the ground; and
they seized me by the hands and feet and dragged me away. And the
witnesses of all these occurrences 9 followed: Gaius, Faustus, Peter,
and Paul. (10)
But they who had seized me carried me out of the village hastily, and
placing me on an ass without a saddle, bore me away." (11)
Dionysius relates these things respecting himself.
283
CHAPTER XLI.
The Martyrs in Alexandria.
1 THE same writer, in an epistle to Fabius, (1)
bishop of Antioch, relates as follows the
sufferings of the martyrs in Alexandria under Decius:
"The persecution among us did not begin with the
royal decree, but preceded it an entire year. (2) The prophet and
author of evils (3) to this city, whoever he was, previously moved and
aroused against us the masses of the heathen, rekindling among them the
superstition of
2 their country. And being thus excited by
him and finding full opportunity for any
wickedness, they considered this the only pious service of their
demons, that they should slay
"They seized first an old man named Metras 3 , (4)
and commanded him to utter impious words. But as he would not obey,
they beat him with clubs, and tore his face and eyes with sharp sticks,
and dragged him out of the city and
stoned him. Then they carried to their 4
idol temple a faithful woman, named Quinta,
that they might force her to worship. And as she turned away in
detestation, they bound her feet and dragged her through the entire
city over the stone-paved streets, and dashed her against the
millstones, and at the same time scourged her; then, taking her to the
same
place, they stoned her to death. Then all 5
with one impulse rushed to the homes of
the pious, and they dragged forth whomsoever any one knew as a
neighbor, and despoiled and plundered them. They took for themselves
the more valuable property; but the poorer articles and those made of
wood they scattered about and burned in the streets, so that the city
appeared as if taken by an enemy. But the 6
brethren withdrew and went away, and 'took
joyfully the spoiling of their goods,' (5) like those to whom Paul bore
witness. I know of no one unless possibly some one who fell into their
hands, who, up to this time, denied the
Lord. Then they seized also that most admirable 7 virgin, Apollonia, an
old woman,
and, smiting her on the jaws, broke out all her teeth. And they made a
fire outside the city and threatened to burn her alive if she would not
join with them in their impious cries. And she, supplicating a little,
was released, when she leaped eagerly into the fire and was consumed.
Then they seized Serapion in his 8
own house, and tortured him with harsh cruelties, and having broken all
his limbs, they threw him headlong from an upper story. And there was
no street, nor public road, nor lane open to us, by night or day; for
always and everywhere, all of them cried out that if any one would not
repeat their impious words, he should immediately be dragged away and
burned. And matters 9 continued thus for a considerable time.
But a sedition and civil war came upon the wretched people and turned
their cruelty toward us against one another. (6) So we breathed for a
little while as they ceased from their rage against us. But presently
the change from that milder reign was announced to us, (7) and great
fear
284
10 of what was threatened seized us. For the
decree arrived, almost like unto that most
terrible time foretold by our Lord, which if it
were possible would offend even
the elect. (8)
11 All truly were affrighted. And many of
the more eminent in their fear came for-
ward immediately; (9) others who were in the public service were drawn
on by their official duties; (10) others were urged on by their
acquaintances. And as their names were called they approached the
impure and impious sacrifices. Some of them were pale and trembled as
if they were not about to sacrifice, but to be themselves sacrifices
and offerings to the idols; so that they were jeered at by the
multitude who stood around, as it was plain to every one that they were
afraid either to die or to sacrifice. But some advanced to the altars
more readily, declaring boldly that they had never been Christians. Of
these the prediction of our Lord is most true that they shall 'hardly'
(11) be saved. Of the rest some followed the one, others the other of
these classes, some fled
13 and some were seized. And of the latter some
continued faithful until bonds and imprisonment, and some
who had even been imprisoned for many days yet abjured the faith before
they were brought to trial. Others having for
a time endured great tortures finally retracted 14. But the firm and
blessed pillars
of the Lord being strengthened by him, and
having received vigor and might suitable and
appropriate to the strong faith
which they possessed, became admirable witnesses of his
15 kingdom. The first of these was Julian, a
man who suffered so much with the gout that
he was unable to stand or walk. They brought him forward with two
others who carried him.
One of these immediately denied. But the other, whose name was Cronion,
and whose surname was Eunus, and the old man Julian himself, both of
them having confessed the Lord, were carried on camels through the
entire city, which, as you know, is a very large one, and in this
elevated position were beaten and finally burned in a fierce fire, (12)
surrounded by all the populace.
But a soldier, named Besas, who stood by16
them as they were led away rebuked those
who insulted them. And they cried out against him, and this most manly
warrior of God was arraigned, and having done nobly in the
great contest for piety, was beheaded. A 17
certain other one, a Libyan by birth, but in
name and blessedness a true Macar, 13 was strongly urged by the judge
to recant; but as he would not yield he was burned alive. After them
Epimachus and Alexander, having remained in bonds for a long time, and
endured countless agonies from scrapers (14) and scourges, were also
consumed in a fierce fire. (15) And with them 18
there were four women. Ammonarium, a
holy virgin, the judge tortured relentlessly and excessively, because
she declared from the first that she would utter none of those things
which he commanded; and having kept her promise truly, she was dragged
away. The others were Mercuria, a very remarkable old woman, and
Dionysia, the mother of many children, who did not love her own
children above the Lord. (16) As the governor was ashamed of torturing
thus ineffectually, and being always defeated by women, they were put
to death by the sword, without the trial of tortures. For the champion,
Ammonarium, endured these in behalf of all.
The Egyptians, Heron and Ater and Isidorus 19, and
with them Dioscorus, (17) a boy about fifteen years old, were delivered
up. At first the judge attempted to deceive the lad by fair words, as
if he could be brought over easily, and then to force him by tortures,
as one who would readily yield. But Dioscorus was
neither persuaded nor constrained. As the 20
285
others remained firm, he scourged them cruelly and then delivered them
to the fire. But admiring the manner in which Dioscorus had
distinguished himself publicly, and his wise answers to his
persuasions, he dismissed him, saying that on account of his youth he
would give him time for repentance. And this most godly Dioscorus is
among us now, awaiting a longer conflict and more severe contest.
21 But a certain Nemesion, who also was an
Egyptian, was accused as an associate of
robbers; but when he had cleared himself before the centurion of this
charge most foreign to the truth, he was informed against as a
Christian, and taken in bonds before the governor. And the most
unrighteous magistrate inflicted on him tortures and scourgings double
those which he executed on the robbers, and then burned him between the
robbers, thus honoring the blessed man by the likeness to Christ.
22 A band of soldiers, Ammon and Zeno and
Ptolemy and Ingenes, and with them an
old man, Theophilus, were standing close together before the tribunal.
And as a certain person who was being tried as a Christian, seemed
inclined to deny, they standing by gnashed their teeth, and made signs
with their faces and stretched out their hands, and gestured with their
bodies. And when the attention of all was turned to them, before any
one else could seize them, they rushed up to the tribunal saying that
they were Christians, so that the governor and his council were
affrighted. And those who were on trial appeared most courageous in
prospect of their sufferings, while their judges trembled. And they
went exultingly from the tribunal rejoicing in their testimony; (18)
God himself having caused them to triumph gloriously."
CHAPTER XLII.
Others of whom Dionysius gives an Account.
1 "MANY others, in cities and villages, were
torn asunder by the heathen, of whom I will
mention one as an illustration. Ischyrion (1) was employed as a steward
by one of the rulers. His employer commanded him to sacrifice, and on
his refusal insulted him, and as he remained
firm, abused him. And as he still held out he seized a long staff and
thrust it through his bowels (2) and slew him.
"Why need I speak of the multitude that wandered in
the deserts and mountains, and perished by hunger, and thirst, and
cold, and sickness, and robbers, and wild beasts? Those of them who
survived are witnesses of their election and victory. But I will relate
one occurrence as an example. Chaeremon, (3) who was very old, was
bishop of the city called Nilus. He fled with his wife (4) to the
Arabian mountain (5) and did not return. And though the brethren
searched diligently they could not find either them or their
bodies. And many who fled to the same 4
Arabian mountain were carried into slavery
by the barbarian Saracens. Some of them were ransomed with difficulty
and at a large price others have not been to the present time. I have
related these things, my brother, not without an object, but that you
may understand how many and great distresses came upon us. Those indeed
will understand them the best who have had the largest experience of
them."
A little further on he adds: "These 5
divine martyrs among us, who now are
seated with Christ, and are sharers in his kingdom, partakers of his
judgment and judges with him, received some of the brethren who had
fallen away and become chargeable with the guilt of sacrificing. When
they perceived that their conversion and repentance were sufficient to
be acceptable with him who by no means desires the death of the sinner,
but his repentance, having proved them they received them back and
brought them together, and met with them and had fellowship with them
in prayers and feasts. (6) What counsel then,
286
brethren, do you give us concerning such persons? What should we do?
Shall we have the same judgment and rule as theirs, and observe their
decision and charity, and show mercy to those whom they pitied? Or,
shall we declare their decision unrighteous, and set ourselves as
judges of their opinion, and grieve mercy and overturn order?" (7)
These words Dionysius very properly added when making mention of those
who had been weak in the time of persecution.
CHAPTER XLIII.
Novatus, (1) his Manner of Life and his Heresy.
AFTER this, Novatus, a presbyter
of the church at Rome, being lifted up with arrogance against these
persons, as if there was no longer for them a hope of salvation, not
even if they should do all things pertaining to a genuine and pure
conversion, became leader of the heresy of those who, in the pride of
their imagination, call themselves Cathari. (2) There- 2 upon a very
large synod assembled at Rome, (3) of bishops in number sixty, and a
great many more presbyters and deacons; while the pastors of the
remaining provinces deliberated in their places privately concerning
what ought to be done. A decree was confirmed by all, that Novatus and
those who joined with him, and those who adopted his brother-hating and
inhuman opinion, should be considered by the church as strangers; but
that they should heal such of the brethren as had fallen into
misfortune, (4) and should minister to them with the medicines of
repentance.
There have reached us epistles (5) of Cornelius 3,
bishop of Rome, to Fabius, of the church at Antioch, which show what
was done at the synod at Rome, and what seemed best to all those in
Italy and Africa and the regions thereabout. (6) Also other epistles,
written in the
287
Latin language, of Cyprian and those with him in Africa, (7) which show
that they agreed as to the necessity of succoring those who had been
tempted, and of cutting off from the Catholic Church the leader of the
heresy and all
4 that joined with him. Another epistle of
Cornelius, concerning the resolutions of the
synod, is attached to these; and yet others, (8) on the conduct of
Novatus, from which it is proper
for us to make selections, that any one who
5 sees this work may know about him. Cornelius informs Fabius what sort
of a man
Novatus was, in the following words:
"But that you may know that a long time ago this
remarkable man desired the episcopate, but kept this ambitious desire
to himself and concealed it,--using as a cloak for his rebellion those
confessors who had adhered to him
from the beginning,-- I desire to speak.
6 Maximus, (9) one of our presbyters, and Urbanus, (10) who twice
gained the highest honor
by confession, with Sidonius, (11) and Celerinus, (12) a man who by the
grace of God most heroically endured all kinds of torture, and by the
strength of his faith overcame the weakness of the flesh, and mightily
conquered the adversary,-- these men found him out and detected his
craft and duplicity, his perjuries and falsehoods, his un-sociability
and cruel friendship. And they returned to the holy church and
proclaimed in the presence of many, both bishops and presbyters and a
large number of the laity, all his craft and wickedness, which for a
long time he had concealed. And this they did with lamentations land
repentance, because through the persuasions of the crafty and malicious
beast they had left the church for the time." A little farther on he
says:
"How remarkable, beloved brother, the 7
change and transformation which we have
seen take place in him in a short time. For this most illustrious man,
who bound himself with terrible oaths in nowise to seek the bishopric,
(13) sudden-
288
ly appears a bishop as if thrown among us by some machine. (14) For
this dogmatist, this defender of the doctrine of the Church, (15)
attempting to grasp and seize the episcopate, which had not been given
him from above, chose two of his companions who had given up their own
salvation. And he sent them to a small and insignificant corner of
Italy, that there by some counterfeit argument he might deceive three
bishops, who were rustic and very simple men. And they asserted
positively and strongly that it was necessary that they should come
quickly to Rome, in order that all the dissension which had arisen
there might be appeased
through their mediation, jointly with other bishops. When they had
come, being, as we have stated, very simple in the craft and artifice
of the wicked, they were shut up with certain selected men like
himself. And by the tenth hour, when they had become drunk and sick, he
compelled them by force to confer on him the episcopate through a
counterfeit and vain imposition of hands. Because it had not
come to him, he avenged himself by craft
10 and treachery. One of these bishops shortly
after came back to the church, lamenting
and confessing his transgression. And we communed with him as with a
layman, all the people present interceding for him. And we ordained
successors of the other bishops, and sent
11 them to the places where they were. This
avenger of the Gospel (16) then did not know
that there should be one bishop in a catholic church; (17) yet he was
not ignorant (for how
could he be?) that in it there were forty-six
presbyters, seven (18) deacons, seven sub-deacons, (19)
forty-two acolyths, (20) fifty-two exorcists, (21) readers, (22)
and janitors, (23) and over fifteen hundred widows
and persons in distress, all of whom the grace
and kindness of the Master nourish. But12
not even this great multitude, so necessary
in the church, nor those who, through God's
providence, were rich and full, together with the
very many, even innumerable people, could turn
him from such desperation and presumption and recall him to the
Church." Again, 13
farther on, he adds these words:
"Permit us to say further: On account of
what works or conduct had he the assurance to
contend for the episcopate? Was it that he had
been brought up in the Church from the beginning, and had endured many
conflicts in her be-
half, and had passed through many and great
dangers for religion? Truly this is not the
fact. But Satan, who entered and dwelt in 14
him for a long time, became the occasion of
his believing. Being delivered by the exorcists, he fell into a severe
sickness; and as he seemed about to die, he received baptism by
affusion,
289
on the bed where he lay; (24) if indeed we
15 can say that such a one did receive it. And
when he was healed of his sickness he did
not receive the other things which it is necessary to have according to
the canon of the Church, even the being sealed by the bishop. (25) And
as
he did not receive this, (26) how could he receive 16 the Holy Spirit?"
Shortly after he
says again:
"In the time of persecution, through coward-
ice and love of life, he denied that he was a presbyter. For when he
was requested and en-treated by the deacons to come out of the chamber
in which he had imprisoned himself and give aid to the brethren as far
as was lawful and possible for a presbyter to assist those of the
brethren who were in danger and needed help, he paid so little respect
to the entreaties of the deacons that he went away and departed in
anger. For he said that he no longer desired to be a presbyter, as he
was an admirer
17 of another philosophy." (27) Passing by a few
things, he adds the following:
"For this illustrious man forsook the Church of God,
in which, when he believed, he was judged worthy of the presbyterate
through the favor of the bishop who ordained him to the presbyterial
office. This had been resisted by all the clergy and many of the laity;
because it was unlawful that one who had been affused on his bed on
account of sickness as he had been should enter into any clerical
office; (28) but the bishop requested that he might be permitted to
ordain this one only." He adds to these yet another, the worst of all
the man's offenses, as follows:
"For when he has made the offerings, and distributed
a part to each man, as he gives it he compels the wretched man to swear
in place of the blessing. Holding his hands in both of his own, he will
not release him until he has sworn in this manner (for I will give his
own words):
Swear to me by the body and blood of our Lord Jesus
Christ that you will never forsake me and turn to Cornelius.' And the
unhappy man does not taste until he has called down imprecations on
himself; and instead of saying Amen, as he takes the bread, he says, I
will never return to Cornelius." Farther on he says again:
"But know that he has now been made bare and
desolate; as the brethren leave him every day and return to the church.
Moses
290
also, the blessed martyr, who lately suffered among us a glorious and
admirable martyrdom, while he was yet alive, beholding his boldness and
folly, refused to commune with him and with the five presbyters who
with him had separated themselves from the church."
At the close of his letter he
gives a list of the bishops who had come to Rome and
condemned the silliness of
Novatus, with their names and the parish over which each of
22 them presided. He mentions also those
who did not come to Rome, but who ex-
pressed by letters their agreement with the vote of these bishops,
giving their names and the cities from which they severally sent them.
(30) Cornelius wrote these things to Fabius, bishop of Antioch.
CHAPTER XLIV.
Dionysius' Account of Serapion.
1 To this same Fabius, who seemed to lean
somewhat toward this schism, (1) Dionysius of
Alexandria also wrote an epistle. (2) He writes in this many other
things concerning repentance, and relates the conflicts of those who
had lately suffered martyrdom at Alexandria. After the other account he
mentions a certain wonderful fact, which deserves a place in this work.
It is as follows:
"I will give thee this one example which occurred
among us. There was with us a certain Serapion, (3) an aged believer
who had lived for a long time blamelessly, but had fallen in the trial.
He besought often, but no one gave heed to him, because he had
sacrificed. But he became sick, and for three successive days continued
speechless and senseless. Having recovered somewhat on the fourth day
he sent for his daughter's son, and said, 'How long do you detain me,
my child? I beseech you, make haste, and absolve me speedily. Call one
of the presbyters to me.' And when he had said this, he became again
speechless. And the boy ran to the presbyter. But it was night and he
was sick, and there-
4 fore unable to come. But as I had commanded that persons at the
point of death,
if they requested it, and especially if they had asked for it
previously, should receive remission,
that they might depart with a good hope, he
gave the boy a small portion of the eucharist,
telling him to soak (4) it and let the drops fall
into the old man's mouth. (5) The boy re- 5
turned with it, and as he drew near, before
he entered, Serapion again arousing, said, 'Thou
art come, my child, and the presbyter could not
come; but do quickly what he directed, and
let me depart.' Then the boy soaked it and
dropped it into his mouth. And when he had
swallowed a little, immediately he gave up
the ghost. Is it not evident that he was 6
preserved and his life continued till he was
absolved, and, his sin having been blotted out, he could be
acknowledged (6) for the many good deeds which he had done?"
Dionysius relates these things.
CHAPTER XLV.
An Epistle of Dionysius to Novatus.
BUT let us see how the same man addressed Novatus
(1) when he was disturbing the Roman brotherhood. As he pretended that
some of the brethren were the occasion of his apostasy and schism, as
if he had been forced by them to proceed as he had, (2) observe the
manner in which he writes to him:
"Dionysius to his brother Novatus, greeting. If, as
thou sayest, thou hast been led on unwillingly, thou wilt prove this if
thou retirest willingly. For it were better to suffer everything,
rather than divide the Church of God. Even martyrdom for the sake of
preventing division would not be less glorious than for refusing to
worship idols. Nay, to me it seems greater. For in the one case a man
suffers martyrdom
291 for the sake of his own soul; in the other case in behalf of the
entire Church. And now if thou canst persuade or induce the brethren to
come to unanimity, thy righteousness will be greater than thine error,
and this will not be counted, but that will be praised. But if thou
canst not prevail with the disobedient, at least save thine own soul. I
pray that thou mayst fare well, maintaining peace in the Lord."
This he wrote to Novatus.
CHAPTER XLVI.
Other Epistles of Dionysius.
1 HE wrote also an epistle to the brethren
in Egypt on Repentance. (1) In this he sets
forth what seemed proper to him
in regard to those who had fallen, and he describes the classes of
transgressions. There is extant also a private letter on Repentance,
which he wrote to Conon, (2) bishop of the parish of Hermopolis, and
another of an admonitory (3) character, to his flock at Alexandria.
Among them also is the one written to Origen on Martyrdom (4) and to
the brethren at Laodicea, (5) of whom The-lymidres was bishop. He
likewise sent one on Repentance to the brethren in Armenia, (6) of whom
Merozanes was bishop. Besides all these, he wrote to Cornelius of Rome,
when he had received from him an epistle against Novatus. (7) He states
in this that he had been
invited by Helenus, (8) bishop of Tarsus, in Cilicia, and the others
who were with him, Firmilianus, (9) bishop in Cappadocia, and
Theoctistus, (10) of
Palestine, to meet them at the synod in Antioch,
where some persons were endeavoring to establish the schism of Novatus.
Besides this 4
he writes that he had been informed that Fabius (11) had fallen asleep,
and that Demetrianus (12) had been appointed his successor in the
episcopate of Antioch. He writes also in these words concerning the
bishop of Jerusalem: "For the blessed Alexander (13) having been
confined
in prison, passed away happily." In addition 5 to this there is extant
also a certain
other diaconal epistle of Dionysius, sent to those in Rome through
Hippolytus. (14) And he wrote
292 another to them on Peace, and likewise on Repentance; (15) and yet
another to the confessors
there who still held to the opinion of Novatus. (16) He sent two more
to the same persons after they had returned to the Church. And he
communicated with many others by letters, which he has left behind him
as a benefit in various ways to those who now diligently study his
writings. (17)
BOOK VII.
INTRODUCTION.
IN this seventh book of the Church History, the
great bishop of Alexandria, Dionysius, (1) shall again assist us by his
own words; relating the several affairs of his time in the epistles
which he has left. I will begin with them.
CHAPTER I.
The Wickedness of Decius and Gallus.
WHEN Decius had reigned not quite two years, (1) he
was slain with his children, and Gallus succeeded him. At this time
Origen died, being sixty-nine years of age. (2) Dionysius, writing to
Hermammon, (3) speaks as follows of Gallus: (4)
"Gallus neither recognized the wickedness of Decius,
nor considered what had destroyed him; but stumbled on the same stone,
though it lay before his eyes. For when his reign was prosperous and
affairs were proceeding according to his mind, he attacked the holy men
who were interceding with God for his peace and welfare. Therefore with
them he persecuted also their prayers in his behalf." So much
concerning him.
CHAPTER II.
The Bishops of Rome in those Times.
CORNELIUS, (1) having held the episcopate in the
city of Rome about three years, was succeeded by Lucius. (2) He died in
less than eight months, and transmitted his office to Stephen. (3)
Diony-
294
sius wrote to him the first of his letters on baptism, (4) as no small
controversy had arisen as to whether those who had turned from any
heresy should be purified by baptism. For the ancient custom prevailed
in regard to such, that they should receive only the laying on of hands
with prayers. (5)
CHAPTER III.
Cyprian, and the Bishops with
him, first taught that it was necessary to purify by Baptism those
converted from Heresy.
FIRST of all, Cyprian, pastor of the parish of
Carthage, (1) maintained that they should not be received except they
had been purified from their error by baptism. But Stephen considering
it unnecessary to add any innovation contrary to the tradition which
had been held from the beginning, was very indignant at this. (2)
CHAPTER IV.
The Epistles which Dionysius wrote an this
Subject.
DIONYSIUS, therefore, having communicated with him
extensively on this question by letter, (1) finally showed him that
since the persecution had abated, (2) the churches everywhere had
rejected the novelty of Novatus, and were at peace among themselves. He
writes as follows:
CHAPTER V.
The Peace following the Persecution.
"BUT know now, my brethren, that all 1
the churches throughout the East and beyond, which formerly were
divided, have become united. And all the bishops everywhere are of one
mind, and rejoice greatly in the peace which has come beyond
expectation. Thus Demetrianus in Antioch, (1) Theoctistus in Caesarea,
Mazabanes in AElia, Marinus in Tyre (Alexander having fallen asleep),
(2) Heliodorus in Laodicea (Thelymidres being dead), Helenus in Tarsus,
and all the churches of Cilicia, Firmilianus, and all Cappadocia. I
have named only the more illustrious bishops, that I may not make my
epistle too long and my words too burden-
some. And all Syria, and Arabia to which 2
you send help when needed, (3) and whither
you have just written, (4) Mesopotamia, Pontus, Bithynia, and in short
all everywhere are rejoicing and glorifying God for the unanimity and
brotherly love." Thus far Dionysius.
But Stephen, having filled his office two 3
years, was succeeded by Xystus. (5) Diony-
295
sius wrote him a second epistle on baptism, (6) in which he shows him
at the same time the opinion and judgment of Stephen and the other
bishops, and speaks in this manner of
4 Stephen: "He therefore had written pre-
viously concerning Helenus and Firmilianus, and all those in
Cilicia and Cappadocia and Galatia and the neighboring nations, saying
that he would not commune with them for this same cause; namely, that
they re-baptized heretics. But consider the importance of the
5 matter. For truly in the largest synods of
the bishops, as I learn, decrees have been
passed on this subject, that those coming over from heresies should be
instructed, and then should be washed (7) and cleansed from the filth
of the old and impure leaven. And I wrote entreating him concerning all
these things." Further on he says:
6 "I wrote also, at first in few words, recently in many,
to our beloved fellow-presbyters, Dionysius (8) and Philemon, (9) who
formerly had held the same opinion as Stephen, and had written to me on
the same matters." So much in regard to the above-mentioned controversy.
CHAPTER VI.
The Heresy of Sabellius.
HE refers also in the same letter to the heretical
teachings of Sabellius, (1) which were in his time becoming prominent,
and says:
"For concerning the doctrine now agitated in
Ptolemais of Pentapolis,-- which is impious and marked by great
blasphemy against the Almighty God, the Father, and our Lord Jesus
Christ, and contains much unbelief respecting his Only Begotten Son and
the first-born of every creature, the Word which became man, and a want
of perception of the Holy Spirit, --as there came to me communications
from both sides and brethren discussing the matter, I wrote certain
letters treating the subject as instructively as, by the help. of God,
I was able. (2) Of these I send (3) thee copies."
CHAPTER VII.
The Abominable Error of the
Heretics; the Divine Vision of Dianysius; and the Ecclesiastical Canon
which he received.
IN the third epistle on baptism which this same
Dionysius wrote to Philemon, (1) the Roman presbyter, he relates the
following:
"But I examined the works and traditions of the
heretics, defiling my mind for a little time with their abominable
opinions, but receiving this benefit from them, that I refuted them by
myself, and detested them all the more. And when a certain brother
among the presbyters restrained me, fearing that I should be carried
away with the filth of their wickedness (for it would defile my soul),
-- in which also, as I perceived, he spoke the truth,
296
--a vision sent from God came and
strengthened me. And the word which came to me commanded me, saying
distinctly, 'Read everything which thou canst take in hand, (2) for
thou art able to correct and prove all; and this has been to thee from
the beginning the cause of thy faith.' I received the vision as
agreeing with the apostolic word, which says to them that are stronger,
'Be skillful money-changers.' " (3)
4 Then after saying some things concerning
all the heresies he adds: "I received this
rule and ordinance from our blessed father, (4) Heraclas. (5) For those
who came over from heresies, although they had apostatized from the
Church, --or rather had not apostatized, but seemed to meet with them,
yet were charged with resorting to some false teacher,-- when he, had
expelled them from the Church he did not receive them back, though they
entreated for it, until they had publicly reported all things which
they had heard from their adversaries; but then he received them
without requiring of them another baptism. (6) For they had formerly
received the Holy Spirit from him."
Again, after treating the question thoroughly, 5 he adds:
"I have learned also that
this (7) is not a novel practice introduced in Africa alone, but that
even long ago in the times of the bishops before us this opinion has
been adopted in the most populous churches, and in synods of the
brethren in Iconium and Synnada, (8) and by many others. To overturn
their counsels and throw them into strife and contention, I cannot
endure. For it is said? (9) 'Thou shalt not remove thy neighbor's
landmark, which thy fathers have set.' " (10)
His fourth epistle on baptism n was writ- 6 ten to
Dionysius (12) of Rome, who was then a presbyter, but not long after
received the epis-copate of that church. It is evident from what is
stated of him by Dionysius of Alexandria, that he also was a learned
and admirable man. Among other things he writes to him as follows
concerning Novatus:
CHAPTER VIII.
The Heterodoxy of Navatus.
"FOR with good reason do we feel hatred toward
Novatian, (1) who has sundered the Church and drawn some of the
brethren into impiety and blasphemy, and has introduced impious
teaching concerning God, and has calumniated our most compassionate
Lord Jesus Christ as unmerciful. And besides all this he rejects the
297
holy baptism, (2) and overturns the faith and confession which precede
it, (3) and entirely banishes from them the Holy Ghost, if indeed there
was any hope that he would remain or return to them." (4)
CHAPTER IX.
The Ungodly Baptism of the Heretics.
HIS fifth epistle (1) was written to Xystus, (2)
bishop of Rome. In this, after saying
much against the heretics, he relates a certain
occurrence of his time as follows:
"For truly, brother, I am in need of counsel,
and I ask thy judgment concerning a certain
matter which has come to me, fearing that
I may be in error. For one of the brethren 2 that assemble, who has
long been
considered a believer, and who, before my ordination, and I think
before the appointment of
the blessed Heraclas, (3) was a member of the
congregation, was present with those who were
recently baptized. And when he heard the
questions and answers, (4) he came to me weeping,
and bewailing himself; and falling at my feet
he acknowledged and protested that the baptism with which he had been
baptized among
the heretics was not of this character, nor in
any respect like this, because it was full of
impiety and blasphemy. (5) And he said that
his soul was now pierced with sorrow, and
that he had not confidence to lift his eyes to
God, because he had set out from those impious words and deeds. And on
this account he
besought that he might receive this most perfect purification, and
reception and grace.
But I did not dare to do this; and said 4
that his long communion was sufficient for
this. For I should not dare to renew from the
beginning one who had heard the giving of
thanks and joined in repeating the Amen; who
had stood by the table and had stretched forth
his hands to receive the blessed food; and who
had received it, and partaken for a long while
of the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ.
But I exhorted him to be of good courage, and
to approach the partaking of the saints with
firm faith and good hope. But he does not 5
cease lamenting, and he shudders to approach the table, and scarcely,
though entreated, does he dare to be present at the prayers." (6)
298
6 Besides these there is also extant another
epistle of the same man on baptism, ad-
dressed by him and his parish to Xystus and the church at Rome. In this
he considers the question then agitated with extended argument. And
there is extant yet another after these, addressed to Dionysius of
Rome, (7) concerning Lucian. (8) So much with reference to these.
CHAPTER X.
Valerian and the Persecution under him.
1 GALLUS
and the other rulers, (1) having held the government less than two
years, were overthrown, and Valerian, with his son Gallienus, received
the empire. The circumstances which Dionysius relates of him we may
learn from his epistle to Hermammon, (2) in which he gives the
following account:
"And in like manner it is revealed to John; 'For
there was given to him,' he says, 'a mouth speaking great things and
blasphemy; and there was given unto him authority and forty and two
months.' (3) It is wonderful that both of these things occurred under
Valerian; and it is the more remarkable in this case when we consider
his previous conduct, for he had been mild and friendly toward the men
of God, for none of the emperors before him had treated them so kindly
and favorably; and not even those who were said openly to be Christians
(4) received them with such manifest hospitality and friendliness as he
did at the beginning of his reign. For his entire house was filled with
4 pious persons and was a church of God.
But the teacher and ruler of the synagogue
of the Magi from Egypt (5) persuaded him to
change his course, urging him to slay and persecute pure and holy men
(6) because they opposed and hindered the corrupt and abominable
incantations. For there are and there were men who, being present and
being seen, though they only breathed and spoke, were able to scatter
the counsels of the sinful demons. And he induced him to practice
initiations and abominable sorceries and to offer unacceptable
sacrifices; to slay innumerable children and to sacrifice the offspring
of unhappy fathers; to divide the bowels of new-born babes and to
mutilate and cut to pieces the creatures of God, as if by suck
practices they could attain happiness."
He adds to this the following: "Splendid 5 indeed
were the thank-offerings which Macrianus brought them (7) for the
empire which was the object of his hopes. He is said to have been
formerly the emperor's general finance minister (8); yet he did nothing
praiseworthy or of general benefit, (9) but fell under the pro-
299
6 phetic saying, 'Woe unto those who prophesy
from their own heart and do not consider
the general good.' (10) For he did not perceive
the general Providence, nor did he look for the
judgment of Him who is before all, and through
all, and over all. Wherefore he became an enemy of his Catholic (11)
Church, and alienated
and estranged himself from the compassion of
God, and fled as far as possible from his salvation. In this he showed
the truth of his own
name." (12)
7 And again, farther on he says: "For Valerian, being
instigated to such acts by this
man, was given over to insults and reproaches, according to what was
said by Isaiah: 'They have chosen their own ways and their abominations
in which their soul delighted; I also will choose their delusions and
will render unto
8 them their sins.' (13) But this man (14) madly
desired the kingdom though unworthy of it,
and being unable to put the royal garment on his crippled body, set
forward his two sons to bear their father's sins. (15) For concerning
them the declaration which God spoke was plain, 'Visiting the
iniquities of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth
generation 9 of them that hate me.' (16) For heaping
on the heads of his sons his own evil desires,
in which he had met with success, (17) he wiped off upon them his own
wickedness and hatred toward God."
Dionysius relates these things concerning Valerian.
CHAPTER XI.
The Events which happened at this Time to Dionysius and those in
Egypt.
BUT as regards the persecution which 1
prevailed so fiercely in his reign, and the
sufferings which Dionysius with others endured on account of piety
toward the God of the universe, his own words shall show, which he
wrote in answer to Germanus, (1) a contemporary bishop who was
endeavoring to slander him. His statement is as follows:
"Truly I am in danger of falling into 2 great folly
and stupidity through being forced to relate the wonderful providence
of God toward us. But since it is said (2) that 'it is good to keep
close the secret of a king, but it is honorable to reveal the works of
God,' (3) I will join issue with the violence of Germanus.
I went not alone to AEmilianus; (4) but my 3
fellow-presbyter, Maximus, (5) and the deacons Faustus, (6) Eusebius,
(7) and Chaeremon, (8) and a brother who was present from Rome,
went with me. But AEmilianus did not at 4
first say to me: 'Hold no assemblies;' 9
for this was superfluous to him, and the last thing to one who was
seeking to accomplish the first. For he was not concerned about our
assembling, but that we ourselves should not be Christians. And he
commanded me to give this up; supposing if I turned from it, the
others also would follow me. But I answered 5 him, neither unsuitably
nor in many
300
words: 'We must obey God rather than men.' (10) And I testified openly
that I worshiped the one only God, and no other; and that I would not
turn from this nor would I ever cease to be a Christian. Thereupon he
commanded us to go to a village near the desert, called Cephro. (11)
6 But listen to the very words which were
spoken on both sides, as they were re-
corded:
"Dionysius, Faustus, Maximus, Marcellus, (12) and
Chaeremon being arraigned, AEmilianus the prefect said: 'I have
reasoned verbally with you
concerning the clemency which our rulers
7 have shown to you; for they have given
you the opportunity to save yourselves, if
you will turn to that which is according to nature, and worship the
gods that preserve their empire, and forget those that are
contrary to nature. (13) What then do you say to this? For
I do not think that you will be
ungrateful for their kindness, since they would turn you to
8 a better course.' Dionysius replied: 'Not
all people worship all gods; but each one
those whom he approves. We therefore reverence and worship the one God,
the Maker of all; who hath given the empire to the divinely favored and
august Valerian and Gallienus; and we pray to him continually for their
empire 9, that it may remain unshaken.' AEmilianus, the prefect, said
to them: 'But who
forbids you to worship him, if he is a god, together with those who are
gods by nature. For ye have been commanded to reverence the gods,
and the gods whom all know.' Dionysius
10 answered: 'We worship no other.' AEmilianus, the prefect, said to
them: 'I see that
you are at once ungrateful, and insensible to the kindness of our
sovereigns. Wherefore ye shall not remain in this city. But ye shall be
sent into the regions of Libya, to a place called Cephro. For I have
chosen this place at the command of our sovereigns, and it shall by no
means be permitted you or any others, either to hold assemblies, or to
enter into the so-
11 called cemeteries. (14) But if any one shall be
seen without the place which I have commanded, or be found
in any assembly, he will bring peril on himself. For suitable
punishment shall not fail. Go, therefore where ye have been ordered.'
"And he hastened me away, though I was sick, not
granting even a day's respite. What opportunity then did I have, either
to hold assemblies, or not to hold them?" (15)
Farther on he says: "But through the 12
help of the Lord we did not give up the
open assembly. But I called together the more diligently those who were
in the city, as if I were with them; being, so to speak, (16) 'absent
in body but present in spirit.' (17) But in Cephro a large church
gathered with us of the brethren that followed us from the city, and
those that joined us from Egypt; and there 'God
opened unto us a door for the Word.' (18) At13
first we were persecuted and stoned; but
afterwards not a few of the heathen forsook the idols and turned to
God. For until this time they had not heard the Word, since it was then
first sown by us. And as if God had 14
brought us to them for this purpose, when
we had performed this ministry he transferred us to another place. For
AEmilianus, as it appeared, desired to transport us to rougher and more
Libyan-like places; (19) so he commanded them to assemble from all
quarters in Mareotis, (20) and assigned to them different villages
throughout the country. But he ordered us to be placed nearer the
highway that we might be seized first. (21) For evidently he arranged
and prepared matters so that whenever he wished to seize us he could
take all of us without difficulty. When I was first ordered to go to
Cephro I did not know where the place was, and had scarcely ever heard
the name; yet I went readily and cheerfully. But when I was told that I
was to remove to the district of Colluthion, (22) those
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who were present know how I was affected.
16 For here I will accuse myself. At first I was
grieved and greatly disturbed; for though
these places were better known and more familiar to us, yet the country
was said to be destitute of brethren and of men of character, and to be
exposed to the annoyances of travelers and
17 incursions of robbers. But I was comforted
when the brethren reminded me that it was
nearer the city, and that while Cephro afforded us much intercourse
with the brethren from Egypt, so that we were able to extend the Church
more widely, as this place was nearer the city we should enjoy more
frequently the sight of those who were truly beloved and most closely
related and dearest to us. For they would come and remain, and special
meetings (23) could be held, as in the more remote suburbs. And thus it
turned out."
After other matters
he writes again as follows of the things which happened to him
18 "Germanus indeed boasts of many confessions. He can speak forsooth
of many
adversities which he himself has endured. But is he able to reckon up
as many as we can, of sentences, confiscations, proscriptions,
plundering of goods, loss of dignities, contempt of worldly glory,
disregard for the flatteries of governors and of councilors, and
patient endurance of the threats of opponents, of outcries, of perils
and persecutions, and wandering and distress, and all kinds of
tribulation, such as came upon me under Decius and Sabinus, (24) and
such as continue even now under AEmilianus? But where has Germanus been
seen? And what
19 account is there of him? But I turn from
this great folly into which I am falling on
account of Germanus. And for the same reason I desist from giving to
the brethren who know it
an account of everything which took place."'
The same writer also in the
epistle to! Domitius and Didymus (25) mentions some
particulars of the persecution as follows: "As our people are many and
unknown to you, it would be superfluous to give their names; but
understand that men and women, young and old, maidens and matrons,
soldiers and civilians, of every race and age, some by scourging and
fire, others by the sword, have conquered in
the strife and received their crowns. But 21 in the case of some a very
long time was
not sufficient to make them appear acceptable
to the Lord; as, indeed, it seems also in my
own case, that sufficient time has not yet elapsed.
Wherefore he has retained me for the time which
he knows to be fitting, saying, 'In an acceptable
time have I heard thee, and in a day of
salvation have I helped thee.' (26) For as you22
have inquired of our affairs and desire us to
tell you how we are situated, you have heard fully that when we -- that
is, myself and Gaius and Faustus and Peter and Paul (27)-- were led
away as prisoners by a centurion and magistrates, with their soldiers
and servants, certain persons from Mareotis came and dragged us away by
force,
as we were unwilling to follow them. (28) But 23
now I and Gaius and Peter are alone, deprived of the other brethren,
and shut up in a desert and dry place in Libya, three days' journey
from Paraetonium." 29
He says farther on: "The presbyters, 24 Maximus,
(30) Dioscorus, (31) Demetrius, and Lucius (32) concealed themselves in
the city, and visited the brethren secretly; for Faustinus and Aquila,
(33) who are more prominent in the world, are wandering in Egypt. But
the deacons, Faustus, Eusebius, and Chaeremon, (34) have survived those
who died in the pestilence. Eusebius is one whom God has strengthened.
and endowed from the first to fulfill energetically the ministrations
for the imprisoned confessors, and to attend to the dangerous task of
preparing for burial the bodies of the perfected and
blessed martyrs. For as I have said be- 25
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fore, unto the present time the governor continues to put to death in a
cruel manner those who are brought to trial. And he destroys some with
tortures, and wastes others away with imprisonment and bonds; and he
suffers no one to go near them, and investigates whether any one does
so. Nevertheless God gives relief to the afflicted through the zeal and
persistence of the brethren."
26 Thus far Dionysius. But it should be
known that Eusebius, whom he calls a deacon, shortly afterward
became bishop of the church of Laodicea in Syria; (35) and Maximus, of
whom he speaks as being then a presbyter, succeeded Dionysius himself
as bishop of Alexandria. (36) But the Faustus who was with him, and who
at that time was distinguished for his confession, was preserved until
the persecution in our day, (87) when being very old and full of days,
he closed his life by martyrdom, being beheaded. But such are the
things which happened at that time (38) to Dionysius.
CHAPTER XII.
The Martyrs in Caesarea in Palestine.
DURING the above-mentioned persecution under
Valerian, three men in Caesarea in Palestine, being conspicuous in
their confession of Christ, were adorned with divine martyrdom,
becoming food for wild beasts. One of them was called Priscus, another
Malchus, and the name of the third was Alexander. (1) They say that
these men, who lived in the country, acted at first in a cowardly
manner, as if they were careless and thoughtless. For when the
opportunity was given to those who longed for the prize with heavenly
desire, they treated it lightly, lest they should seize the Crown of
martyrdom prematurely. But having deliberated on the matter, they
hastened to Caesarea, and went before the judge and met the end we have
mentioned. They relate that besides these, in the same persecution and
the same city, a certain woman endured a similar conflict. But it is
reported that she belonged to the sect of Marcion. (2)
CHAPTER XIII.
The Peace under Gallienus.
SHORTLY after this Valerian was reduced 1
to slavery by the barbarians, (1) and his son
having become sole ruler, conducted the government more prudently. He
immediately re-
strained the persecution against us by public
proclamations, (2) and directed the bishops to per-
form in freedom their customary duties, in a
rescript (3) which ran as follows:
"The Emperor Caesar Publius Licinius 2.
Gallienus, Pius, Felix, Augustus, (4) to Dionysius, Pinnas, Demetrius,
(5) and the other bishops. I have ordered the bounty of my gift to be
declared through all the world, that they may depart from the places of
religious worship. (6) And for this purpose you may use this copy of my
rescript, that no one may molest you. And this which you are now
enabled lawfully to do, has already for a long time been conceded by
me. (7) Therefore Aurelius Cyrenius, (8) who is the chief administrator
of affairs, (9) will observe this ordinance which I have given."
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I have given this in a translation from the Latin, that it may be more
readily understood. Another decree of his is extant addressed to other
bishops, permitting them to take possession again of the so-called
cemeteries. (10)
CHAPTER XIV.
The Bishops that flourished at that Time.
AT that time Xystus (1) was still presiding over the
church of Rome, and Demetrianus, (2) successor of Fabius, (3) over the
church of Antioch, and Firmilianus (4) over that of Caesarea in
Cappadocia; and besides these, Gregory (5) and his brother Athenodorus,
(6) friends of Origen, were presiding over the churches in Pontus; and
Theoctistus (7) of Caesarea in Palestine having died, Domnus (8)
received the episcopate there. He held it but a short time, and
Theotecnus, (9) our contemporary, succeeded him. He also was a member
of Origen's school. But in Jerusalem, after the death of Mazabanes,
(10) Hymenaeus, (11) who has been celebrated among us for a great many
years, succeeded to his seat.
CHAPTER XV.
The Martyrdom of Marinus at Caesarea.
AT this time, when the peace of the 1 churches had
been everywhere (1) restored,
Marinus in Caesarea in Palestine, who was honored for his military
deeds, and illustrious by
virtue of family and wealth, was beheaded for
his testimony to Christ, on the following
account. The vine-branch (2) is a certain2
mark of honor among the Romans, and
those who obtain it become, they say, centurions. A place being
vacated, the order of succession called Marinus to this position. But
when he was about to receive the honor, another person came before the
tribunal and claimed that it was not legal, according to the ancient
laws, for him to receive the Roman dignity, as he was a Christian and
did not sacrifice to the emperors; but that the office belonged rather
to him.
Thereupon the judge, whose name was 3 Achaeus, (3) being disturbed,
first asked what opinion Marinus held. And when he perceived that
he continually confessed himself a Christian, [he gave him three hours
for reflection.
When he came out from the tribunal, Theotecnus 4 , (4) the bishop
there, took him aside
and conversed with him, and taking his hand led him into the church.
And standing with him within, in the sanctuary, he raised his cloak a
little, and pointed to the sword that hung by his side; and at the same
time he placed before him the Scripture of the divine Gospels, and told
him to choose which of the two he wished. And without hesitation he
reached forth his right hand, and took the divine Scripture. "Hold fast
then," says Theotecnus to him, "hold fast to God, and strengthened by
him mayest thou obtain what thou hast chosen, and go in
peace." Immediately on his return the 5
herald cried out calling him to the tribunal,
for the appointed time was already completed. And standing before the
tribunal, and manifesting greater zeal for the faith, immediately, as
he was, he was led away and finished his course by death.
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CHAPTER XVI.
Story in Regard to Astyrius.
ASTYRIUS (1) also is commemorated on account of his
pious boldness in connection with this affair. He was a Roman of
senatorial rank, and in favor with the emperors, and well known to all
on account of his noble birth and wealth. Being present at the martyr's
death, he took his body away on his shoulder, and arraying him in a
splendid and costly garment, prepared him for the grave in a
magnificent manner, and gave him fitting burial. (2) The friends of
this man, that remain to our day, relate many other facts, concerning
him.
CHAPTER XVII.
The Signs at Paneas of the Great Might of our
Saviour.
AMONG these is also the following wonder. At
Caesarea Philippi, which the Phoenicians call Paneas,(1) springs are
shown at the foot of the Mountain Panius, out of which the Jordan
flows. They say that on a certain feast day, a victim was thrown in,
(2) and that through the power of the demon it marvelously disappeared
and that which happened was a famous wonder to those who were present.
Astyrius was once there when these things were done, and seeing the
multitude astonished at the affair, he pitied their delusion; and
looking up to heaven he supplicated the God over all through Christ,
that he would rebuke the demon who deceived the people, and bring the
men's delusion to an end. And they say that when he had prayed thus,
immediately the sacrifice floated on the surface of the fountain. And
thus the miracle departed; and no wonder was ever afterward performed
at the place.
CHAPTER XVIII.
The Statue which the Woman with an Issue
of Blood erected. (1)
SINCE I have mentioned this city I do 1
not think it proper to omit an account
which is worthy of record for posterity. For they say that the woman
with an issue of blood, who, as we learn from the sacred Gospel, (2)
received from our Saviour deliverance from her affliction, came from
this place, and that her house is shown in the city, and that
remarkable memorials of the kindness of the Saviour
to her remain there. For there stands upon 2
an elevated stone, by the gates of her
house, a brazen image of a woman kneeling, with her hands stretched
out, as if she were praying. Opposite this is another upright image of
a man, made of the same material, clothed decently in a double cloak,
and extending his hand toward the woman. At his feet, beside the statue
itself, (3) is a certain strange plant, which climbs up to the hem of
the brazen cloak, and is a remedy for all kinds of diseases.
They say that this statue is an image of 3
Jesus. It has remained to our day, so that we ourselves also saw it
when we were staying in the city. Nor is it strange that those 4
of the Gentiles who, of old, were benefited
by our Saviour, should have done such things, since we have learned
also that the likenesses of his apostles Paul and Peter, and of Christ
himself, are preserved in paintings, (4) the ancients being accustomed,
as it is likely, according to a habit of the Gentiles, to pay this kind
of honor indiscriminately to those regarded by them as deliverers.
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CHAPTER XIX.
The Episcopal Chair of James.
THE chair of James, who first received the
episcopate of the church at Jerusalem from the Saviour himself (1) and
the apostles, and who, as the divine records show, (2) was called a
brother of Christ, has been preserved until now, (3) the brethren who
have followed him in succession there exhibiting clearly to all the
reverence which both those of old times and those of our own day
maintained and do maintain for holy men on account of their piety. So
much as to this matter.
CHAPTER XX.
The Festal Epistles of Dionysius, in which he
also gives a Paschal Canon.
DIONYSIUS, besides his epistles already mentioned,
(1) wrote at that time (2) also his extant Festal Epistles, (3) in
which he uses words of panegyric respecting the passover feast. He
addressed one of these to Flavius, (4) and another to Domitius and
Didymus, (5) in which he sets forth a canon of eight years, (6)
maintaining that it is not proper to observe the paschal feast until
after the vernal equinox. Besides these he sent another epistle to his
fellow-presbyters in Alexandria, as well as various others to different
persons while the persecution was still prevailing. (7)
CHAPTER XXI.
The Occurrences at Alexandria.
PEACE had but just been restored when he returned to
Alexandria; (1) but as sedition and war broke out again, rendering it
impossible if or him to oversee all the brethren, separated in
different places by the insurrection, at the feast of the passover, as
if he were still an exile from Alexandria, he addressed them again by
letter. (2) And in another festal epistle written later to Hierax, (3)
a bishop in Egypt, he mentions the sedition then prevailing in
Alexandria, as follows:
"What wonder is it that it is difficult for me to
communicate by letters with those who live far away, when it is beyond
my power even to reason with myself, or to take counsel for my own
life? Truly I need to send letters to those who are as my own bowels,
(4) dwelling in one home, and brethren of one soul, and citizens of the
same church; but how to send them I cannot tell. For it would be easier
for one to go, not only beyond the limits of the province, but even
from the East to the West, than from Alexandria to Alexandria itself.
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4 For the very heart of the city is more intricate and impassable than
that great and
trackless desert which Israel traversed for two generations. And our
smooth and waveless harbors have become like the sea, divided and
walled up, through which Israel drove and in whose highway the
Egyptians were overwhelmed. For often from the slaughters there commit-
5 ted they appear like the Red Sea. And
the river which flows by the city has some-
times seemed drier than the waterless desert, and more parched than
that in which Israel, as they passed through it, so suffered for thirst,
that they cried out against
Moses, and the water flowed for them from the steep rock, (5) through
him who alone doeth wonders. Again it has overflowed so greatly as to
flood all the surrounding country, and the roads and the fields;
threatening to bring back the deluge of water that occurred in the days
of Noah. And it flows along, polluted always with blood and slaughter
and drownings, as it became for Pharaoh through the agency of Moses,
when he changed it into blood, and it stank. (6) And what other water
could purify the water which purifies everything? How could the ocean,
so great and impassable for men, if poured into it, cleanse this bitter
sea? Or how could the great river which flowed out of Eden, if it
poured the four heads into which
it is divided into the one of Geon, (7) wash away this pollution? Or
when can the air poisoned by these noxious exhalations become pure? For
such vapors arise from the earth, and winds from the sea, and breezes
from the river, and
mists from the harbors, that the
dews are, as it were, discharges from dead bodies putrefying in all the
elements around us. Yet men wonder and cannot understand whence these
continuous pestilences; whence these severe
sicknesses; whence these deadly diseases of all
kinds; whence this various and vast human
destruction; why this great city no longer contains as many
inhabitants, from tender infants
to those most advanced in life, as it formerly
contained of those whom it called hearty old
men. But the men from forty to seventy years
of age were then so much more numerous that
their number cannot now be filled out, even
when those from fourteen to eighty years are
enrolled and registered for the public allowance 10 of
food. And the youngest in appearance have become, as it were, of equal
age
with those who formerly were the oldest. But
though they see the race of men thus constantly
diminishing and wasting away, and though their complete destruction is
increasing and advancing, they do not tremble."
CHAPTER XXII.
The Pestilence which came upon them.
AFTER these events a pestilential disease 1
followed the war, and at the approach of
the feast he wrote again to the brethren, describing the sufferings
consequent upon this calamity. (1)
"To other men (2) the present might not 2 seem to be
a suitable time for a festival. Nor indeed is this or any other time
suitable for them; neither sorrowful times, nor even such as might be
thought especially cheerful. (3) Now, indeed, everything is tears and
every one is mourning, and wailings resound daily through the city
because of the multitude of the
dead and dying. For as it was written of3
the firstborn of the Egyptians, so now 'there
has arisen a great cry, for there is not a house
where there is not one dead.' (4) And would
that this were all! (5) For many terrible things 4
have happened already. First, they drove
us out; and when alone, and persecuted, and put to death by all, even
then we kept the feast. And every place of affliction was to us a place
of festival: field, desert, ship, inn, prison; but the perfected
martyrs kept the most joyous
festival of all, feasting in heaven. After these 5
things war and famine followed, which we
endured in common with the heathen. But we
bore alone those things with which they afflicted
us, and at the same time we experienced also
the effects of what they inflicted upon and suffered from one another;
and again, we rejoiced
in the peace of Christ, which he gave to us
alone.
"But after both we and they had enjoyed 6
a very brief season of rest this pestilence
assailed us; to them more dreadful than any dread, and more intolerable
than any other calamity; and, as one of their own writers has said, the
only thing which prevails over all hope.
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But to us this was not so, but no less than the other things was it an
exercise and probation. For it did not keep aloof even from us,
but the heathen it assailed more severely." 7
Farther on he adds:
"The most of our brethren were unsparing in their
exceeding love and brotherly kindness. They held fast to each other and
visited the sick fearlessly, and ministered to them continually,
serving them in Christ. And they died with them most joyfully, taking
the affliction of others, and drawing the sickness from their neighbors
to themselves and willingly receiving their pains. And many who cared
for the sick and gave strength to others died themselves having
transferred to themselves their death. And the popular saying which
always seems a mere expression of courtesy, they then made real in
action, taking their departure as the
others' 'offscouring.' (6)
8 "Truly the best of our brethren departed
from life in this manner, including some
presbyters and deacons and those of the people who had the highest
reputation; so that this form of death, through the great piety and
strong faith it exhibited, seemed to lack nothing of martyrdom. And
they took the bodies of the saints in their open hands and in their
bosoms, and closed their eyes and their mouths; and they bore them away
on their shoulders and laid them out; and they clung to them and
embraced them; and they prepared them suitably with washings and
garments. And after a little they received like treatment themselves,
for the survivors were continually following those who had gone before
them.
10 "But with the heathen everything was quite
otherwise. They deserted those who began
to be sick, and fled from their dearest friends.
And they cast them out into the streets when
they were half dead, and left the dead like refuse,
unburied. They shunned any participation or
fellowship with death; which yet, with all
their precautions, it was not easy for them to
escape."
11 After this epistle, when peace had been
restored to the city, he wrote another festal letter (7) to the
brethren in Egypt, and again several others besides this. And
there is also
a certain one extant On the Sabbath, (8) and another On Exercise.
Moreover, he wrote again an epistle to Hermammon (9) and the brethren
in Egypt, describing at length the wickedness of Decius and his
successors, and mentioning the peace under Gallienus.
CHAPTER XXIII.
The Reign of Gallienus.
BUT there is nothing like hearing his own 1 words, which are as follows:
"Then he, (1) having betrayed one of the emperors
that preceded him, and made war on the other, (2) perished with his
whole family speedily and utterly. But Gallienus was proclaimed and
universally acknowledged at once an old emperor and a new, being before
them and
continuing after them. For according to 2 the word spoken by the
prophet Isaiah, 'Behold the things from the beginning have come to
pass, and new things shall now arise.' (3) For as a cloud passing over
the sun's rays and obscuring them for a little time hides it and
appears in its place; but when the cloud has passed by or is
dissipated, the sun which had risen before appears again; so
Macrianus who put himself forward and approached the existing
empire of Gallienus, is not, since he never
was. But the other is just as he was. And 3 his kingdom, as if it had
cast aside old age, and had been purified from the former wickedness,
now blossoms out more vigorously, and is seen and heard farther, and
extends in all directions." (4)
He then indicates the time at which he 4 wrote this
in the following words: "It occurs to me again to review the days of
the imperial years. For I perceive that those most impious men, though
they have been famous, yet in a short time have become nameless. But
the holier and more godly prince, (5) having
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passed the seventh year, is now completing the ninth, (6) in which we
shall keep the feast."
CHAPTER XXIV. Nepos and his Schism. (1)
BESIDES all these the two books on the Promises (2)
were prepared by him. The occasion of these was Nepos, a bishop in
Egypt,
who taught that the promises to the holy men
in the Divine Scriptures should be understood
in a more Jewish manner, and that there would
be a certain millennium of bodily luxury
upon this earth. As he thought that he 2
could establish his private opinion by the
Revelation of John, he wrote a book on this
subject, entitled Refutation of Allegorists. (3)
Dionysius opposes this in his books on the 3
Promises. In the first he gives his own
opinion of the dogma; and in the second he treats of the Revelation of
John, and mentioning Nepos at the beginning, writes of him in this
manner:
"But since they bring forward a certain 4
work of Nepos, on which they rely confidently, as if it proved beyond
dispute that there will be a reign of Christ upon earth, I confess that
(4) in many other respects I approve and love Nepos, for his faith and
industry and diligence in the Scriptures, and for his extensive
psalmody, (5) with which many of the brethren are still delighted; and
I hold him in the more reverence because he has gone to rest before us.
But the truth should be loved and honored most of all. And while we
should praise and approve un-grudgingly what is said aright, we ought
to examine and correct what does not seem to
have been written soundly. Were he present 5 to state his opinion
orally, mere unwritten discussion, persuading and reconciling those who
are opposed by question and answer, would be sufficient. But as some
think his work very plausible, and as certain teachers regard the law
and prophets as of no consequence, and do not follow the Gospels, and
treat lightly the apostolic epistles, while they make promises (6) as
to the teaching of this work as if it were some great hidden mystery,
and do not permit our simpler brethren to have any sublime and lofty
thoughts concerning the glorious and truly divine appearing of our
Lord, and our resurrection from the dead, and our being gathered
together unto him, and made like him, but on the contrary lead them to
hope for small and mortal things in the kingdom of God, and for things
such as exist now,-- since this is the case, it is necessary that we
should dispute with our brother
309
Nepos as if he were present." Farther on he
says:
6 "When I was in the district of Arsinoe, (7)
where, as you know, this doctrine has prevailed for a long time,
so that schisms and apostasies of entire churches have resulted, I
called together the presbyters and teachers of the brethren in the
villages,--such brethren as wished being also present,--and I exhorted
them to make a public examination of this question. Accordingly when
they brought me this book, as if it were a weapon and fortress
impregnable, sitting with them from morning till evening for three
successive days, I endeavored to correct what was written in
8 it. And I rejoiced over the constancy,
sincerity, docility, and intelligence of the
brethren, as we considered in order and with moderation the questions
and the difficulties and the points of agreement. And we abstained from
defending in every manner and contentiously the opinions which we had
once held, unless they appeared to be correct. Nor did we evade
objections, but we endeavored as far as possible to hold to and confirm
the things which lay before us, and if the reason given satisfied us,
we were not ashamed to change our opinions and agree with others; but
on the contrary, conscientiously and sincerely, and with hearts laid
open before God, we accepted whatever was established by the proofs and
teachings of the Holy Scriptures. And finally the author and mover of
this teaching, who was called Coracion, (8) in the hearing of all the
brethren that were present, acknowledged and testified to us that he
would no longer hold this opinion, nor discuss it, nor mention nor
teach it, as he was fully convinced by the arguments against it. And
some of the other brethren expressed their gratification at the
conference, and at the spirit of conciliation and harmony which all had
manifested."
CHAPTER XXV.
The Apocalypse of John. (1)
Afterward he speaks in this
manner of
the Apocalypse of John. "Some before us have set aside and rejected the
book altogether, criticising it chapter by chapter, and pronouncing it
without sense or
argument, and maintaining that the title is 2
fraudulent. For they say that it is not the
work of John, nor is it a revelation, because
it is covered thickly and densely by a vail of
obscurity. And they affirm that none of the
apostles, rend none of the saints, nor any one in
the Church is its author, but that Cerinthus, who
founded the sect which was called after him the
Cerinthian, desiring reputable authority for
his fiction, prefixed the name. For the doctrine 3 which he taught was
this: that the
kingdom of Christ will be an earthly one. And as he was himself
devoted to the pleasures of the body and altogether sensual in his
nature, he dreamed that that kingdom would consist in those things
which he desired, namely, in the delights of the belly and of sexual
passion; that is to say, in eating and drinking and marrying, and in
festivals and sacrifices and the slaying of victims, under the guise of
which he thought he could indulge his appetites with a better grace. (2)
"But I could not venture to reject the 4
book, as many brethren hold it in high esteem. But I suppose that it is
beyond my comprehension, and that there is a certain concealed and more
wonderful meaning in every part. For if I do not understand I suspect
that a deeper sense lies beneath the words.
I do not measure and judge them by my 5
own reason, but leaving the more to faith I
regard them as too high for me to grasp. And I do not reject what I
cannot comprehend, but rather wonder because I do not understand it."
After this he examines the entire Book 6
of Revelation, and having proved that it is
impossible to understand it according to the literal sense, proceeds as
follows:
"Having finished all the prophecy, so to speak, the
prophet pronounces those blessed who shall observe it, and also
himself. For he says, 'Blessed is he that keepeth the words of the
prophecy of this book, and I, John,
who saw and heard these things.' (3) There- 7
fore that he was called John, and that this
book is the work of one John, I do not deny. And I agree also that it
is the work of a holy and inspired man. But I cannot readily admit that
he was the apostle, the son of Zebedee, the brother of James, by whom
the Gospel of John and the Catholic Epistle (4) were written.
For I judge from the character of both, 8
and the forms of expression, and the entire
execution of the book, (5) that it is not his. For
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the evangelist nowhere gives his name, or pro-
claims himself, either in the Gospel or 9 Epistle."
Farther on he adds:
"But John never speaks as if referring to himself,
or as if referring to another person. (6) But the author of the
Apocalypse introduces himself at the very beginning: 'The Revelation of
Jesus Christ, which he gave him to show unto his servants quickly; and
he sent and signified it by his angel unto his servant John, who bare
witness of the word of God and of his testimony, even of all things
that he saw." (7)
10 Then he writes also an epistle: 'John to
the seven churches which are in Asia, grace
be with you, and peace.' (8) But the evangelist did not prefix his name
even to the Catholic Epistle; but without introduction he begins with
the mystery of the divine revelation itself: 'That which was from the
beginning, which we have heard, which we have seen with our eyes.' (9)
For because of such a revelation the Lord also blessed Peter, saying,
'Blessed art thou, Simon Bar-Jonah, for flesh and blood hath not
revealed it unto thee, but my heavenly
11 Father.' (10) But neither in the reputed second or third epistle of
John, though they
are very short, does the name John appear; but there is written the
anonymous phrase, 'the eider.' (11) But this author did not consider it
sufficient to give his name once and to proceed with his work; but he
takes it up again: 'I, John, who also am your brother and companion in
tribulation, and in the kingdom and in the patience of Jesus Christ,
was in the isle that is called Patmos for the Word of God and the
testimony of Jesus.' (12) And toward the close he speaks thus: 'Blessed
is he that keepeth the words of the prophecy of this book, and I, John,
who saw and heard these things.' (13)
12 "But that he who wrote these things was
called John must be believed, as he says it;
but who he was does not appear. For he did not say, as often in the
Gospel, that he was the beloved disciple of the Lord, (14) or the one
who lay on his breast, (15) or the brother of James, or
the eyewitness and hearer of the Lord. 13 For he
would have spoken of these things
if he had wished to show himself plainly. But he says none of them; but
speaks of himself as our brother and companion, and a witness of Jesus,
and blessed because he had
seen and heard the revelations. But I am 14
of the opinion that there were many with
the same name as the apostle John, who, on account of their love for
him, and because they admired and emulated him, and desired to be loved
by the Lord as he was, took to themselves the same surname, as many of
the children
of the faithful are called Paul or Peter. For 15
example, there is also another John, surnamed Mark, mentioned in the
Acts of the Apostles, (16) whom Barnabas and Paul took with them; of
whom also it is said, 'And they had also John as their attendant.' (17)
But that it is he who wrote this, I would not say. For it
not written that he went with them into Asia, but, 'Now when Paul and
his company set sail from Paphos, they came to Perga in Pamphylia
and John departing from them returned to
Jerusalem.' (18) But I think that he was some 16
other one of those in Asia; as they say that
there are two monuments in Ephesus, each bearing the name of John. (19)
"And from the ideas, and from the words and their
arrangement, it may be reasonably conjectured that this one is
different from that one. (20) For the Gospel and Epistle agree with
each other and begin in the same manner. The one says, 'In the
beginning was the Word '; (21) the other, 'That which was from the
beginning.' (22) The one: 'And the Word was made flesh and dwelt among
us, and we beheld his glory, the glory as of the only begotten of the
Father'; (23) the other says the same things slightly altered: 'Which
we have heard, which we have seen with our eyes; which we have looked
upon and our hands have handled of the Word of life,--and the life was
manifested.' (24) For he introduces these things 19
at the beginning, maintaining them, as is
evident from what follows, in opposition to those who said that the
Lord had not come in the flesh. Wherefore also he carefully adds, 'And
we have seen and bear witness, and declare unto you the eternal life
which was with the Father and was manifested unto us. That which we
have seen and heard declare we unto you
also.' (25) He holds to this and does not 20 digress from his subject,
but discusses every-
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thing under the same heads and names
21 some of which we will briefly mention. Any
one who examines carefully will find the
phrases, 'the life,' 'the light,' 'turning from darkness,' frequently
occurring in both; also continually, 'truth,' 'grace,' 'joy,' 'the
flesh and blood of the Lord,' 'the judgment,' 'the forgiveness of
sins,' 'the love of God toward us,' the 'commandment that we love one
another,' that we should' keep all the commandments'; the 'conviction
of the world, of the Devil, of AntiChrist,' the 'promise of the Holy
Spirit,' the 'adoption of God,' the 'faith continually required of us,'
'the Father and the Son,' occur
everywhere. In fact, it is
plainly to be seen that one and the same character marks the Gospel and
the Epistle throughout. But the Apocalypse is different from these
writings and foreign to them; not touching, nor in
the least bordering upon them;
almost, so to speak, without even a syllable in common with them. Nay
more, the Epistle--for I pass by the Gospel -- does not mention nor
does it contain any intimation of the Apocalypse, nor does the
Apocalypse of the Epistle. But Paul, in his epistles, gives some
indication of his revelations, (26) though he has not written them out
by themselves.
"Moreover, it can also be shown that the, diction of
the Gospel and Epistle differs from that of the Apocalypse. For
they were written not only without error as regards the Greek language,
but also with elegance in their expression, in their reasonings, and in
their entire structure. They are far indeed from betraying any
barbarism or solecism, or any vulgarism whatever. For the writer had,
as it seems, both the requisites of discourse,-that is, the gift of
knowledge and the gift of
expression,--as the Lord had bestowed
26 them both upon him. I do not deny that
the other writer saw a revelation and received knowledge and
prophecy. I perceive, however, that his dialect and language are not
accurate Greek, but that he uses barbarous
27 idioms, and, in some places, solecisms. It
is unnecessary to point these out here, for I
would not have any one think that I have said these things in a spirit
of ridicule, for I have said what I have only with the purpose of
showing dearly the difference between the writings."
CHAPTER XXVI.
The Epistles of Dionysius.
Besides these, many other epistles of Dionysius are
extant, as those against Sabellius, (1) addressed to Ammon, (2) bishop
of the church of Bernice, and one to Telesphorus, (8) and one to
Euphranor, and again another to Ammon and Euporus. He wrote also four
other books on the same subject, which he addressed to
his namesake Dionysius, in Rome. (4) Besides 2
these many of his epistles are with us,
and large books written in epistolary form, as those on Nature, (5)
addressed to the young man Timothy, and one on Temptations, (6) which
he also dedicated to Euphranor. More- 3
over, in a letter to Basilides, (7) bishop of the
parishes in Pentapolis, he says that he had written an exposition of
the beginning of Ecclesiastes. (8) And he has left us also various
letters
312
addressed to this same person. Thus much Dionysius.
But our account of these matters being now
completed, permit us to show to posterity the character of our own age.
(9)
CHAPTER XXVII.
Paul of Samosata, and the Heresy introduced
by hint at Antioch.
After Xystus had presided over the church of Rome for eleven years, (1)
Dionysius, (2) namesake of him of Alexandria, succeeded him. About the
same time Demetrianus (3) died in Antioch, and Paul of Samosata (4)
received that episcopate. As he held, contrary to (2) the teaching of
the Church, low and degraded
views of Christ, namely, that in his nature he was a common man,
Dionysius of Alexandria was entreated to come to the synod. (5) But
being unable to come on account of age and physical weakness, he gave
his opinion on the subject under consideration by letter. (6) But all
the other pastors of the churches from all directions, made haste to
assemble at Antioch, as against a de-spoiler of the flock of Christ.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
The Illustrious Bishops of that Time.
Of these, the most eminent were Firmilianus, (1)
bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia; the brothers Gregory (2) and
Athenodorus, pastors of the churches in Pontus; Helenus (3) of the
parish of Tarsus, and Nicomas (4) of Iconium moreover, Hymenaeus, (5)
of the church of Jerusalem, and Theotecnus (6) of the neighboring
church of Caesarea; and besides these Maximus, (7) who presided in a
distinguished manner over the brethren in Bostra. If any should count
them up he could not fail to note a great many others, besides
presbyters and deacons, who were at that time assembled for the same
cause in the above-mentioned city. (8) But
313
these were the most illustrious. When all of these assembled at
different times and frequently to consider these matters, the arguments
and questions were discussed at every meeting; the adherents of the
Samosatian endeavoring to cover and conceal his heterodoxy, and the
others striving zealously to lay bare and make manifest his heresy and
blasphemy against Christ.
Meanwhile, Dionysius died in the
twelfth year of the reign of Gallienus, (9) having held the episcopate
of Alexandria for seventeen
4 years, and Maximus (10)
succeeded him. Gallienus after a reign of fifteen years n was succeeded
by Claudius, (12) who in two years delivered the government to Aurelian.
CHAPTER XXIX.
Paul, having been refuted by Malchion, a Presbyter from the Sophists,
was excommunicated.
1 During his reign a final synod (1) composed
of a great many bishops was held, and the
leader of heresy (2) in Antioch was detected, and his false doctrine
clearly shown before all, and he was excommunicated from the Catholic
Church under heaven. (3) Malchion especially drew him out of his
hiding-place and refuted him. He was a man learned in other respects,
and principal of the sophist school of Grecian learning in Antioch; yet
on account of the superior nobility of his faith in Christ he had been
made a presbyter of that parish. This man, having conducted a
discussion with him, which was taken down by stenographers and which we
know is still extant, was alone able to detect the man who dissembled
and deceived the others.
CHAPTER XXX.
The Epistle of the Bishops against Paul.
The pastors who had assembled about 1
this matter, prepared by common consent
an epistle addressed to Dionysius, (1) bishop of Rome, and Maximus (2)
of Alexandria, and sent it to all the provinces. In this they make
manifest to all their own zeal and the perverse error of Paul, and the
arguments and discussions which they had with him, and show the entire
life and conduct of the man. It may be well to put on record at the
present time the following extracts from their writing:
"To Dionysius and Maximus, and to all our
fellow-ministers throughout the world, bishops, presbyters, and
deacons, and to the whole Catholic Church under heaven, (3) Helenus,
(4) Hymenaeus, Theophilus, Theotecnus, Maximus, Proclus, Nicomas,
AElianus, Paul, Bolanus, Protogenes, Hierax, Eutychius, Theodorus, (5)
Malchion, and Lucius, and all the others who dwell with us in the
neighboring cities and nations, bishops, presbyters, and deacons, and
the churches of God, greeting to the beloved
brethren in the Lord." A little farther on 3
they proceed thus:" We sent for and called
many of the bishops from a distance to relieve us from this deadly
doctrine; as Dionysius of Alexandria (6) and Firmilianus (7) of
Cappadocia,
314
those blessed men. The first of these not considering the author of
this delusion worthy to be addressed, sent a letter to Antioch, (6) not
writ-
ten to him, but to the entire parish, of which
4 we give a copy below. But Firmilianus
came twice (9) and condemned his innovations,
as we who were present know and testify, and many others understand.
But as he promised to change his opinions, he believed him and hoped
that without any reproach to the Word what was necessary would be done.
So he delayed the matter, being deceived by him who denied even his own
God and Lord, (10) and had not kept the faith which he formerly held.
5 And now Firmilianus was again on his way
to Antioch, and had come as far as Tarsus
because he had learned by experience his God-denying wickedness. But
while we, having come together, were calling for him and awaiting his
arrival, he died." (11)
6 After other things they describe as follows the manner of
life which he (12) led:
"Whereas he has departed from the rule of faith, (12a) and has turned
aside after base and spurious teachings, it is not necessary,--since he
is without,--that we should pass judgment upon his practices: as for
instance in that al-
7 though formerly destitute and poor, and
having received no wealth from his fathers,
nor made anything by trade or business, he
now possesses abundant wealth through his
iniquities and sacrilegious acts, and through
those things which he extorts from the brethren, (13) depriving the
injured of their rights
and promising to assist them for reward, yet
deceiving them, and plundering those who in
their trouble are ready to give that they may
obtain reconciliation with their oppressors,
8 'supposing that gain is godliness'; (14)--or
in that he is haughty, and is puffed up,
and assumes worldly dignities, preferring to be called ducenarius (15)
rather than bishop; and struts in the market-places, reading letters
and reciting them as he walks in public, attended by a body-guard, with
a multitude preceding and following him, so that the faith is envied
and hated on account of his pride and haughtiness of heart;--or in that
he practices 9
chicanery in ecclesiastical assemblies, contrives to glorify himself,
and deceive with appearances, and astonish the minds of the simple,
preparing for himself a tribunal and lofty throne, (16)--not like a
disciple of Christ,--and possessing a 'secretum,' (17)--like the rulers
of the world,--and so calling it, and striking his thigh with his hand,
and stamping on the tribunal with his feet;--or in that he rebukes and
insults those who do not applaud, and shake their handkerchiefs as in
the theaters, and shout and leap about like the men and women that are
stationed around him, and hear him in this unbecoming manner, but who
listen reverently and orderly as in the house of God ;--or in that he
violently and coarsely assails in public the expounders of the Word
that have departed this life, and magnifies himself, not as a bishop,
but as a sophist and juggler, and stops the 10
psalms to our Lord Jesus Christ, as being
the modern productions of modern men, and trains women to sing psalms
to himself in the midst of the church on the great day of the passover,
which any one might shudder to hear, and persuades the bishops and
presbyters of the neighboring districts and cities who fawn
315
upon him, to advance the same ideas in
11 their discourses to the people. For to anticipate something of what
we shall presently
write, he is unwilling to acknowledge that the
Son of God has come down from heaven. And
this is not a mere assertion, but it is abundantly
proved from the records which we have sent
you; and not least where he says 'Jesus Christ
is from below.' (18) But those singing to him and
extolling him among the people say that their
impious teacher has come down an angel from
heaven, (19) And he does not forbid such things;
but the arrogant man is even present when
12 they are uttered. And there are the women,
the 'subintroductae,' (19a) as the people of Antioch call
them, belonging to him and to the presbyters and deacons that are with
him. Although he knows and has convicted these men, yet he connives at
this and their other incurable sins, in order that they may be bound to
him, and through fear for themselves may not dare to accuse him for his
wicked words and deeds. (20) But he has also made them rich; on which
account he is loved and admired by those who covet such
13 things. We know, beloved, that the bishop
and all the clergy should be an example to
the people of all good works. And we are not ignorant how many have
fallen or incurred suspicion, through the women whom they have thus
brought in. So that even if we should allow that he commits no sinful
act, yet he ought to avoid the suspicion which arises from such a
thing, lest he scandalize some one, or lead
14 others to imitate him. For how can he re-
prove or admonish another not to be too
familiar with women,--lest he fall, as it is written, (21)--when he has
himself sent one away already, and now has two with him, blooming and
beautiful, and takes them with him wherever he goes, and at the same
time lives in luxury
and surfeiting? Because of these things all 15
mourn and lament by themselves; but they
so fear his tyranny and power, that they
dare not accuse him. But as we have said,
while one might call the man to account
for this conduct, if he held the Catholic doctrine and was numbered
with us, (28) since he has scorned the mystery and struts about in the
abominable heresy of Artemas (23) (for why should we not mention his
father?), we think it unnecessary to demand of him an explanation of
these things."
Afterwards, at the close of the epistle, 17 they add
these words:
"Therefore we have been compelled to excommunicate
him, since he sets himself against God, and refuses to obey; and to
appoint in i his place another bishop for the Catholic Church. By
divine direction, as we believe, we have appointed Domnus, (24) who is
adorned with all the qualities becoming in a bishop, and who is a son
of the blessed Demetrianus, (25) who formerly
presided in a distinguished manner over the same parish. We have
informed you of this that
you may write to him, and may receive letters of communion (26) from
him. But let this man write to Artemas; and let those who think as
Artemas does, communicate with him." (27)
316
18 As Paul had
fallen from the episcopate, as well as from the orthodox faith, Domnus,
as has been said, became bishop of the
19 church at Antioch. But as Paul
refused to surrender the church building, the Emperor Aurelian was
petitioned; and he decided the matter most equitably, ordering the
building to be given to those to whom the bishops of Italy and of the
city of Rome should adjudge it. (28) Thus this man was driven out of
the church, with extreme disgrace, by the worldly power. Such was
Aurelian's treatment of us at that time; but in the course of his reign
he changed his mind in regard to us, and was moved by certain advisers
to institute a persecution against us. (29) And there was great talk
about
21 this on every side. But as he was about to
do it, and was, so to speak, in the very act
of signing the decrees against us, the divine judgment came upon him
and restrained him at the very verge (30) of his undertaking, showing
in a manner that all could see clearly, that the rulers of this world
can never find an opportunity against the churches of Christ, except
the hand, that defends them permits it, in divine and heavenly
judgment, for the sake of discipline and
correction, at such times as it sees best.
After a reign of six years, (31)
Aurelian was
succeeded by Probus. He reigned for the same number
of years, and Carus, with his sons,
Carinus and Numerianus, succeeded him. After they had reigned less than
three years the government devolved on Diocletian, and those associated
with him. (32) Under them took place the persecution of our time, and
the destruction of the churches connected with it. Shortly before this,
Dionysius, (32) bishop of 23 Rome, after holding office for nine years,
died, and was succeeded by Felix. (34)
CHAPTER XXXI.
The Perversive Heresy of the Manicheans which
began at this Time.
AT this time, the madman, (1) named from 1
his demoniacal heresy, armed himself in
the perversion of his reason, as the devil, Satan,
317
who himself fights against God, put him forward to the destruction of
many. He was a barbarian in life, both in word and deed; and in his
nature demoniacal and insane. In consequence of this he sought to pose
as Christ, and being puffed up in his madness, he proclaimed himself
the Paraclete and the very Holy Spirit; (2) and afterwards, like
Christ, he chose twelve disciples 2 as partners of his new doctrine. And
he patched together false and godless doctrines collected from a
multitude of long-extinct impieties, and swept them, like a deadly
poison, from Persia to our part of the world. From him the impious name
of the Manicheans is still prevalent among many. Such was the
foundation of this "knowledge falsely so-called," (8) which sprang up
in those times.
CHAPTER XXXII.
The Distinguished Ecclesiastics
(1) of our Day, and which of them survived until the Destruction of the
Churches.
1 At this time, Felix, (2) having presided over
the church of Rome for five years, was succeeded by Eutychianus,
(3) but he in less than ten months left the position to Caius, (4) who
lived in our day. He held it about fifteen years, and was in turn
succeeded by Marcellinus, (5) who was
overtaken by the persecution. About the 2 same time Timaeus (6)
received the episcopate
of Antioch after Domnus, (7) and Cyril, (8) who lived
in our day, succeeded him. In his time we
became acquainted with Dorotheus, (9) a man of
learning among those of his day, who was honored with the office of
presbyter in Antioch.
He was a lover of the beautiful in divine things,
and devoted himself to the Hebrew language,
so that he read the Hebrew Scriptures
with facility. (10) He belonged to those who(3)
were especially liberal, and was not unacquainted with Grecian
propaedeutics. (11) Besides
this he was a eunuch, (12) having been so from
his very birth. On this account, as if it were a
miracle, the emperor (13) took him into his family,
and honored him by placing him over the
purple dye-works at Tyre. We have heard
him expound the Scriptures wisely in
the Church. After Cyril, Tyrannus (14) re- 4
318
ceived the episcopate of the parish of Antioch. In his time occurred
the destruction of the
churches.
5 Eusebius, (15) who had come from the city
of Alexandria, ruled the parishes of Laodicea after
Socrates. (16) The occasion of his removal thither was the affair of
Paul. He went on this account to Syria, and was restrained from
returning home by those there who were zealous in divine things. Among
our contemporaries he was a beautiful example of religion, as is
readily seen from the words of Dionysius which we have quoted. (17)
Anatolius (18) was appointed his successor; one good man, as they say,
following another. He also was an Alexandrian by birth. In learning and
skill in Greek philosophy, such as arithmetic and geometry, astronomy,
and dialectics in general, as well as in the theory of physics, he
stood first among the ablest men of our time, and he was also at the
head in rhetorical science. It is reported that for this reason he was
requested by the citizens of Alexandria to establish there a school of
Aristotelian philosophy. (19)
7 They relate of him many other eminent
deeds during the siege of the Pyrucheium (20)
in Alexandria, on account of which he was especially honored by all
those in high office; but
I will give the following only as an example.
They say that bread had failed the besieged,8
so that it was more difficult to withstand
the famine than the enemy outside; but he being present provided for
them in this manner. As the other part of the city was allied with the
Roman army, and therefore was not under siege, Anatolius sent for
Eusebius,--for he was still there before his transfer to Syria, and was
among those who were not besieged, and possessed, moreover, a great
reputation and a renowned name which had reached even the Roman
general,--and he informed him of those who were perishing in the siege
from
famine. When he learned this he requested 9 the Roman commander as the
greatest possible favor, to grant safety to deserters from the enemy.
Having obtained his request, he communicated it to Anatolius. As soon
as he received the message he convened the senate of Alexandria, and at
first proposed that all should come to a reconciliation with the
Romans. But when he perceived that they were angered by this advice, he
said, "But I do not think you will oppose me, if I counsel you to send
the supernumeraries and those who are in nowise useful to us, as old
women and children and old
men, outside the gates, to go wherever they may
please. For why should we retain for no purpose these who must at any
rate soon die? and
why should we destroy with hunger those who
are crippled and maimed in body, when we
ought to provide only for men and youth, and to
distribute the necessary bread among those who
are needed for the garrison of the city?"
With such arguments he persuaded the assembly 10 , and rising first he
gave his vote that
the entire multitude, whether of men or women, who were not needful for
the army, should depart from the city, because if they remained and
unnecessarily continued in the city, there would be for them no hope of
safety, but they would
perish with famine. As all the others in the 11
senate agreed to this, he saved almost all the
besieged. He provided that first, those belonging to the church, and
afterwards, of the others in the city, those of every age should
escape, not only the classes included in the decree, but, under cover
of these, a multitude of others, secretly clothed in women's garments;
and through his management they went out of the gates by night and
escaped to the Roman camp.
319
There Eusebius, like a father and physician, received all of them,
wasted away through the
long siege, and restored them by every kind
12 of prudence and care. The church of
Laodicea was honored by two such pastors
in succession, who, in the providence of God, came after the aforesaid
war from Alexandria to
that city.
13 Anatolius did not write very many works;
but in such as have come down to us we
can discern his eloquence and erudition. In
these he states particularly his opinions on the
passover. It seems important to give here the
following extracts from them. (21)
From the Paschal Canons of
Anatolius.
14 "There is then in the first year the new
moon of the first month, which is the beginning of every
cycle of nineteen years, (21a) on the twenty-sixth day of the Egyptian
Phamenoth; (22) but according to the months of the Macedonians, the
twenty-second day of Dystrus, (23) or, as the Romans would say, the
eleventh before
15 the Kalends of April. On the said twenty-
sixth of Phamenoth, the sun is found not
only entered on the first segment, (24) but already passing through the
fourth day in it. They are accustomed to call this segment the first
dodecatomorion, (25) and the equinox, and the beginning of months, and
the head of the cycle, and the starting-point of the planetary circuit.
But they call the one preceding this the last of months, and the
twelfth segment, and the final dodecatomorion, and the end of the
planetary circuit. Wherefore we maintain that those who place the first
month in it, and determine by it the fourteenth of the passover, commit
no slight or common blunder. And this is not an opinion of our own; but
it was known to the Jews of old, even before Christ, and was carefully
observed by them. This may be learned from what is said by Philo,
Josephus,
and Musaeus; (25) and not only by them, but also by those yet more
ancient, the two Agathobuli, (27) surnamed 'Masters,' and the famous
Aristobulus, (28) who was chosen among the seventy interpreters of the
sacred and divine Hebrew Scriptures (29) by Ptolemy Philadelphus and
his father, and who also dedicated his exegetical books
on the law of Moses to the same kings. These 17
writers, explaining questions in regard to
the Exodus, say that all alike should sacrifice the passover offerings
after the vernal equinox, in the middle of the first month. But this
occurs while the sun is passing through the first segment of the solar,
or as some of them have styled it, the zodiacal circle. Aristobulus
adds that it is necessary for the feast of the passover, that not only
the sun should pass through the equinoctial segment, but the moon also.
For as there are two equinoctial segments, 18
the vernal and the autumnal, directly opposite each other, and as the
day of the passover was appointed on the fourteenth of the month,
beginning with the evening, the moon will hold a position diametrically
opposite the sun, as may be seen in full moons; and the sun will be in
the segment of the vernal equinox, and of necessity the moon in that of
the autumnal.
I know that many other things have been (19) said by them, some of them
probable, and some approaching absolute demonstration, by which they
endeavor to prove that it is altogether necessary to keep the passover
and the feast of unleavened bread after the equinox. But I refrain from
demanding this sort of demonstration for matters from which the veil of
the Mosaic law has been removed, so that now at
320
length with uncovered face we continually behold as in a glass Christ
and the teachings and sufferings of Christ. (30) But that with the
Hebrews the first month was near the equinox, the teachings also of the
Book of Enoch show." (31)
20 The same
writer has also left the Institutes of Arithmetic, in ten books, (32)
and other evidences of his experience and proficiency
21 in divine things. Theotecnus,
(33) bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, first ordained him as bishop,
designing to make him his successor in his own parish after his death.
And for a short time both of them presided over the same church. (34)
But the synod which was held to consider Paul's case (35) called him to
Antioch, and as he passed through the city of Laodicea, Eusebius being
dead, he was detained by
22 the brethren there. And after Anatolius
had departed this life, the last bishop of
that parish before the persecution was Stephen, (36) who was admired by
many for his knowledge of philosophy and other Greek learning. But he
was not equally devoted to the divine faith, as the progress of the
persecution manifested; for it showed that he was a cowardly and
unmanly dissembler rather than a true philosopher 23. But this did not
seriously injure the
church, for Theodotus (37) restored their affairs, being
straightway made bishop of that parish by God himself, the Saviour of
all. He justified by his deeds both his lordly name (88) and his office
of bishop. For he excelled in the medical art for bodies, and in the
healing art for souls. Nor did any other man equal him in kindness,
sincerity, sympathy, and zeal in helping such as needed his aid. He was
also greatly devoted to divine learning. Such an one was he.
In Caesarea in Palestine, Agapius succeeded 24
Theotecnus, who had most zealously performed the duties of his
episcopate. Him too we know to have labored diligently, and to have
manifested most genuine providence in his oversight of the people,
particularly caring
for all the poor with liberal hand. In his 25
time we became acquainted with Pamphilus, (40) that most eloquent man,
of truly philosophical life, who was esteemed worthy of the office of
presbyter in that parish. It would be no small matter to show what sort
of a man he was and whence he came. But we have de-
321
scribed, in our special work concerning him, (41) all the particulars
of his life, and of the school which he established, and the trials
which he endured in many confessions during the persecution, and the
crown of martyrdom with which he was finally honored. But of all that
were
there he was indeed the most admirable. 26 Among
those nearest our times, we have known Pierius, (42) of the presbyters
in Alexandria, and Meletius, (43) bishop of the churches in Pontus, --
rarest of men. The first was distinguished for his life of extreme
poverty and his philosophic learning, and was exceedingly diligent in
the contemplation and exposition of divine things, and in public
discourses in the church. Meletius, whom the learned called the "honey
of Attica," (44) was a man whom every one would describe as most
accomplished in all kinds of learning; and it
would be impossible to admire sufficiently his rhetorical skill. It
might be said that he possessed this by nature; but who could surpass
the excellence of his great experience and erudition in other respects?
For in all branches of knowledge had you undertaken to try him even
once, you would have said that he was the most skillful and learned.
Moreover, the virtues of his life were not less remarkable. We observed
him well in the time of the persecution, when for seven full years he
was escaping from its fury in the regions of Palestine.
Zambdas (45) received the episcopate of the church
of Jerusalem after the bishop Hymenaeus, whom we mentioned a little
above. (46) He died in a short time, and Hermon, (47) the last before
the persecution in our day, succeeded to the apostolic chair, which has
been preserved there until the present time. (48) In Alexandria,
Maximus, (49) who, after the death of Dionysius, (50) had been bishop
for eighteen years, was succeeded by Theonas. (51) In his time
Achillas, (52) who had been appointed a pres-
322
byter in Alexandria at the same time with Pierius, became celebrated.
He was placed over the school of the sacred faith, (53) and exhibited
fruits of philosophy most rare and inferior
to none, and conduct genuinely evangelical 31. After Theonas had held
the office
for nineteen years, Peter (54) received the
episcopate in Alexandria, and was very eminent among them for twelve
entire years. Of these he governed the church less than three years
before the persecution, and for the remainder of his life he subjected
himself to a more rigid discipline and cared in no secret manner for
the general interest of the churches. On this account he was beheaded
in the ninth year of the persecution, and was adorned with the crown of
martyrdom.
Having written out m these books the 32 account of
the successions from the birth of our Saviour to the destruction of the
places of worship, -- a period of three hundred and five years, (55)
permit me to pass on to the contests of those who, in our day, have
heroically fought for religion, and to leave in writing, for the
information of posterity, the extent and the magnitude of those
conflicts.
BOOK VIII.
INTRODUCTION.
As we have described in seven books the events from
the time of the apostles, (1) we think it proper in this eighth book to
record for the information of posterity a few of the most important
occurrences of our own times, which are worthy of permanent record. Our
account will begin at this point.
CHAPTER I.
The Events which preceded the Persecution in
our
1 It is beyond our ability to describe in a
suitable manner the extent and nature of
the glory and freedom with which the word of piety toward the God of
the universe, proclaimed to the world through Christ, was honored among
all men, both Greeks and barbarians, before the persecution in our day.
The favor shown our people by the rulers might be adduced as evidence;
as they committed to them the government of provinces, (1) and on
account of the great friendship which they entertained toward their
doctrine, released them
3 from anxiety in regard to sacrificing. Why
need I speak of those in the royal palaces,
and of the rulers over all, who allowed the members of their
households, wives (2) and children and servants, to speak openly before
them for the Divine word and life, and suffered them almost to boast of
the freedom of their faith? Indeed they esteemed them highly, and
4 preferred them to their fellow-servants. Such
an one was that Dorotheus, (3) the most de-
voted and faithful to them of all, and on this account especially
honored by them among those who held the most honorable offices and
governments. With him was the celebrated Gorgonius, (4) and as many as
had been esteemed worthy of the same distinction on account of
the word of God. And one could see the 5
rulers in every church accorded the great-
est favor (5) by all officers and governors.
But how can any one describe those vast assemblies,
and the multitude that crowded together in every city, and the famous
gatherings in the houses of prayer; on whose account not being
satisfied with the ancient buildings they erected from the foundation
large churches in all the cities? No envy 6 hindered the progress of
these affairs which advanced gradually, and grew and increased day by
day. Nor could any evil demon slander them or hinder them through human
counsels, so long as the divine and heavenly hand watched over and
guarded his own people as worthy.
But when on account of the abundant 7
freedom, we fell into laxity and sloth, and
envied and reviled each other, and were almost, as it were, taking up
arms against one another, rulers assailing rulers with words like
spears, and people forming parties against people, and monstrous
hypocrisy and dissimulation rising to the greatest height of
wickedness, the divine judgment with forbearance, as is its pleasure,
while the multitudes yet continued to assemble, gently and moderately
harassed the episcopacy.
This persecution began with the brethren8
in the army. But as if without sensibility,
we were not eager to make the Deity favorable and propitious; and some,
like atheists, thought that our affairs were unheeded and ungoverned;
and thus we added one wickedness to another.
324
And those esteemed our shepherds, casting aside the bond of piety, were
excited to conflicts with one another, and did nothing else than heap
up strifes and threats and jealousy and enmity and hatred toward each
other, like tyrants eagerly endeavoring to assert their power. Then,
truly, according to the word of Jeremiah, "The Lord in his wrath
darkened the daughter of Zion, and cast down the glory of Israel from
heaven to earth, and remembered not his foot- stool in the day of
his anger. The Lord also overwhelmed all the beautiful things of
Israel, and threw down all his strongholds." (6) And according to what
was foretold in the Psalms: "He has made void the covenant of his
servant, and profaned his sanctuary to the earth, --in the destruction
of the churches, -and has thrown down all his strongholds, and has made
his fortresses cowardice. All that pass by have plundered the multitude
of the people; and he has become besides a reproach to his neighbors.
For he has exalted the right hand of his enemies, and has turned back
the help of his sword, and has not taken his part in the war. But he
has deprived him of purification, and has cast his throne to the
ground. He has shortened the days of his time, and besides all, has
poured out shame upon him." (7)
CHAPTER II.
The Destruction of the Churches.
1 All these things were fulfilled in us, when
we saw with our own eyes the houses of
prayer thrown down to the very foundations, and the Divine and Sacred
Scriptures committed to the flames in the midst of the market-places,
and the shepherds of the churches basely hidden here and there, and
some of them captured ignominiously, and mocked by their enemies. When
also, according to another prophetic word, "Contempt was poured out
upon rulers, and he caused them to wander in an untrodden and pathless
way." (1)
2. But it is not our place to describe the sad
misfortunes which finally came upon them,
as we do not think it proper, moreover, to record their divisions and
unnatural conduct to each other before the persecution. Wherefore we
have decided to relate nothing concerning them except the things in
which we can vindicate 3 the Divine judgment. Hence we
shall not mention those who were shaken
by the persecution, nor those who in everything pertaining to salvation
were shipwrecked, and by their own will were sunk in the depths of the
flood. But we shall introduce into this history in general only those
events which may be use-fill first to ourselves and afterwards to
posterity. (2) Let us therefore proceed to describe briefly the sacred
conflicts of the witnesses of the Divine Word.
It was in the nineteenth year of the reign (4) of
Diocletian, (3) in the month Dystrus, (4) called March by the Romans,
when the feast of the Saviour's passion was near at hand, (5) that
royal edicts were published everywhere, commanding that the churches be
leveled to the ground and the Scriptures be destroyed by fire, and
ordering that those who held places of honor be degraded, and that the
household servants, if they persisted in the profession of
Christianity, be deprived of freedom. (6)
325
5 Such was the first edict against us. But
not long after, other decrees were issued,
commanding that all the rulers of the churches in every place be first
thrown into prison, (7) and afterwards by every artifice be compelled
to sacrifices. (8)
CHAPTER III.
The Nature of the Conflicts endured in the
Persecution.
Then truly a great many rulers of the 1
churches eagerly endured terrible sufferings,
and furnished examples of noble conflicts. But
a multitude of others, (1) benumbed in spirit by
fear., were easily weakened at the first onset.
Of the rest each one endured different forms of
torture. (2) The body of one was scourged with
rods. Another was punished with insupportable
rackings and scrapings, in which some suffered a miserable death.
Others passed 2
through different conflicts. Thus one, while
those around pressed him on by force and dragged him to the abominable
and impure sacrifices, was dismissed as if he had sacrificed, though he
had not. (3) Another, though he had not approached at all, nor touched
any polluted
326
thing, when others said that he had sacrificed, went away, bearing the
accusation in silence. Another being taken up half dead, was cast
aside as if already dead, and again a certain
3 one lying upon the ground was dragged a
long distance by his feet and counted
among those who had sacrificed. One cried out and with a loud voice
testified his rejection of the sacrifice; another shouted that he was a
Christian, being resplendent in the confession of the saving Name.
Another protested that he had not sacrificed and never would. But they
were struck in the mouth and silenced by a large band of soldiers who
were drawn
4 up for this purpose; and they were smitten
on the face and cheeks and driven away
by force; so important did the enemies of piety regard it, by any
means, to seem to have accomplished their purpose. But these things did
no+ avail them against the holy martyrs; for an accurate description of
whom, what word of ours could suffice?
CHAPTER IV.
The Famous Martyrs of God, who
filled Every Place with their Memory and won Various Crowns in behalf
of Religion.
1 For we might tell of many who showed
admirable zeal for the religion of the God
of the universe, not only from
the beginning of the general persecution, but long before that time,
while yet peace prevailed. For though he who had received power was
seemingly aroused now as from a deep sleep, yet from the time after
Decius and Valerian, he had been plotting secretly and without notice
against the churches. He did not wage war against all of us at once,
but made trial at first only of those in the army. For he supposed that
the others could be taken easily if he should first attack and subdue
these. Thereupon many of the soldiers were seen most cheerfully
embracing private life, so that they might not deny their piety toward
the Creator of the universe. For when the commander, (1) whoever he
was, (2) began to persecute the soldiers, separating onto tribes an
purging those who were enrolled in the army, giving them the choice
either by obeying to receive the honor which belonged to them, or on
the other hand to be deprived of it if they disobeyed the command, a
great many soldiers of Christ's kingdom, without hesitation, instantly
preferred the confession of him to the seeming glory and
prosperity which they were enjoying. And 4
one and another of them occasionally received in exchange, for their
pious constancy, (3) not only the loss of position, but death. But as
yet the instigator of this plot proceeded with moderation, and ventured
so far as blood only in some instances; for the multitude of believers,
as it is likely, made him afraid, and deterred him from waging war at
once against all.
But when he made the attack more boldly, 5
it is impossible to relate how many and
what sort of martyrs of God could be seen, among the inhabitants of all
the cities and countries. (4)
CHAPTER V.
Those in Nicomedia. (1)
Immediately on the publication of the 1
decree against the churches in Nicomedia, (2)
a certain man, not obscure but very highly honored with distinguished
temporal dignities, moved with zeal toward God, and incited with ardent
faith, seized the edict as it was posted openly and publicly, and tore
it to pieces as a profane and impious thing; (3) and this was done
357
while two of the sovereigns were in the same city, -- the oldest of
all, and the one who held the fourth place in the government after him.
(4) But this man, first in that place, after distinguishing himself in
such a manner suffered those things which were likely to follow such
daring, and kept his spirit cheerful and undisturbed till death.
CHAPTER VI.
Those in the Palace.
1 This period produced divine and illustrious martyrs,
above all whose praises have
ever been sung and who have been celebrated for courage, whether among
Greeks or barbarians, in the person of Dorotheus (1) and the servants
that were with him in the palace. Although they received the highest
honors from their masters, and were treated by them as their own
children, they esteemed reproaches and trials for religion, and the
many forms of death that were invented against them, as, in truth,
greater riches than the glory and luxury of this life.
We will describe the manner in which one of them
ended his life, and leave our readers to infer from his case the
sufferings of the others. A certain man was brought forward in the
above-mentioned city, before the rulers of whom we have spoken. (2) He
was then commanded to sacrifice, but as he refused, he was ordered to
be stripped and raised on high and beaten with rods over his entire
body, until, being conquered, he should, even against
3 his will, do what was commanded. But as
he was unmoved by these sufferings, and
his bones were already appearing, they mixed vinegar with salt and
poured it upon the mangled parts of his body. As he scorned these
agonies, a gridiron and fire were brought forward. And the remnants of
his body, like flesh intended for eating, were placed on the fire, not
at once, lest he should expire instantly, but a little at a time. And
those who placed him on the pyre were not permitted to desist until,
after such sufferings, he should assent to the
4 things commanded. But he held his purpose firmly, and victoriously
gave up his
life while the tortures were still going on. Such was the martyrdom of
one of the servants of the palace, who was indeed well worthy of his
name, for he was called Peter. (3) The martyrdoms 5 of the rest, though
they were not inferior to his, we will pass by for the sake of brevity,
recording only that Dorotheus and Gorgonius, (4) with many others of
the royal household, after varied sufferings, ended their lives by
strangling, and bore away the trophies of God-given victory.
At this time Anthimus, (5) who then pro- 6
sided over the church in Nicomedia, was
beheaded for his testimony to Christ. A great multitude of martyrs were
added to him, a conflagration having broken out in those very days in
the palace at Nicomedia, I know not how, which through a false
suspicion was laid to our
328
people. (6) Entire families of the pious in that place were put to
death in masses at the royal command, some by the sword, and others by
fire. It is reported that with a certain divine and indescribable
eagerness men and women rushed into the fire. And the executioners
bound a large number of others and put them on boats (7) and threw them
into the depths of
7 the sea. And those who had been esteemed their masters
considered it necessary to dig up the bodies of the imperial servants,
who had been committed to the earth with suitable burial (7) and cast
them into the sea, lest any, as they thought, regarding them as gods,
might worship them lying in their sepulchers. (8)
Such things occurred in Nicomedia at the
8 beginning of the persecution. (9) But not
long after, as persons in the country called
Melitene, (10) and others throughout Syria, (11) at-
tempted to usurp the government, a royal edict directed that the rulers
of the churches everywhere (12) should lye thrown into prison and
bonds. What was to be seen after this 9
exceeds all description. A vast multitude
were imprisoned in every place; and the prisons
everywhere, which had long before been pre-
pared for murderers and robbers of graves,
were filled with bishops, presbyters and deacons, readers and
exorcists, (13) so that room was
no longer left in them for those condemned
for crimes. And as other decrees followed 10
the first, directing that those in prison if
they would sacrifice should be permitted to depart in freedom, but that
those who refused should be harassed with many tortures, (14) how could
any one, again, number the multitude of martyrs in every province, (15)
and especially of those in Africa, and Mauritania, and Thebais, and
Egypt? From this last country many went into other cities and
provinces, and became illustrious through martyrdom.
CHAPTER VII.
The Egyptians in Phoenicia.
THOSE of them that were conspicuous in 1
Palestine we know, as also those that were
at Tyre in Phoenicia. (1) Who that saw them was
329
not astonished at the numberless stripes, and at the firmness which
these truly wonderful athletes of religion exhibited under them? and at
their contest, immediately after the scourging, with bloodthirsty wild
beasts, as they were cast before leopards and different kinds of bears
and wild boars and bulls goaded with fire and red-hot iron? and at the
marvelous endurance of these noble men in the face of all sorts of wild
beasts?
We were present ourselves when these things
occurred, and have put on record the divine power of our martyred
Saviour Jesus Christ, which was present and manifested itself mightily
in the martyrs. For a long time the man-devouring beasts did not dare
to touch or draw near the bodies of those dear to God, but rushed upon
the others who from the outside irritated and urged them on. And they
would not in the least touch the holy athletes, as they stood alone and
naked and shook their hands at them to draw them toward
themselves,--for they were commanded to do this. But whenever they
rushed at them, they were restrained as if by some diviner power and
retreated
3 again. This continued for a long time,
and occasioned no little wonder to the
spectators. And as the first wild
beast did nothing, a second and a third were let loose
4 against one and the same martyr. One
could not but be astonished at the invincible firmness of
these holy men, and the enduring and immovable constancy of those whose
bodies were young. You could have seen a youth not twenty years of age
standing unbound and stretching out his hands in the form of a cross,
with unterrified and untrembling mind, engaged earnestly in prayer to
God, and not in the least going back or retreating from the place where
he stood, while bears and leopards, breathing rage and death, almost
touched his flesh. And yet their mouths were restrained, I know not
how, by a divine and incomprehensible power, and they ran back again to
their place. Such an one was he.
5 Again you might have seen others, for
they were five in all, cast before a wild bull,
who tossed into the air with his horns those who approached from the
outside, and mangled them, leaving them to be token up half dead; but
when he rushed with rage and threatening upon the holy martyrs, who
were standing alone, he was unable to come near them; but though he
stamped with his feet, and pushed in all directions with his horns, and
breathed rage and threatening on account of the irritation of the
burning irons, he was, nevertheless, held back by the sacred
Providence. And as he in nowise harmed them, they let loose other
wild beasts upon them. Finally, after these 6
terrible and various attacks upon them,
they were all slain with the sword; and instead of being buried in the
earth they were committed to the waves of the sea.
CHAPTER VIII. These in Egypt. (1)
Such was the conflict of those Egyptians 1
who contended nobly for religion in Tyre.
But we must admire those also who suffered martyrdom in their native
land; where thousands of men, women, and children, despising the
present life for the sake of the teaching of our Saviour, endured
various deaths. Some of them, after scrapings and rackings and severest
scourgings, and numberless other kinds of tortures, terrible even to
hear of, were committed to the flames; some were drowned in the sea;
some offered their heads bravely to those who cut them off; some died
under their tortures, and others perished with hunger. And yet others
were crucified; some according to the method commonly employed for
malefactors; others yet more cruelly, being nailed to the cross with
their heads downward, and being kept alive until they perished on the
cross with hunger.
CHAPTER IX.
Those in Thebais. (1)
It would be impossible to describe the 1
outrages and tortures which the martyrs in
Thebais endured. They were scraped over the entire body with shells
instead of hooks until they died. Women were bound by one foot and
raised aloft in the air by machines, and with their bodies altogether
bare and uncovered, presented to all beholders this most shameful,
cruel, and inhuman spectacle. Others being 2
bound to the branches and trunks of trees
perished. For they drew the stoutest branches
330
together with machines, and bound the limbs of the martyrs to them; and
then, allowing the branches to assume their natural position, they
tore asunder instantly the limbs of those
3 for whom they contrived this. All these
things were done, not for a few days or a
short time, but for a long series of years. Sometimes more than ten, at
other times above twenty were put to death. Again not less than thirty,
then about sixty, and yet again a hundred men with young children and
women, were slain in one day, being condemned to various and diverse
torments.
4 We, also being on the spot ourselves,
have observed large crowds in one day; some
suffering decapitation, others torture by fire; so that the murderous
sword was blunted, and becoming weak, was broken, and the very
executioners grew weary and relieved each other. And we beheld the most
wonderful ardor, and the truly divine energy and zeal of those who
believed in the Christ of God. For as soon as sentence was pronounced
against the first, one after another rushed to the judgment seat, and
confessed themselves Christians. And regarding with indifference the
terrible things and the multiform tortures, they declared themselves
boldly and undauntedly for the religion of the God of the universe. And
they received the final sentence of death with joy and laughter and
cheerfulness; so that they sang and offered up hymns and thanksgivings
to the God of the universe till their very last breath.
6 These indeed were wonderful; but yet
more wonderful were those who, being distinguished for
wealth, noble birth, and honor,
and for learning and philosophy, held everything
secondary to the true religion and to faith 7 in our Saviour and
Lord Jesus Christ. Such
an one was Philoromus, who held a high
office under the imperial government at Alexandria, (2) and who
administered justice every day, attended by a military guard
corresponding to his rank and Roman dignity. Such also was Phileas, (3)
bishop of the church of Thmuis, a man eminent on account of his
patriotism and the services rendered by him to his country, and also on
account of his philosophical learning.
These persons, although a multitude of 8
relatives and other friends besought them,
and many in high position, and even the judge himself entreated them,
that they would have compassion on themselves and show mercy to their
children and wives, yet were not in the least induced by these things
to choose the love of life, and to despise the ordinances of our
Saviour concerning confession and denial. But with manly and
philosophic minds, or rather with pious and God-loving souls, they
persevered against all the threats and insults of the judge; and both
of them were beheaded.
CHAPTER X.
The Writings of Phileas the Martyr describing the Occurrences at
Alexandria.
Since we have mentioned Phileas as having 1 a high reputation for
secular learning,
let him be his own witness in the following extract, in which he shows
us who he was, and at the same time describes more accurately than we
can the martyrdoms which occurred in his time at Alexandria: (1)
"Having before them all these examples and models
and noble tokens which are given us in the Divine and Sacred
Scriptures, the blessed martyrs who were with us did not hesitate, but
directing the eye of the soul in sincerity toward the God over all, and
having their mind set upon death for religion, they adhered firmly to
their calling. For they understood that our Lord Jesus Christ had
become man on our account, that he might cut off all sin and furnish us
with the means of entrance into eter-
331
nal life. For 'he counted it not a prize to be on an equality with God,
but emptied himself taking the form of a servant; and being found in
fashion as a man, he humbled himself unto death, even the death of the
cross.' (2) Wherefore also being zealous for the greater gifts, the
Christ-bearing martyrs endured all trials and all kinds of contrivances
for torture; not once only, but some also a second time. And although
the guards vied with each other in threatening them in all sorts of
ways, not in words only, but in actions, they did not give up their
resolution; because 'perfect love casteth out fear.' (3)
4 "What words could describe their courage
and manliness under every torture? For
as liberty to abuse them was given to all that
wished, some beat them with
clubs, others with rods, others with scourges, yet others with thongs,
and others with ropes. And the spectacle of the outrages was varied and
exhibited great malignity. For some, with their hands bound
behind them, were suspended on the stocks, and every member stretched
by certain machines. Then the torturers, as commanded, lacerated with
instruments (4) their entire bodies i not only their sides, as in the
case of murderers, but also their stomachs and knees and cheeks. Others
were raised aloft, suspended from the porch by one hand, and endured
the most terrible suffering of all, through the distension of their
joints and limbs. Others were bound face to face to pillars, not
resting on their feet, but with the weight of their bodies bearing
on their bonds and drawing them tightly.
6 And they endured this, not merely as long
as the governor talked with them or was at
leisure, but through almost the entire day. For when he passed on to
others, he left officers under his authority to watch the first, and
observe if any of them, overcome by the tortures, appeared to yield.
And he commanded to cast them into chains without mercy, and afterwards
when they were at the last gasp to throw them to the ground and drag
them away. For he said that they were not to have the least concern for
us, but were to think and act as if we no longer existed, our enemies
having invented this second mode of torture in addition to the stripes.
8 "Some, also, after these outrages, were
placed on the stocks, and had both their
feet stretched over the four (5) holes, so that they
were compelled to lie on their backs on the
stocks, being unable to keep themselves up on
account of the fresh wounds with which their
entire bodies were covered as a result of the
scourging. Others were thrown on the ground
and lay there under the accumulated infliction
of tortures, exhibiting to the spectators a more
terrible manifestation of severity, as they bore
on their bodies the marks of the various and diverse punishments which
had been invented.
As this went on, some died under the tortures 9 , shaming the adversary
by their constancy. Others half dead were shut up in prison,
and suffering with their agonies, they died in
a few days; but the rest, recovering under the
care which they received, gained confidence by
time and their long detention in prison.
When therefore they were ordered to choose 10
whether they would be released from molestation by touching the
polluted sacrifice, and would receive from them the accursed freedom,
or refusing to sacrifice, should be condemned to death, they did not
hesitate, but went to death cheerfully. For they knew what had been
declared before by the Sacred Scriptures. For it is said, (6) 'He that
sacrificeth to other gods shall be utterly destroyed,' (7) and, 'Thou
shalt have no other gods before me.'" (8)
Such are the words of the truly philosophical 11 and God-loving
martyr, which, be-
fore the final sentence, while yet in prison, he addressed to the
brethren in his parish, showing them his own circumstances, and at the
same time exhorting them to hold fast, even after his approaching
death, to the religion of Christ.
But why need we dwell upon these things, 12 and continue to add fresh
instances of the conflicts of the divine martyrs throughout the world,
especially since they were dealt with no longer by common law, but
attacked like enemies of war?
CHAPTER XI. Those in Phrygia.
A Small town (1) of Phrygia, inhabited solely by
Christians, was completely sur-
332
rounded by soldiers while the men were in it. Throwing fire into it,
they consumed them with the women and children while they were calling
upon Christ. This they did because all the inhabitants of the city, and
the curator himself, and the governor, with all who held office, and
the entire populace, confessed themselves Christians, and would not in
the least obey those who commanded them to worship idols.
9. There was another man of Roman dignity named Adauctus,
(2) of a noble Italian
family, who had advanced through every honor under the emperors, so
that he had blamelessly filled even the general offices of magistrate,
as they call it, and of finance minister. (3) Besides all this he
excelled in deeds of piety and in the confession of the Christ of God,
and was adorned with the diadem of martyrdom. He endured the conflict
for religion while still holding the office of finance minister.
CHAPTER XII.
Many Others, both Men and Women, who
suffered in Various Ways.
1 Why need we mention the rest by name,
or number the multitude of the men, or picture the various
sufferings of the admirable martyrs of Christ? Some of them were slain
with the axe, as in Arabia. The limbs of some were
broken, as in Cappadocia. Some, raised on high by the feet, with their
heads down, while a gentle fire burned beneath them, were suffocated by
the smoke which arose from the burning wood, as was done in
Mesopotamia. Others were mutilated by cutting off their noses and ears
and hands, and cutting to pieces the other members and parts of their
bodies, as in
Alexandria. (1) Why need we revive the recollection 2 of those in
Antioch who were roasted
on grates, not so as to kill them, but so as
to subject them to a lingering punishment? Or
of others who preferred to thrust their right
hand into the fire rather than touch the impious sacrifice? Some,
shrinking from the trial,
rather than be taken and fall into the hands
of their enemies, threw themselves from lofty
houses, considering death preferable to the
cruelty of the impious.
A certain holy person,--in soul admirable 3 for virtue, in body a
woman, -- who
was illustrious beyond all in Antioch for wealth and family and
reputation, had brought up in the principles of religion her two
daughters, who were now in the freshness and bloom of life. Since great
envy was excited on their account, every means was used to find them in
their concealment; and when it was ascertained that they were away,
they were summoned deceitfully to Antioch. Thus they were caught in the
nets of the soldiers. When the woman saw herself and her daughters thus
helpless, and knew the things terrible to speak of that men would do to
them,--and the most unbearable of all terrible things, the threatened
violation of their chastity, (2)--she exhorted herself and the maidens
that they ought not to submit even to hear of this. For, she said, that
to surrender their souls to the slavery of demons was worse than all
deaths and destruction; and she set before them the only deliverance
from all
these things,--escape to Christ. They then 4
listened to her advice. And after arranging
their garments suitably, they went aside from the middle of the road,
having requested of the guards a little time for retirement, and cast
themselves into a river which was flowing
333
by. Thus they destroyed themselves. (3) But there were two other
virgins in the same city of Antioch who served God in all things, and
were true sisters, illustrious in family and distinguished in life,
young and blooming, serious in mind, pious in deportment, and admirable
for zeal. As if the earth could not bear such excellence, the
worshipers of demons commanded to cast them into the sea. And this was
done to them.
6 In Pontus, others endured sufferings horrible to hear.
Their fingers were pierced
with sharp reeds under their nails. Melted lead, bubbling and boiling
with the heat, was poured down the backs of others, and they were
roasted in the most sensitive parts of the body. Others endured on
their bowels and privy members shameful and inhuman
and unmentionable torments, which the noble
and law-observing judges, to show their se-
verity, devised, as more honorable manifestations of wisdom. And new
tortures were
continually invented, as if they were endeavoring, by surpassing one
another, to gain!
8 prizes in a contest. But at the close of
these calamities, when finally they could
contrive no greater cruelties, and were weary of putting to death, and
were filled and satiated with the shedding of blood, they turned to
what they considered merciful and humane treatment, so that they seemed
to be no longer devising 9 terrible things against us. For they
said that it was not fitting that the cities
should be polluted with the blood of their own people, or that the
government of their rulers, which was kind and mild toward all, should
be defamed through excessive cruelty; but that rather the beneficence
of the humane and royal authority should be extended to all, and we
should no longer be put to death. For the infliction of this punishment
upon us should be stopped in consequence of the humanity 10 of the
rulers. Therefore it was commanded that our eyes should be put out,
and that we should be maimed in one of our limbs. For such things were
humane in their sight, and the lightest of punishments for us. So that
now on account of this kindly treatment accorded us by the impious, it
was impossible to tell the incalculable number of those whose right
eyes had first been cut out with the sword, and then had been
cauterized with fire; or who had been disabled in the left foot by
burning the joints, and afterward condemned to the provincial copper
mines, not so much for service as for distress and hardship. Besides
all these, others encountered other trials, which it is impossible to
recount; for their manly
endurance surpasses all description. In 11
these conflicts the noble martyrs of Christ
shone illustrious over the entire world, and everywhere astonished
those who beheld their manliness; and the evidences of the truly divine
and unspeakable power of our Saviour were made manifest through them.
To mention each by name would be a long task, if not indeed impossible.
CHAPTER XIII.
The Bishops of the Church that
evinced by their Blood the Genuineness of the Religion which they
preached.
As for the rulers of the Church that suffered 1
martyrdom in the principal cities, the first
martyr of the kingdom of Christ whom we shall mention among the
monuments of the pious is Anthimus, (1) bishop of the city of Nicomedia,
who was beheaded. Among the martyrs 2 at Antioch was Lucian, (2) a
presbyter of that parish, whose entire life was most excellent. At
Nicomedia, in the presence of the emperor, he proclaimed the heavenly
kingdom of Christ, first in an oral defense, and afterwards by
deeds as well. Of the martyrs in Phoenicia 3 the most distinguished
were those devoted pastors of the spiritual flocks of Christ:
Tyrannion, (3) bishop of the church of Tyre; Zenobius, a presbyter of
the church at Sidon; and Silvanus, (4) bishop of the churches about
Emesa.
334
4 The last of these, with others, was made
food for wild beasts at Emesa, and was thus
received into the ranks of martyrs. The other two glorified the word of
God at Antioch through patience unto death. The bishop (5) was thrown
into the depths of the sea. But Zenobius, who was a very skillful
physician, died through severe tortures which were applied to his sides.
5 Of the martyrs in Palestine, Silvanus, (6) bishop
of the churches about Gaza, was beheaded
with thirty-nine others at the copper mines of Phaeno. (7) There also
the Egyptian bishops,
Peleus and Nilus, (8) with others, suffered
6 death by fire. Among these we must mention Pamphilus, a
presbyter, who was the
great glory of the parish of Caesarea, and among the men of our time
most admirable. The virtue of his manly deeds we have recorded
7 in the proper place. (9) Of those who suffered death illustriously at
Alexandria and
throughout Egypt and Thebais, Peter, (10) bishop of Alexandria, one of
the most excellent teachers of the religion of Christ, should first be
mentioned; and of the presbyters with him Faustus, (11) Dius and
Ammonius, perfect martyrs of Christ; also Phileas, (12) Hesychius, (13)
Pachymius and Theodorus, bishops of Egyptian churches, and besides them
many other distinguished per-
sons who are commemorated by the parishes of
their country and region.
It is not for us to describe the conflicts of
those who suffered for the divine religion through-
out the entire world, and to relate accurately
what happened to each of them. This would
be the proper work of those who were eye-
witnesses of the events. I will describe for posterity in another work
(14) those which I myself
witnessed. But in the present book (15) I will 8
add to what I have given the revocation
issued by our persecutors, and those events that occurred at the
beginning of the persecution, which will be most profitable to such as
shall read them.
What words could sufficiently describe the 9
greatness and abundance of the prosperity
of the Roman government before the war against
us, while the rulers were friendly and peaceable
toward us? Then those who were highest in
the government, and had held the position ten
or twenty years, passed their time in tranquil
peace, in festivals and public games and
most joyful pleasures and cheer. While 10
thus their authority was growing uninterruptedly, and increasing day by
day, suddenly they changed their peaceful attitude toward us, and began
an implacable war. But the second year of this movement was not yet
past, when a
335
revolution took place in the entire government 11 and overturned
all things. For a
severe sickness came upon the chief of
those of whom we have spoken, by which his understanding was
distracted; and with him who was honored with the second rank, he
retired into private life. (16) Scarcely had he done this when the
entire empire was divided; a thing which is not recorded as having ever
12 occurred before. (17) Not long after, the Emperor Constantius, who
through his entire
life was most kindly and favorably disposed toward his subjects, and
most friendly to the Divine Word, ended his life in the common course
of nature, and left his own son, Constantine, as emperor and Augustus
in his stead. (18) He was
the first that was ranked by them among the gods, and received after
death every honor which one could pay to an emperor. He was the kindest
and mildest of emperors, and the only one of those of our day that
passed all the time of his government in a manner worthy of his office.
Moreover, he conducted himself toward all most favorably and
beneficently. He took not the smallest part in the war against us, but
preserved the pious that were under him unharmed and unabused. He
neither threw down the church buildings, (20) nor did he devise
anything else against us. The end of his life was honorable and thrice
blessed. He alone at death left his empire happily and gloriously to
his own son as his successor,--one who was in all respects most prudent
and pious.
His son Constantine entered on the government 14 at once, being
proclaimed supreme
emperor and Augustus by the soldiers, And long before by God himself,
the King of all. He showed himself an emulator of his father's piety
toward our doctrine. Such an one was he.
But after this, Licinius was declared emperor and
Augustus by a common vote of the
rulers. (21) These things grieved Maximinus 15
greatly, for until that time he had been
entitled by all only Caesar. He therefore, being exceedingly imperious,
seized the dignity for himself, and became Augustus, being made such by
himself. (22) In the mean time he whom we
336
have mentioned as having resumed his dignity after his abdication,
being detected in conspiring against the life of Constantine, perished
by a most shameful death. (23) He was the first whose decrees and
statues and public monuments were destroyed because of his wickedness
and impiety. (24)
CHAPTER XIV.
The Character of the Enemies of Religion.
Maxentius his son, who obtained the government at
Rome, (1) at first feigned our faith,
in complaisance and flattery toward the Roman people. On this account
he commanded his subjects to cease persecuting the Christians,
pretending to religion that he might appear merciful and mild beyond
his predecessors. But he did not prove in his deeds2.
to be such a person as was hoped, but ran
into all wickedness and abstained from no impurity or licentiousness,
committing adulteries and indulging in all kinds of corruption.
For having separated wives from their lawful consorts, he abused them
and sent them back most dishonor-ably to their husbands. And he not
only practiced this against the obscure and unknown, but he insulted
especially the most prominent and distinguished members of the Roman
sen-
ate. All his subjects, people and rulers, 3
honored and obscure, were worn out by
grievous oppression. Neither, although they kept quiet, and bore the
bitter servitude, was there any relief from the murderous cruelty of
the tyrant. Once, on a small pretense, he gave the people to be
slaughtered by his guards; and a great multitude of the Roman populace
were slain in the midst of the city, with the spears and arms, not of
Scythians and barbarians, but
of their own fellow-citizens. It would be 4
impossible to recount the number of senators who were put to death for
the sake of their wealth; multitudes being slain on various
pretenses. To crown all his wickedness, 5
the tyrant resorted to magic. And in his
divinations he cut open pregnant women, and again inspected the bowels
of newborn infants. He slaughtered lions, and performed various
execrable acts to invoke demons and avert war. For his only hope was
that, by these means, victory would be secured to
him. It is impossible to tell the ways in 6
which this tyrant at Rome oppressed his
subjects, so that they were reduced to such an extreme dearth of the
necessities of life as has never been known, according to our
contemporaries, either at Rome or elsewhere.
But Maximinus, the tyrant in the East, 7
having secretly formed a friendly alliance
with the Roman tyrant as with a brother in wickedness, sought to
conceal it for a long time. But being at last detected, he suffered
merited punishment. (2) It was wonderful 8
337
how akin he was in wickedness to the tyrant at Rome, or rather how far
he surpassed him in it. For the chief of sorcerers and magi-clans were
honored by him with the highest rank. Becoming exceedingly timid and
superstitious, he valued greatly the error of idols and demons. Indeed,
without soothsayers and oracles he did not venture to move even a
finger, (3) so to speak. Therefore he persecuted us more violently and
incessantly than his predecessors. He ordered temples to be erected in
every city, and the sacred groves which had been destroyed through
lapse of time to be speedily restored. He appointed idol priests in
every place and city; and he set over them in every province, as high
priest, some political official who had especially distinguished
himself in every kind of service, giving him a band of soldiers and a
body-guard. And to all jugglers, as if they were pious and beloved of
the gods, he granted governments and the greatest
10 privileges. From this time on he distressed
and harassed, not one city or country, but
all the provinces under his authority, by extreme exactions of gold and
silver and goods, and most grievous prosecutions and various fines. He
took away from the wealthy the property which they had inherited from
their ancestors, and bestowed vast riches and large sums of
11 money on the flatterers about him. And
he went to such an excess of folly. and
drunkenness that his mind was deranged and crazed in his carousals; and
he gave commands when intoxicated of which he repented afterward when
sober. He suffered no one to surpass him in debauchery and profligacy,
but made 'himself an instructor in wickedness to those about him, both
rulers and subjects. He urged on the army to live wantonly in every
kind of revelry and intemperance, and encouraged the governors and
generals to abuse their subjects with rapacity and covetousness, almost
as if they were rulers with him. Why need we relate the licentious,
shameless deeds of the man, or enumerate the multitude with whom he
committed adultery? For he could not pass through a city without
continually corrupting women and ravishing virgins. And in this he
succeeded with all except the Christians. For as they despised death,
they cared nothing for his power. For the men endured fire and sword
and crucifixion and wild beasts and the depths of the sea,
and cutting off of limbs, anti burnings, and pricking and digging out
of eyes, and mutilations of the entire body, and besides these, hunger
and mines and bonds. In all they showed patience in behalf of religion
rather than transfer to
idols the reverence due to God. And the 14
women were not less manly than the men
in behalf of the teaching of the Divine Word, as they endured conflicts
with the men, and bore away equal prizes of virtue. And when they were
dragged away for corrupt purposes, they surrendered their lives to
death rather than their bodies to impurity. (4)
One only of those who were seized for 15
adulterous purposes by the tyrant, a most
distinguished and illustrious Christian woman in Alexandria, conquered
the passionate and intemperate soul of Maximinus by most heroic
firmness. Honorable on account of wealth and family and education, she
esteemed all of these inferior to chastity. He urged her many times,
but although she was ready to die, he could not put her to death, for
his desire was stronger
than his anger. He therefore punished her 16
with exile, and took away all her property.
Many others, unable even to listen to the threats of violation from the
heathen rulers, endured every form of tortures, and rackings, and
deadly punishment.
These indeed should be admired. But far the most
admirable was that woman at Rome, who was truly the most noble and
modest of all, whom the tyrant Maxentius, fully resembling Maximinus in
his actions, endeavored to
abuse. For when she learned that those 17
who served the tyrant in such matters were
at the house (she also was a Christian), and that her husband, although
a prefect of Rome, would suffer them to take and lead her away, having
requested a little time for adorning her body, she entered her chamber,
and being alone, stabbed herself with a sword. Dying immediately, she
left her corpse to those who had come for her. And by her deeds, more
powerfully than by any words, she has shown to all men now and
hereafter that the virtue which prevails among Christians is the only
invincible and indestructible possession?
Such was the career of wickedness which 18
was carried forward at one and the same
time by the two tyrants who held the East and the West. Who is there
that would hesitate, after careful examination, to pronounce the
persecu-
338
CHAPTER XV.
The Events which happened to the Heathen. (1)
1 DURING the entire ten years (2) of the
persecution, they were constantly plotting
and warring against one another. (3) For the sea could not be
navigated, nor could men sail from any port without being exposed to
all kinds of outrages; being stretched on the rack and lacerated in
their sides, that it might be ascertained through various tortures,
whether they came from the enemy; and finally being subjected to
punishment by the cross or by fire. And besides these things shields
and breastplates were preparing, and darts and spears and other warlike
accoutrements were making ready, and galleys and naval armor were
collecting in every place. And no one expected anything else than to be
attacked by enemies any day. In addition to this, famine and pestilence
came upon them, in regard to which we shall relate what is necessary in
the proper place. (4)
CHAPTER XVI.
The Change of Affirms for the Better.
1 Such was the state of affairs during the
entire persecution. But in the tenth year,
through the grace of God, it ceased altogether, having begun to
decrease after the eighth year. (1) For when the divine and heavenly
grace showed
us favorable and propitious oversight, then truly our rulers, and the
very persons (2) by whom the war against us had been earnestly
prosecuted, most remarkably changed their minds, and issued a
revocation, and quenched the great fire of persecution which had been
kindled, by merciful proclamations and ordinances concerning us. But
this was not due to any (2)
human agency; nor was it the result, as one
might say, of the compassion or philanthropy of our rulers;--far from
it, for daily from the beginning until that time they were devising
more and more severe measures against us, and continually inventing
outrages by a greater variety of instruments;--but it was manifestly
due to the oversight of Divine Providence, on the one I hand becoming
reconciled to his people, and on the other, attacking him a who
instigated these evils, and showing anger toward him as the author of
the cruelties of the entire persecution. For though it was necessary
that (3)
these things should take place, according
to the divine judgment, yet the Word saith, "Woe to him through whom
the offense cometh." (4) Therefore punishment from God came upon him,
beginning with his flesh,
and proceeding to his soul. (5) For an abscess 4 suddenly appeared in
the midst of the
secret parts of his body, and from it a deeply perforated sore, which
spread irresistibly into his inmost bowels. An indescribable multitude
of worms sprang from them, and a deathly odor arose, as the entire bulk
of his body had, through his gluttony, been changed, before his
sickness, into an excessive mass of soft fat, which became putrid, and
thus presented an awful and intolerable sight to those who came
near. Some of the physicians, being wholly (5) unable to endure the
exceeding offensiveness of the odor, were slain; others, as the entire
mass had swollen and passed beyond hope of restoration, and they were
unable to render any help, were put to death without mercy.
339
CHAPTER XVII.
The Revocation of the Rulers.
WRESTLING with so many evils, he thought of the cruelties which he had
committed against the pious. Turning, therefore, his thoughts toward
himself, he first openly confessed to the God of the universe, and then
summoning his attendants, he commanded that without delay they should
stop the persecution of the Christians, and should by law and royal
decree, urge them forward to build their churches and to perform their
customary worship, offering prayers in behalf of the emperor.
Immediately the deed followed the word. The imperial decrees were
published in the cities, containing the revocation of the acts against
us in the following form:
"The Emperor Caesar Galerius Valerius Maximinus,
Invictus, Augustus, Pontifex Maximus, conqueror of the Germans,
conqueror of the Egyptians, conqueror of the Thebans, five times
conqueror of the Sarmatians, conqueror of the Persians, twice conqueror
of the Carpathians, six times conqueror of the Armenians, conqueror of
the Medes, conqueror of the Adiabeni, Tribune of the people the
twentieth time, Emperor the nineteenth time, Consul the eighth time,
Father of his country, Pro-
4 consul; and the Emperor Caesar Flavius
Valerius Constantinus, Pins, Felix, Invictus,
Augustus, Pontifex Maximus,
Tribune of the people, Emperor the fifth time, Consul, Father of his
country, Proconsul; and the Emperor Caesar Valerius Licinius, Pins,
Felix, Invictus, Augustus, Pontifex Maximus, Tribune of the people the
fourth time, Emperor the third time, Consul, Father of his country,
Proconsul; to the people of their provinces, greeting: (1)
"Among the other things which we have ordained for
the public advantage and profit, we formerly wished to restore
everything to
conformity with the ancient laws and public discipline (2) of the
Romans, and to provide that the Christians also, who have forsaken the
religion of their ancestors, (3) should return to a good
340
7 disposition. For in some way such arrogance had seized them and such
stupidity
had overtaken them, that they did not follow the ancient institutions
which possibly their own ancestors had formerly established, but made
for themselves laws according to their own purpose, as each one
desired, and observed them, and thus assembled as separate
congregations in various places. When we had issued
this decree that they should return to the
institutions established by the ancients, (4) a great many (5)
submitted under danger, but a great many
being harassed endured all kinds of death. (6)
9 And since many continue in the same folly, (7)
and we perceive that they neither offer to
the heavenly gods the worship which is due, nor pay regard to the God
of the Christians, in consideration of our philanthropy and our
invariable custom, by which we are wont to extend pardon to all, we
have determined that we ought most cheerfully to extend our indulgence
in this matter also; that they may again be Christians, and may rebuild
the conventicles in which they were accustomed to assemble, (8) on
condition that nothing be done by them contrary to discipline. (9) In
another letter we shall indicate to the magistrates what they have to
observe. Where-
fore, on account of this indulgence of ours,
they ought to supplicate their God for our safety, and that of the
people, and their own, that the public welfare may be preserved in
every place, (10) and that they may live securely in their several
homes."
Such is the tenor of this edict, translated, 11
as well as possible, from the Roman tongue
into the Greek? It is time to consider what took place after these
events.
That which follows is found in Some Copies in
the Eighth Book. (1)
The author of the edict very shortly after 1
this confession was released from his pains
and died. He is reported to have been the original author of the misery
of the persecution, having endeavored, long before the movement of the
other emperors, to turn from the faith the Christians in the army, and
first of all those in his own house, degrading some from the military
rank, and abusing others most shamefully, and threatening still others
with death, and finally inciting his partners in the empire to the
general persecution. It is not proper to pass over the death of these
emperors in silence.
As four of them held the supreme authority, those who were advanced in
age and honor, after the persecution had continued not quite two years,
abdicated the government, as we have already stated, (2) and passed the
remainder of their lives in a common
and private station. The end of their lives 3 was as follows. He who
was first in honor and age perished through a long and most grievous
physical infirmity. (3) He who held the second place ended his life by
strangling, (4) suffering
341
thus according to a certain
demoniacal prediction, on account of his many daring crimes.
4 Of those after them, the last, (5) of whom we
have spoken as the originator of the entire
persecution, suffered such things as we have related. But he who
preceded him, the most merciful and kindly emperor Constantius, (6)
passed all the time of his government in a manner worthy of his office.
(6) Moreover, he conducted himself towards all most favorably and
beneficently. He took not the smallest part in the war against us, and
preserved the pious that were under him unharmed and unabused. Neither
did he throw down the church buildings, nor devise anything else
against us. The end of his life was happy and thrice blessed. He alone
at death left his empire happily and gloriously to his own son (7) as
his successor, one who was in
all respects most prudent and pious. He entered on the government at
once, being proclaimed supreme emperor and Augustus by
the soldiers; and he showed himself an emulator of his father's piety
toward our doctrine.
Such were the deaths of the four of whom we
have written, which took place at different
times. Of these, moreover, only the one6
referred to a little above by us,s with those
who afterward shared in the government, finally 9 published openly to
all the above-mentioned confession, in the written edict which he
issued.
MARTYRS OF PALESTINE. (1)
The Following also we found in a Certain Copy
in the Eighth Book. (2)
IT was in the nineteenth year of the reign of
Diocletian, in the month Xanthicus, (3) which is called April by the
Romans, about the time of the feast of our Saviour's passion, while
Flavianus (4) was governor of the province of Palestine, that letters
were published every-
where, commanding that the churches be leveled to the ground and the
Scriptures be destroyed by fire, and ordering that those who held
places of honor be degraded, and that the household servants, if they
persisted in the profession of Christianity, be deprived of freedom.
Such was the force of the first edict against us.
But not long after other letters were issued, commanding that all the
bishops of the churches everywhere be first thrown into prison, and
afterward, by every artifice, be compelled to sacrifice.
CHAPTER I.
The first of the martyrs of Palestine was 1
Procopius, (1) who, before he had received the trial of imprisonment,
immediately on his first appearance before the governor's tribunal,
having been ordered to sacrifice to the so-called gods, declared that
he knew only one to whom it was proper to sacrifice, as he himself
wills. But when he was commanded to offer libations to the four
emperors, having quoted a sentence which displeased them, he was
immediately beheaded. The quotation was from the poet:
343
"The rule of many is not good; let there be
one ruler and one king." (2)
2. It was the seventh (3) day of the month
Desius, (4) the seventh before the ides of June, (5)
as the Romans reckon, and the fourth day of the week, when this first
example was given at Caesura in Palestine.
Afterwards, (6) in the same city, many rulers of the
country churches readily endured terrible sufferings, and furnished to
the beholders an example of noble conflicts. But others, benumbed in
spirit by terror, were easily weakened at the first onset. Of the rest,
each one endured different forms of torture, as scourgings without
number, and rackings, and tearings of their sides, and insupportable
fetters, by which
4 the hands of some were dislocated. Yet
they endured what came upon them, as in
accordance with the inscrutable purposes of God. For the hands of one
were seized, and he was led to the altar, while they thrust into his
right hand the polluted and abominable offering, and he was dismissed
as if he had sacrificed. Another had not even touched it, yet when
others said that he had sacrificed, he went away in silence. Another,
being taken up half dead, was cast aside as if already dead, and
released from his bonds, and counted among the sacrificers. When
another cried out, and testified that he would not obey, he was struck
in the mouth, and silenced by a large band of those who were drawn up
for this purpose, and driven away by force, even though he had not
sacrificed. Of such consequence did they consider it, to seem by any
means to have accomplished their purpose.
5. Therefore, of all this number, the only ones who were honored
with the crown of the holy martyrs were Alphaeus and Zacchaeus. (7)
After stripes and scrapings and severe bonds and additional tortures
and various other trials, and after having their feet stretched for a
night and day over four holes in the stocks, (8) on the seventeenth day
of the month Dius, (9) -- that is, according to the Romans, the
fifteenth before the Kalends of December, -- having confessed one only
God and Christ Jesus as king, (10) as if they had uttered some
blasphemy, they were beheaded like the former martyr.
CHAPTER II.
What occurred to Romanus on the same day (1) at Antioch, is also worthy
of record. For he was a native of Palestine, a deacon and exorcist in
the parish of Caesarea; and being present at the destruction of the
churches, he beheld many men, with women and children, going up in
crowds to the idols and sacrificing. (2) But, through his great zeal
for religion, he could not endure the sight, and rebuked them with a
loud voice. Being arrested for his boldness, he proved a most noble
witness of the truth, if there ever was one. For when the judge
informed him that he was to die by fire, (3)
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he received the sentence with cheerful countenance and most ready mind,
and was led away. When he was bound to the stake, and the wood piled up
around him, as they were awaiting the arrival of the emperor before
lighting the fire, he cried, "Where is the fire for me?" 3 Having said
this, he was summoned again before the emperor, (4) and subjected to
the unusual torture of having his tongue cut out. But he endured this
with fortitude and showed to all by his deeds that the Divine Power is
present with those who endure any hardship whatever for the sake of
religion, lightening their sufferings and strengthening their zeal.
When he learned of this strange mode of punishment, the noble man was
not terrified, but put out his tongue readily, and offered it with the
greatest alacrity to those who cut it off. 4 After this punishment he
was thrown into prison, and suffered there for a very long time. At
last the twentieth anniversary of the emperor being near, (5) when,
according to an established gracious custom, liberty was proclaimed
everywhere to all who were in bonds, he alone had both his feet
stretched over five holes in the stocks, (6) and while he lay there was
strangled, and was thus honored with martyrdom, 5 as he desired.
Although he was outside of his country, yet, as he was a native of
Palestine, it is proper to count him among the Palestinian martyrs.
These things occurred in this manner during the first year, when the
persecution was directed only against the rulers of the Church.
CHAPTER III.
1 In the course of the second year, the persecution against
us increased greatly. And at that time Urbanus (1) being governor of
the province, imperial edicts were first issued to him, commanding by a
general decree that all the people should sacrifice at once in the
different cities, and offer libations to the idols. (2)
In Gaza, a city of Palestine, Timotheus endured countless
tortures, and afterwards was subjected to a slow and moderate fire.
Having given, by his patience in all his sufferings, most genuine
evidence of sincerest piety toward the Deity, he bore away the crown of
the victorious athletes of religion. At the same time Agapius (3) and
our contemporary, Thecla, (4) having exhibited most noble constancy,
were condemned as food for the wild beasts.
But who that beheld these things would 2 not have admired,
or if they heard of them by report, would not have been astonished? For
when the heathen everywhere were holding a festival and the customary
shows, it was noised abroad that besides the other entertainments, the
public combat of those who had lately been condemned to wild beasts
would also
345
3 take place. As this report increased and
spread in all directions, six young men,
namely, Timolaus, a native of Pontus, Dionysius from Tripolis in
Phoenicia, Romulus, a sub-deacon of the parish of Diospolis, (5) Paesis
and Alexander, both Egyptians, and another Alexander from Gaza, having
first bound their own hands, went in haste to Urbanus, who was about to
open the exhibition, evidencing great zeal for martyrdom. They
confessed that they were Christians, and by their ambition for all
terrible things, showed that those who glory in the religion of the God
of the universe do not cower before the attacks of wild beasts.
4 Immediately, after creating no ordinary astonishment in the
governor and those who
were with him, they were cast into prison. After a few days two others
were added to them. One of them, named Agapius, (6) had in former
confessions endured dreadful torments of various kinds. The other, who
had supplied them with the necessaries of life, was called Dionysius.
All of these eight were beheaded on one day at Caesarea, on the
twenty-fourth day of the month Dystrus, (7) which is the ninth before
the
5 Kalends of April. Meanwhile, a change in
the emperors occurred, and the first of them
all in dignity, and the second retired into private
life, (8) and public affairs
began to be troubled.
6 Shortly after the Roman government be-
came divided against itself, and a cruel war
arose among them. (9) And this division, with the troubles which grew
out of it, was not settled until peace toward us had been established
throughout the entire Roman Empire. For when this peace arose for all,
as the daylight after the darkest and most gloomy night, the public
affairs of the Roman government were re-established, and became happy
and peaceful, and the ancestral good-will toward each other was
revived. But we will relate these things more fully at the proper time.
Now let us return to the regular course of events.
CHAPTER IV.
Maximinus Caesar (1) having come at that time into
the government, as if to manifest
to all the evidences of his reborn enmity against
God, and of his impiety, armed himself for persecution against us more
vigorously than his
predecessors. In consequence, no little2
confusion arose among all, and they scattered here and there,
endeavoring in some way
to escape the danger; and there was great com-
motion everywhere.
But what words would suffice for a suitable
description of the Divine love and boldness, in
confessing God, of the blessed and truly innocent lamb,- I refer to the
martyr Apphianus, (2)
--who presented in the sight of all, before the
gates of Caesarea, a wonderful example of
piety toward the only God? He was at 3
that time not twenty years old. He had first
spent a long time at Berytus, (3) for the sake of a
secular Grecian education, as he belonged to a
very wealthy family. It is wonderful to relate
how, in such a city, he was superior to youthful
passions, and clung to virtue, uncorrupted neither
by his bodily vigor nor his young companions;
living discreetly, soberly and piously, in accordance with his
profession of the Christian doctrine and the life of his teachers.
If it is needful to mention his native (4)
country, and give honor to it as producing
this noble athlete of piety, we will do so
with pleasure. The young man came from 5
Pagae, (4) -- if any one is acquainted with the
place, -- a city in Lycia of no mean importance. After his return from
his course of study in Berytus, though his father held the first place
in his country, he could not bear to live with him and his relatives,
as it did not please them to live according to the rules of religion.
Therefore, as if he were led by the Divine Spirit, and in accordance
with a natural, or rather an inspired and true philosophy, regarding
this preferable to what is considered the glory of life, and despising
bodily comforts, he secretly left his family. And because of his faith
and hope in God, paying no attention to his daily needs, he was led by
the Divine Spirit to the city of Caesarea, where was prepared for him
the crown of
martyrdom for piety. Abiding with us there, 6
and conferring with us in the Divine Scriptures diligently for a short
time, and fitting himself zealously by suitable exercises, he exhibited
such an end as would astonish any one
should it be seen again. Who, that hears 7
of it, would not justly admire his courage,
boldness, constancy, and even more than these
346
the daring deed itself, which evidenced a zeal
for religion and a spirit truly
superhuman?
8 For in the second attack upon us under
Maximinus, in the third year of the persecution, edicts of
the tyrant were issued for the first time, commanding that the rulers
of the cities should diligently and speedily see to it that all the
people offered sacrifices. (5) Throughout the city of Caesarea, by
command of the governor, the heralds were summoning men, women, and
children to the temples of the idols, and besides this, the chiliarchs
were calling out each one by name from a roll, and an immense crowd of
the wicked were rushing together from all quarters. Then this youth
fearlessly, while no one was aware of his intentions, eluded both us
who lived in the house with him and the whole band of soldiers that
surrounded the governor, and rushed up to Urbanus as he was offering
libations, and fearlessly seizing him by the right hand, straightway
put a stop to his sacrificing, and skillfully and persuasively, with a
certain divine inspiration, exhorted him to abandon his delusion,
because it was not well to forsake the one and only true God, and
9 sacrifice to idols and demons. It is prob-
able that this was done by the youth through
a divine power which led him forward, and which all but cried aloud in
his act, that Christians, who were truly such, were so far from
abandoning the religion of the God of the universe which they had once
espoused, that they were not only superior to threats and the
punishments which followed, but yet bolder to speak with noble and
untrammeled tongue, and, if possible, to summon even their persecutors
to turn from their ignorance and acknowledge the only
true God. 10 Thereupon, he of whom we are speaking,
and that instantly, as might have been expected
after so bold a deed, was torn by the governor and those who were with
him as if by wild beasts. And having endured manfully in-
numerable blows over his entire body, he
11 was straightway cast into prison. There
he was stretched by the tormentor with both
his feet in the stocks for a night and a day; and the next day he was
brought before the judge. As they endeavored to force him to surrender,
he exhibited all constancy under suffering and terrible tortures. His
sides were torn, not once, or twice, but many times, to the bones and
the very bowels; and he received so many blows on his face and neck
that those who for a long time
had been well acquainted with him could 12 not
recognize his swollen face. But as he
would not yield under this treatment, the torturers, as commanded,
covered his feet with linen cloths soaked in oil and set them on fire.
No word can describe the agonies which the blessed one endured from
this. For the fire consumed his flesh and penetrated to his bones, so
that the humors of his body were melted and oozed
out and dropped down like wax. But as 13
he was not subdued by this, his adversaries
being defeated and unable to comprehend his superhuman constancy, cast
him again into prison. A third time he was brought before the judge;
and having witnessed the same profession, being half dead, he was
finally thrown into the depths of the sea.
But what happened immediately after 14
this will scarcely be believed by those who
did not see it. Although we realize this, yet we must record the event,
of which to speak plainly, all the inhabitants of Caesarea were
witnesses. For truly there was no age but be-
held this marvelous sight. For as soon as 15
they had cast this truly sacred and thrice-
blessed youth into the fathomless depths of the sea, an uncommon
commotion and disturbance agitated the sea and all the shore about it,
so that the land and the entire city were shaken by it. And at the same
time with this wonderful and sudden perturbation, the sea threw out
before the gates of the city the body of the divine martyr, as if
unable to endure it. (6)
Such was the death of the wonderful Apphianus. It
occurred on the second day of the month Xanthicus, (7) which is the
fourth day before the Nones of April, on the day of preparation (8)
347
CHAPTER V.
1 ABOUT the same time, in the city of Tyre,
a youth named Ulpianus,(1) after dreadful
tortures and most severe scourgings, was enclosed in a raw oxhide, with
a dog and with one of those poisonous reptiles, an asp, and cast into
the sea. Wherefore I think that we may properly mention him in
connection with the martyrdom of Apphianus.
2 Shortly afterwards, AEdesius, (2) a brother
of Apphianus, not only in God, but also
in the flesh, being a son of the same earthly father, endured
sufferings like his, after very many confessions and protracted
tortures in bonds, and after he had been sentenced by the governor to
the mines in Palestine. He conducted himself through them all in a
truly philosophic manner; for he was more highly educated than his
brother, and had prosecuted
3 philosophic studies. Finally in the city of
Alexandria, when he beheld the judge, who
was trying the Christians, offending beyond all bounds, now insulting
holy men in various ways, and again consigning women of greatest
modesty and even religious virgins to procurers for shameful treatment,
he acted like his brother. For as these things seemed insufferable, he
went forward with bold resolve, and with his words and deeds
overwhelmed the judge with shame and disgrace. After suffering in
consequence many forms of torture, he endured a death similar to his
brother's, being cast into the sea. But these things, as I have said,
happened to him in this way a little later.
CHAPTER VI.
1 IN the fourth year of the persecution
against us, on the twelfth day before the
Kalends of December, which is the twentieth day of the month Dius, (1)
on the day before the Sabbath, (2) while the tyrant Maximinus was
present and giving magnificent shows in honor of his birthday, the
following event, truly worthy of record, occurred in the city of
Caesarea.
As it was an ancient custom to furnish the 2 spectators more splendid
shows when the emperors were present than at other times,new and
foreign spectacles taking the place of the customary amusements, such
as animals brought from India or Ethiopia or other places, or men who
could astonish the beholders with skillful bodily exercises, -- it was
necessary at this time, as the emperor was giving the exhibition, to
add to the shows something more wonderful. And what should this be?
A witness of our doctrine was brought into 3 the midst and endured the
contest for the
true and only religion. This was Agapius, who,
as we have stated a little above, (3) was, with Thecla, the second to
be thrown to the wild beasts
for food. He had also, three times and more,
marched with malefactors from the prison to the
arena; and every time, after threats from the
judge, whether in compassion or in hope that
he might change his mind, had been reserved
for other conflicts. But the emperor being
present, he was brought out at this time, as if
he had been appropriately reserved for this
occasion, until the very word of the Saviour
should be fulfilled in him, which through divine
knowledge he declared to his disciples, that they
should be brought before kings on account
of their testimony unto him. (4) He was taken 4
into the midst of the arena with a certain
malefactor who they said was charged with
i the murder of his master. But this murderer of his master, when he
had been cast
to the wild beasts, was deemed worthy of compassion and humanity,
almost like Barabbas in the time of our Saviour. And the whole theater
resounded with shouts and cries of approval, because the murderer was
humanely saved by the emperor, and deemed worthy of honor
and freedom. But the athlete of religion 6
was first summoned by the tyrant and promised liberty if he would deny
his profession. But he testified with a loud voice that, not for any
fault, but for the religion of the Creator of the universe, he would
readily and with pleasure endure whatever might be inflicted upon
him. Having said this, he joined the deed 7
to the word, and rushed to meet a bear
which had been let loose against him, surrendering himself most
cheerfully to be devoured by him. After this, as he still breathed, he
was cast into prison. And living yet one day, stones
348
were bound to his feet, and he was drowned in the depths of the sea.
Such was the martyrdom of Agapius.
CHAPTER VII.
Again, in Caesarea, when the persecution had continued to the fifth
year, on the second day of the month Xanthicus, (1) which is the fourth
before the Nones of April, on the very Lord's day of our Saviour's
resurrection, (2) Theodosia, a virgin from Tyre, a faithful and sedate
maiden, not yet eighteen years of age, went up to certain prisoners who
were confessing the kingdom of Christ and sitting before the judgment
seat, and saluted them, and, as is probable, besought them to remember
her when they came before the Lord. Thereupon, as if she had committed
a profane and impious act, the soldiers seized her and led her to the
governor. And he immediately, like a madman and a wild beast in his
anger, tortured her with dreadful and most terrible torments in her
sides and breasts, even to the very bones. And as she still breathed,
and withal stood with a joyful and beaming countenance, he ordered her
thrown into the waves of the sea. Then passing from her to the other
confessors, he condemned all of them to the copper mines in Phaeno in
Palestine.
Afterwards on the fifth of the month Dius, (3) on
the Nones of November according to the Romans, in the same city,
Silvanus 4 (who at that time was a presbyter and confessor, but who
shortly after was honored with the episcopate and died a martyr), and
those with him, men who had shown the noblest firmness in behalf of
religion, were condemned by him to labor in the same copper mines,
command
being first given that their ankles be disabled with hot irons.
At the same time he 4
delivered to the flames a man who was il-
lustrious through numerous other confessions. This was Domninus, who
was well known to all in Palestine for his exceeding fearlessness (5)
After this the same judge, who was a cruel contriver of suffering, and
an inventor of devices against the doctrine of Christ, planned against
the pious punishments that had never been heard of. He condemned three
to single pugilistic combat. He delivered to be devoured by wild beasts
Auxentius, a grave and holy old man. Others who were in mature life he
made eunuchs, and condemned them to the same mines. Yet others, after
severe tortures, he cast into prison.
Among these was my dearest friend Pamphilus, (6) who
was by reason of every virtue the most illustrious of the martyrs in
our time.
Urbanus first tested him in rhetorical philosophy 5 and learning; and
afterwards endeavored to compel him to sacrifice. But as he saw that he
refused and in nowise regarded his threats, being exceedingly angry, he
ordered him to be tormented with severest tortures. And when the brutal
man, after he had 6 almost satiated himself with these tortures
by continuous and prolonged scrapings in his sides, was yet covered
with shame before all, he put him also with the confessors in prison.
But what recompense for his cruelty to 7
the saints, he who thus abused the martyrs
of Christ, shall receive from the Divine judgment, may be easily
determined from the preludes to it, in which immediately, and not long
after his daring cruelties against Pamphilus, while he yet held the
government, the Divine judgment came upon him. For thus suddenly, he
who but yesterday was judging on the lofty tribunal, guarded by a band
of soldiers, and ruling over the whole nation of Palestine, the
associate and dearest friend and table companion of the tyrant himself,
was stripped in one night, and overwhelmed with disgrace and shame
before those who had formerly admired him as if he were himself an
emperor; and he appeared cowardly and unmanly, uttering womanish cries
and supplications to all the people whom he had ruled. And Maximinus
himself, in reliance upon whose favor Urbanus was formerly so
arrogantly insolent, as if he loved him exceedingly for his deeds
against us, was set as a harsh and most severe judge in this same
Caesarea to pronounce sentence of death against him, for the great
disgrace of the crimes of which he was convicted. Let us say this in
passing. A suit- 8
able time may come when we shall have lei-
sure to relate the end and the fate of those impious
349
men who especially fought against us, (7) both of Maximinus himself and
those with him.
CHAPTER VIII.
1 UP to the sixth year the storm had
been incessantly raging against us. Before
this time there had been a very large number of confessors of religion
in the so-called Porphyry quarry in Thebais, which gets its name from
the stone found there. Of these, one hundred men, lacking three,
together with women and infants, were sent to the governor of
Palestine. When they confessed the God of the universe and Christ,
Firmilianus, (1) who had been · sent there as governor in the
place of Urbanus, directed, in accordance with the imperial command,
that they should be maimed by burning the sinews of the ankles of their
left feet, and that their right eyes with the eyelids and pupils should
first be cut out, and then destroyed by hot irons to the very roots.
And he then sent them to the mines in the province to endure hardships
with severe toil and suffering.
But it was not sufficient that these only who
suffered such miseries should be deprived of their eyes, but those
natives of Palestine also, who were mentioned just above as condemned
to pugilistic combat, Since they would neither receive food from the
royal storehouse nor undergo the necessary preparatory Exercises.
Having been brought on this account not only before the overseers, but
also
3 before Maximinus himself, and having manifested the noblest
persistence in confession
by the endurance of hunger and stripes, they received like punishment
with those whom we
have mentioned, and with them other confessors 4 in the city of
Caesarea. Immediately afterwards others who were gathered
to hear the Scriptures read, were seized in Gaza, and some endured the
same sufferings in the feet and eyes; but others were afflicted with
yet greater torments and with most terrible tortures in the sides. One
of these, in body a woman, but in understanding a man, would not endure
the threat of fornication, and spoke directly against the tyrant who
entrusted the government to such cruel judges. She was first scourged
and then raised aloft on the
stake, and her sides lacerated. As those appointed for this purpose
applied the tortures incessantly and severely at the command of the
judge, another, with mind fixed, like the former, on virginity as her
aim,-- a woman who was altogether mean in forth and contemptible in
appearance; but, on the other hand, strong in soul, and endowed with an
understanding superior to her body,--being unable to bear the merciless
and cruel and inhuman deeds, with a boldness beyond that of the
combatants famed among the Greeks, cried out to the judge from the
midst of the crowd: "And how long will you thus cruelly torture my
sister?" But he was greatly enraged, and ordered the woman to be
immediately seized. Thereupon she was brought forward and having called
herself by the august name of the Saviour, she was first urged by words
to sacrifice, and as she refused she was dragged by force to the altar.
But her sister continued to maintain her former zeal, and with intrepid
and resolute foot kicked the altar, and over-
turned it with the fire that was on it. There- 8
upon the judge, enraged like a wild beast,
inflicted on her such tortures in her sides as
he never had on any one before, striving al-
most to glut himself with her raw flesh. But
when his madness was satiated, he bound them both together, this one
and her whom she
called sister, and condemned them to death by fire. It is said that the
first of these was from the country of Gaza; the other, by name
Valentina, was of Caesarea, and was well known to many.
But how can I describe as it deserves the martyrdom
which followed, with which the thrice-blessed Paul was honored. He was
condemned to death at the same time with them, under one sentence. At
the time of his martyrdom, as the executioner was about to cut off his
head, he requested a brief respite.
This being granted, he first, in a clear and 10
distinct voice, supplicated God in behalf of
his fellow-Christians, (2) praying for their pardon, and that freedom
might soon be restored to them. Then he asked for the conversion of the
Jews to God through Christ; and proceeding in order he requested the
same things for the Samaritans, and besought that those Gentiles, who
were in error and were ignorant of God, might come to a knowledge of
him, and adopt the true religion. Nor did he leave neglected the mixed
multitude who were standing around. After all these, oh! great and
unspeakable forbearance ! he entreated the God of the universe for the
judge who had condemned him to death, and for the highest
350
rulers, and also for the one who was about to behead him, in his
hearing and that of all present, beseeching that their sin toward him
12 should not be reckoned against them. Having prayed for these things
with a loud voice,
and having, as one who was dying unjustly, moved
almost all to compassion and tears, of his own
accord he made himself ready, and submitted
his bare neck to the stroke of the sword, and
was adorned with divine martyrdom. This took
place on the twenty-fifth day of the month
Panemus, (3) which is the eighth before the Kalends
of August.
18 Such was the end of these persons. But
not long after, one hundred and thirty admirable athletes
of the confession of Christ, from the land of Egypt, endured, in
Egypt itself, at the command of Maximinus the same afflictions in their
eyes and feet with the former persons, and were sent to the
above-mentioned mines in Palestine. But some of them were condemned to
the mines in Cilicia.
CHAPTER IX.
1 After such noble acts of the distinguished martyrs of
Christ, the flame of persecution lessened, and was quenched, as it were
by their sacred blood, and relief and liberty were granted to those
who, for Christ's sake, were laboring in the mines of Thebais, and for
a little time we were beginning to breath pure air.
But by some new impulse, I know
not what, he who held the power to persecute was again aroused against
the Christians. Immediately letters from Maximinus against us were
published everywhere in every province. (1) The governors and the
military prefect (2) urged by
edicts and letters and public ordinances the magistrates and generals
and notaries (3) in all the cities to carry out the imperial decree,
which ordered that the altars of the idols should with all speed be
rebuilt; and that all men, women, and children, even infants at the
breast, should sacrifice and offer oblations; and that with diligence
and care they should cause them to taste of the execrable offerings;
and that the things for sale in the market should be polluted with
libations from the sacrifices; and that guards should be stationed
before the baths in order to defile with the abominable sacrifices those
who went to wash in them. When these 3 orders were being carried out,
our people, as was natural, were at the beginning greatly distressed in
mind; and even the unbelieving heathen blamed the severity and the
exceeding absurdity of what was done. For these things appeared to them
extreme and burdensome.
As the heaviest storm impended over all in every
quarter, the divine power of our Saviour again infused such boldness
into his athletes, (4) that without being drawn on or dragged forward
by any one, they spurned the threats.
Three of the faithful joining together, rushed 4
on the governor as he was sacrificing to the
idols, and cried out to him to cease from his delusion, there being no
other God than the Maker and Creator of the universe. When he asked who
they were, they confessed boldly
that they were Christians. Thereupon Firmilianus, 5 being greatly
enraged, sentenced
them to capital punishment without inflicting tortures upon them. The
name of the eldest of these was Antoninus; of the next, Zebinas, who
was a native of Eleutheropolis; and of the third, Germanus. This took
place on the thirteenth of the month Dius, the Ides of November?
There was associated with them on the 6 same day
Ennathas, a woman from Scythopolis, who was adorned with the chaplet of
virginity. She did not indeed do as they had.
done, but was dragged by force and brought
before the judge. She endured scourgings 7
and cruel insults, which Maxys, a tribune of
a neighboring district, without the knowledge of the superior
authority, dared to inflict upon her. He was a man worse than his name,
(6) sanguinary in other respects, exceedingly harsh, and altogether
cruel, and censured by all who knew him. This man stripped the blessed
woman of
351
all her clothing, so that she was covered only from her loins to her
feet and the rest of her body was bare. And he led her through the
entire city of Caesarea, and regarded it as a great thing to beat her
with thongs while she was dragged
8 through all the market-places. After such
treatment she manifested the noblest constancy at the
judgment seat of the governor himself; and the judge condemned her to
be burned alive. He also carried his rage against the pious to a most
inhuman length and transgressed the laws of nature, not being ashamed
even to deny burial to the lifeless bodies of the sacred
9 men. Thus he ordered the dead to be ex-
posed in the open air as food for wild beasts
and to be watched carefully by night and day. For many days a large
number of men attended to this savage and barbarous decree. And they
looked out from their post of observation, as if it were a matter
worthy of care, to see that the dead bodies should not be stolen. And
wild beasts and dogs and birds of prey scattered the human limbs here
and there, and the whole city was strewed with the entrails and bones of
10 men, so that nothing had ever appeared
more dreadful and horrible, even to those
who formerly hated us; though they bewailed not so much the calamity of
those against whom these things were done, as the outrage against
themselves and the common nature of man.
11 For there was to be seen near the gates a
spectacle beyond all description and tragic
recital; for not only was human flesh devoured in one place, but it was
scattered in every place; so that some said that limbs and masses of
flesh and parts of entrails were to be seen even within
the gates.
12 After these things had continued for many
days, a wonderful event occurred. The air
was clear and bright and the appearance of the sky most serene. When
suddenly throughout the city from the pillars which supported the
public porches many drops fell like tears; and the market places and
streets, though there was no mist in the air, were moistened with
sprinkled water, whence I know not. Then immediately it was reported
everywhere that the earth, unable to endure the abomination of these
things, had shed tears in a mysterious manner; and that as a rebuke to
the relentless and unfeeling nature of men, stones and lifeless wood
had wept for what had happened. I know well that this account may
perhaps appear idle and fabulous to those who come after us, but not to
those to whom the truth was confirmed at the time. (7)
CHAPTER X.
ON the fourteenth day of the following 1
month Appellaeus, (1) the nineteenth before the
Kalends of January, certain persons from Egypt were again seized by
those who examined people passing the gates. They had been sent to
minister to the confessors in Cilicia. They received the same sentence
as those whom they had gone to help, being mutilated in their eyes and
feet. Three of them exhibited in Ascalon, where they were imprisoned,
marvelous bravery in the endurance of various kinds of martyrdom. One
of them named Ares was condemned to the flames, and the others, called
Probus (2) and Elias, were beheaded.
On the eleventh day of the month Audynaeus, (3)
which is the third before the Ides of January, in the same city of
Caesarea, Peter an ascetic, also called Apselamus, (4) from the village
of Anea, (5) on the borders of Eleutheropolis, like purest gold, gave
noble proof by fire of his faith in the Christ of God. Though the judge
and those around him besought him many times to have compassion on
himself, and to spare his own youth and bloom, he disregarded them,
preferring hope in the God of the universe to all things, even to life
itself. A certain Asclepius, supposed to be (6) a bishop of the sect of
Marcion, possessed as he thought with zeal for religion, but "not
according to knowledge," (7) ended his life on one and the same funeral
pyre. These things took place in this manner.
CHAPTER XI.
IT iS time to describe the great and celebrated spectacle of
Pamphilus, (1) a man thrice
dear to me, and of those who finished their course with him. They were
twelve in all; being counted worthy of apostolic grace and number. Of
these the leader and the only one 2 honored with the position of
presbyter at Caesarea, was Pamphilus; a man who through
352
his entire life was celebrated for every virtue, for renouncing and
despising the world, for sharing his possessions with the needy, for
contempt of earthly hopes, and for philosophic deportment and exercise.
He especially excelled all in our time in most sincere devotion to the
Divine Scriptures and indefatigable industry in whatever he undertook,
and in his helpfulness to his relatives and associates. In a separate
treatise on his life, (2) consisting of three books, we have already
described the excellence of his virtue. Referring to this work those
who delight in such things and desire to know them, let us now consider
the martyrs in order.
4 Second after Pamphilus, Vales, who was
honored for his venerable gray hair, entered
the contest. He was a deacon from AElia, (3) an old man of gravest
appearance, and versed in the Divine Scriptures, if any one ever was.
He had so laid up the memory of them in his heart that he did not need
to look at the books if he undertook tO repeat any passage of Scripture.
5 The third was Paul from the city of
Jamna, (4) who was known among them as
most zealous and fervent in spirit. Previous to his martyrdom, he had
endured the conflict of confession by cauterization.
After these persons had continued in prison for two
entire years, the occasion of their martyrdom was a second arrival of
Egyptian brethren who suffered with them. They had accompanied the
confessors in Cilicia to the mines there and were returning to
their homes. At the entrance of the gates of
Caesarea, the guards, who were men of barbarous character, questioned
them as to who they
were and whence they came. They kept back
nothing of the truth, and were seized as malefactors taken in the very
act. They were five
7 in number. When brought before the tyrant, being very bold in his
presence, they
were immediately thrown into prison. On the next day, which was the
nineteenth of the month Peritius, (5) according to the Roman reckoning
the fourteenth before the Kalends of March, they were brought,
according to command, before the judge, with Pamphilus and his
associates whom we have mentioned. First, by all kinds of torture,
through the invention of strange and various machines, he tested the
invincible constancy
of the Egyptians. Having practised these 8
cruelties upon the leader (5a) of all, he asked
him first who he was. He heard in reply the name of some prophet
instead of his proper name. For it was their custom, in place of the
names of idols given them by their fathers, if they had such, to take
other names; so that you would hear them calling themselves Elijah or
Jeremiah or Isaiah or Samuel or Daniel, thus showing themselves
inwardly true Jews, and the genuine Israel of God, not only in deeds,
but in the names which they bore. When Firmilianus had heard some such
name from the martyr, and did not understand the force of the word, he
asked next the name of his country. But 9
he gave a second answer similar to the former, saying that
Jerusalem was his country, meaning that of which Paul says, "Jerusalem
which is above is free, which is our mother," (6) and, "Ye are come
unto Mount Sion, and unto the city of the living God, the heavenly
Jerusalem." (7) This was what he meant; but 10
the judge thinking only of the earth, sought
diligently to discover what that city was, and in what part of the
world it was situated. And therefore he applied tortures that the truth
might be acknowledged. But the man, with his hands twisted behind his
back, and his feet crushed by strange machines, asserted firmly
that he had spoken the truth. And being 11
questioned again repeatedly what and where
the city was of which he spoke, he said that it was the country of the
pious alone, for no others should have a place in it, and that it lay
toward the far East and the rising sun.
He philosophized about these things ac- 12
cording to his own understanding, and was
in nowise turned froth them by the tortures with which he was afflicted
on every side. And as if he were without flesh or body he seemed
insensible of his sufferings. But the judge being perplexed, was
impatient, thinking that the Christians were about to establish a city
somewhere, inimical and hostile to the Romans. And he inquired much
about this, and investigated where that country toward the East
was located. But when he had for a long 13
time lacerated the young man with scourgings, and punished him with all
sorts of torments, he perceived that his persistence in what he had
said could not be changed, and passed against him sentence of death.
Such a scene was exhibited by what was done to this man. And having
inflicted similar tortures on the others, he sent them away in the same
manner.
Then being wearied and perceiving that 14
353
he punished the men in vain, having satiated
his desire, he proceeded against Pamphilus and
his companions. And having learned that al-
ready under former tortures they had manifested
an unchangeable zeal for the faith, he asked them
if they would now obey. And receiving from
every one of them only this one answer, as their
last word of confession in martyrdom, he inflicted
on them punishment similar to the others.
16 When this had been done, a young man,
one of the household servants of Pamphilus,
who had been educated in the noble life and instruction of such a man,
learning the sentence passed upon his master, cried out from the
midst of the crowd asking that their bodies
16 might be buried. Thereupon the judge,
not a man, but a wild beast, or if anything
more savage than a wild beast, giving no consideration to the young
man's age, asked him only the same question. When he learned that he
confessed himself a Christian, as if he had been wounded by a dart,
swelling with rage, he ordered the tormentors to use their utmost
17 power against him. And when he saw that
he refused to sacrifice as commanded, he
ordered them to scrape him continually to his very bones and to the
inmost recesses of his bowels, not as if he were human flesh but as if
he were stones or wood or any lifeless thing. But after long
persistence he saw that this was in vain, as the man was speechless and
insensible and almost lifeless, his body being worn out
18 by the tortures. But being inflexibly merci-
less and inhuman, he ordered him to be
committed straightway, as he was, to a slow fire. And before the death
of his earthly master, though he had entered later on the conflict, he
received release from the body, while those who
had been zealous about the others were yet
19 delaying. One could then see. Porphyry, (8)
like one who had come off victorious in every
conflict, his body covered with dust, but his countenance cheerful,
after such sufferings, with courageous and exulting mind, advancing to
death. And as if truly filled with the Divine Spirit, covered only with
his philosophic robe thrown about him as a cloak, soberly and
intelligently he directed his friends as to what he wished, and
beckoned to them, preserving still a cheerful countenance even at the
stake. But when the fire was kindled at some distance around him in a
circle, having inhaled the flame into his mouth, he continued most
nobly in silence from that time till his death, after the single word
which he uttered when the flame first touched him, and he cried out for
the help of
Jesus the Son of God. Such was the contest of
Porphyry.
His death was reported to Pamphilus 20
by a messenger, Seleucus. He was one
of the confessors from the army. As the
bearer of such a message, he was forthwith
deemed worthy of a similar lot. For as soon
as he related the death of Porphyry, and had
saluted one of the martyrs with a kiss, some
of the soldiers seized him and led him to the
governor. And he, as if he would hasten him on
to be a companion of the former on the way to
heaven, commanded that he be put to death
immediately. This man was from Cappadocia, and belonged to the select
band of soldiers, and had obtained no small honor in those things which
are esteemed among the Romans. For in stature and bodily strength, and
size and vigor, he far excelled his fellow-soldiers, so that his
appearance was matter of common talk, and his whole form was admired on
account of
its size and symmetrical proportions. At 22
the beginning of the persecution he was
prominent in the conflicts of confession, through
his patience under scourging. After he left the
army he set himself to imitate zealously the religious ·
ascetics, and as if he were their father
and guardian he showed himself a bishop and
patron of destitute orphans and defenceless
widows and of those who were distressed with
penury or sickness. It is likely that on this
account he was deemed worthy of an extraordinary call to martyrdom by
God, who rejoices
in such things more than in the smoke and
blood of sacrifices. He was the tenth athlete among those whom we have
mentioned
as meeting their end on one and the same day.
On this day, as was fitting, the chief gate was
opened, and a ready way of entrance into the
kingdom of heaven was given to the martyr
Pamphilus and to the others with him.
In the footsteps of Seleucus came Theodulus, a grave and pious
old man, who be-
longed to the governor's household, and had
been honored by Firmilianus himself more than
all the others in his house on account of his
age, and because he was a father of the third
generation, and also on account of the kindness
and most faithful conscientiousness which he
had manifested toward him. (9) As he pursued
the course of Seleucus when brought before his
master, the latter was more angry at him than at
those who had preceded him, and condemned him
to endure the martyrdom of the Saviour on
the cross. (10) As there lacked yet one to fill 25
up the number of the twelve martyrs of
354
whom we have spoken, Julian came to complete it. He had just arrived
from abroad, and had not yet entered the gate of the city, when having
learned about the martyrs while still on the way, he rushed at once,
just as he was, to see them. When he beheld the tabernacles of the
saints prone on the ground, being filled with joy, he embraced and
kissed them all.
26 The ministers of slaughter straightway seized
him as he was doing this and led him to
Firmilianus. Acting as was his custom, he condemned him to a slow fire.
Thereupon Julian, leaping and exulting, in a loud voice gave thanks to
the Lord who had judged him worthy of such things, and was honored with
the crown
27 of martyrdom. He was a Cappadocian by
birth, and in his manner of life he was most
circumspect, faithful and sincere, zealous in all other respects, and
animated by the Holy Spirit himself.
Such was the company which was thought
worthy to enter into martyrdom with Pamphilus. By the command of the
impious
governor their sacred and truly holy bodies
were kept as food for the wild beasts for four days and as many nights.
But since, strange to say, through the providential care of God,
nothing approached them, -- neither beast of prey, nor bird, nor dog,--
they were taken up uninjured, and after suitable preparation were
buried in the customary manner.
29 When the report of what had been done
to these men was spread in all directions,
Adrianus and Eubulus, having come from the so-called country of
Manganaea n to Caesarea, to see the remaining confessors, were also
asked at
the gate the reason for their coming; and having acknowledged the
truth, were brought to Firmilianus. But he, as was his custom, without
delay inflicted many tortures in their sides, and condemned them to be
devoured by wild
30 beasts. After two days, on the fifth of
the month Dystrus, (12) the third before the
Nones of March, which was regarded as the birthday of the tutelary
divinity of Caesarea,@ Adrianus was thrown to a lion, and afterwards
slain with the sword. But Eubulus, two days later, on the Nones of
March, that is, on the seventh of the month Dystrus, when the judge had
earnestly entreated him to enjoy by sacrificing that which was
considered freedom among them, preferring a glorious death for religion
to transitory life, was made like the other an offering to wild beasts,
and as the last of the martyrs in Caesarea, sealed the list of athletes.
It is proper also to relate here, how in a 31
short time the heavenly Providence came
upon the impious rulers, together with the tyrants
themselves. For that very Firmilianus, who had
thus abused the martyrs of Christ, after suffering
with the others the severest punishment, was put
to death by the sword.
Such were the martyrdoms which took place
at Caesarea during the entire period of the persecution.
CHAPTER XII.
I THINK it best to pass by all the other events
which occurred in the meantime: such as those which happened to the
bishops of the churches, when instead of shepherds of the rational (1)
flocks of Christ, over which they presided in an unlawful manner, the
divine judgment, considering them worthy of such a charge, made them
keepers of camels, (2) an irrational beast (3) and very crooked in the
structure of its body, or condemned them to have the care of the
imperial horses ; -- and I pass by also the insults and disgraces and
tortures they endured from the imperial overseers and rulers on account
of the sacred vessels and treasures of the Church; and besides these
the lust of power on the part of many, the disorderly and unlawful
ordinations, and the schisms among the confessors themselves; also the
novelties which were zealously devised against the remnants of the
Church by the new and factious members, who added innovation after
innovation and forced them in unsparingly among the calamities of the
persecution, heaping misfortune upon misfortune. I judge it more
suitable to shun and avoid the account of these things, as I said at
the beginning. (4) But such things as are sober and praiseworthy,
according to the sacred word, -- "and if there be any virtue and
praise," 5 -I consider it most proper to tell and to record, and to
present to believing hearers in the history of the admirable martyrs.
And after this I think it best to crown the entire work with an account
of the peace which has appeared unto us from heaven.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE seventh year of our conflict was completed; and
the hostile measures which
355
had continued into the eighth year were gradually and quietly becoming
less severe. A large number of confessors were collected at the copper
mines in Palestine, and were acting with considerable boldness, so far
as even to build places of worship. But the ruler of the province, a
cruel and wicked man, as his acts against the martyrs showed, having
come there and learned the state of affairs, communicated it to the
emperor, writing in accusation whatever he thought best. Thereupon,
being appointed superintendent of the mines, he divided the band of
confessors as if by a royal decree, and sent some to dwell in Cyprus
and others in Lebanon, and he scattered others in different parts of
Palestine and ordered
3 them to labor in various works. And, selecting the four who
seemed to him to be
the leaders, he sent them to the commander of the armies in that
section. These were Peleus and Nilus, (1) Egyptian bishops, also a
presbyter, (2) and Patermuthius, who was well known among them all for
his zeal toward all. The commander of the army demanded of them a
denial of religion, and not obtaining this, he condemned them to death
by fire.
4 There were others there who had been
allotted to dwell in a separate place by
themselves,-- such of the confessors as on account of age or
mutilations, or for other bodily infirmities, had been released from
service. Silvanus, (3) a bishop from Gaza, presided over them, and set
a worthy and genuine ex-
5 ample of Christianity. This man having
from the first day of the persecution, and
throughout its entire continuance, been eminent for his confessions in
all sorts of conflicts, had been kept all that time that he might, so
to speak, set the final seal upon the whole con-flier in Palestine.
There were with him many from Egypt, among whom was John, who surpassed
all in our time in the excellence of his memory. He had formerly been
deprived of his sight. Nevertheless, on account of his eminence in
confession he had with the others suffered the destruction of his foot
by cauterization. And although his sight had been destroyed he was
subjected to the same burning with fire, the executioners aiming after
everything that was merciless and pitiless and cruel and inhuman. Since
he was such a man, one would not be so much astonished at his habits
and his philosophic life, nor would he seem so wonderful for them, as
for the strength of his memory. For he had written whole books
of the Divine Scriptures, "not in tables of stone" (4) as the divine
apostle says, neither on skins of animals, nor on paper which moths and
time destroy, but truly "in fleshy tables of the heart," (5) in a
transparent soul and most pure eye of the mind, so that whenever he
wished he could repeat, as if from a treasury of words, any portion of
the Scripture, whether in the law, or the prophets, or the historical
books, or the gospels, or the writings of the apostles.
I confess that I was astonished when I 8
first saw the man as he was standing in the
midst of a large congregation and repeating portions of the Divine
Scripture. While I only heard his voice, I thought that, according to
the custom in the meetings, he was reading. But when I came near and
perceived what he was doing, and observed all the others standing
around him with sound eyes while he was using only the eyes of his
mind, and yet was speaking naturally like some prophet, and far
excelling those who were sound in body, it was impossible for me not to
glorify God and wonder. And I seemed to see in these deeds evident and
strong confirmation of the fact that true manhood consists not in
excellence of bodily appearance, but in the soul and understanding
alone. For he, with his body mutilated, manifested the superior
excellence of the power that was within him.
But as to those whom we have mentioned 9
as abiding in a separate place, and attending to their customary duties
in fasting and prayer and other exercises, God himself saw fit to give
them a salutary issue by extending his right hand in answer to them.
The bitter foe, as they were armed against him zealously through their
prayers to God, could no longer endure them, and determined to slay and
destroy them from off the earth because they troubled
him. And God permitted him to accomplish 10
this, that he might not be restrained from
the wickedness he desired, and that at the same time they might receive
the prizes of their manifold conflicts. Therefore at the command of the
most accursed Maximinus, forty, lacking one, (6) were beheaded in one
day.
These martyrdoms were accomplished 11
in Palestine during eight complete years;
and of this description was the persecution in our time. Beginning with
the demolition of the churches, it increased greatly as the rulers rose
up from time to time against us. In these assaults the multiform and
various conflicts of those who wrestled in behalf of religion produced
an innumerable multitude of martyrs in every province, -- in the
regions extending from Libya and throughout all Egypt, and Syria, and
356
from the East round about to the district of Illyricum.
But the countries beyond these, all Italy and Sicily
and Gaul, and the regions toward the setting sun, in Spain, Mauritania,
and Africa, suffered the war of persecution during less than two years,
(7) and were deemed worthy of a speedier divine visitation and peace;
the heavenly Providence sparing the singleness of purpose
13 and faith of those men. For what had
never before been recorded in the annals of
the Roman government, first took place in our day, contrary to all
expectation; for during the persecution in our time the empire was
divided into two parts. (8) The brethren dwelling in the part of which
we have just spoken enjoyed
peace; but those in the other part endured
trials without number. But when the divine 14
grace kindly and compassionately manifested its care for us too, then
truly our rulers also, those very ones through whom the wars against us
had been formerly carried on, changed their minds in a most wonderful
manner, and published a recantation; (9) and by favorable edicts and
mild decrees concerning us, extinguished the conflagration against us.
This recantation also must be recorded.(10)
BOOK IX.
CHAPTER I.
The Pretended Relaxation.
1 The imperial edict of recantation, which
has been quoted above, (1) was posted in all
parts of Asia and in the adjoining provinces. After this had been done,
Maximinus, the tyrant in the East,--a most impious man, if there ever
was one, and most hostile to the religion of the God of the
universe,--being by no means satisfied with its contents, (2) instead
of sending the above-quoted decree to the governors under him, gave
them verbal commands to relax the
2 war against us. For since he could not in
any other way oppose the decision of his
superiors, keeping the law which had been al-
ready issued secret, and taking care that it
might not be made known in the district under
him, he gave an unwritten order to his governors that they should relax
the persecution
against us. They communicated the command to each other in
writing. Sabinus, (3)
at least, who was honored with the highest
official rank among them, communicated the will of the emperor to the
provincial governors in a Latin epistle, the translation of which is as
follows:
4 "With continuous and most devoted earnestness their
Majesties, our most divine
masters, the emperors, (4) formerly directed the minds of all men to
follow the holy and correct course of life, that those also who seemed
to live in a manner foreign to that of the Romans, should render the
worship due to the immortal gods. But the obstinacy and most
unconquerable determination of some went so far that they could neither
be turned back from their purpose by the just reason of the command,
nor be intimidated by the impending punishment.
5 Since therefore it has come to pass that by
such conduct many have brought them-
selves into danger, their Majesties, our most powerful masters, the
emperors, in the exalted
nobility of piety, esteeming it foreign to their
Majesties' purpose to bring men into so great
danger for such a cause, have commanded their
devoted servant, myself, to write to thy wisdom, (5)
that if any Christian be found engaging in the
worship of his own people, thou shouldst abstain from molesting and
endangering him, and
shouldst not suppose it necessary to punish any
one on this pretext. For it has been proved by
the experience of so long a time that they can
in no way be persuaded to abandon such
obstinate conduct. Therefore it should be 6
thy care to write to the curators (6) and magistrates and district
overseers (7) of every city,
that they may know that it is not necessary for
them to give further attention to this matter." (8) Thereupon the
rulers of the prov- 7
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inces, thinking that the purpose of the things which were written was
truly made known to them, declared the imperial will to the curators
and magistrates and prefects of the various districts (9) in writing.
But they did not limit themselves to writing, but sought more quickly
to accomplish the supposed will of the emperor in deeds also. Those
whom they had imprisoned on account of their confession of the Deity,
they set at liberty, and they released those of them who had been sent
to the mines for punishment; for they erroneously supposed that this was
8 the true will of the emperor. And when
these things had thus been done, immediately, like a light
shining forth in a dark night, one could see in every city
congregations gathered and assemblies thronged, and meetings held
according to their custom. And every one of the unbelieving heathen was
not a little astonished at these things, wondering at so marvelous a
transformation, and exclaiming that the God of the Christians was great
and alone true.
9 And some of our people, who had faith-
fully and bravely sustained the conflict of
persecution, again became frank and bold toward all; but as many as had
been diseased in the faith and had been shaken in their souls by the
tempest, strove eagerly for healing, beseeching and imploring the
strong to stretch out to them a saving hand, and supplicating God to be
10 merciful unto them. Then also the noble
athletes of religion who had been set free
from their sufferings in the mines returned to their own homes. Happily
and joyfully they passed through every city, full of unspeakable
pleasure and of a boldness which cannot
11 be expressed in words. Great crowds of
men pursued their journey along the high-
ways and through the market-places, praising God with hymns and psalms.
And you might have seen those who a little while before had been driven
in bonds from their native countries under a most cruel sentence,
returning with bright and joyful faces to their own firesides; so that
even they who had formerly thirsted for our blood, when they saw the
unexpected wonder, congratulated us on what had taken place.
CHAPTER II.
The Subsequent Reverse.
But the tyrant who, as we have said, ruled over the
districts of the Orient, a
thorough hater of the good and an enemy of
every virtuous person, as he was, could no longer
bear this; and indeed he did not permit matters
to go on in this way quite six months. (1) Devising all possible means
of destroying the peace,
he first attempted to restrain us, under a pre-
text, (2) from meeting in the cemeteries.
Then through the agency of some wicked 2
men he sent an embassy to himself against
us, (3) inciting tim citizens of Antioch to ask from him as a very
great favor that he would by no means permit any of the Christians to
dwell in their country; and others were secretly induced to do the same
thing. The author of all this in Antioch was Theotecnus, (4) a violent
and wicked man, who was an impostor, and whose character was foreign to
his name. (5) He appears to have been the curator (6) of the city.
359
CHAPTER III.
The Newly Erected Statue at Antioch.
After this man had carried on all kinds of war
against us and had caused our people to be diligently hunted up in
their retreats, as if they were unholy thieves, and had devised every
sort of slander and accusation against us, and become the cause of
death to vast numbers, he finally erected a statue of Jupiter Philius
(1) with certain juggleries and magic rites. And after inventing unholy
forms of initiation and ill-omened mysteries in connection with it, and
abominable means of purification, (2) he exhibited his jugglery, by
oracles which he pretended to utter, even to the emperor; and through a
flattery which was pleasing to the ruler he aroused the demon against
the Christians and said that the god had given command to expel the
Christians as his enemies beyond the confines of the city and the
neighboring districts.
CHAPTER IV.
The Memorials against us. (1)
1 The fact that this man, who took the
lead in this matter, had succeeded in his
purpose was an incitement to all the other
officials in the cities under the same government to prepare a similar
memorial. (2) And
the governors of the provinces perceiving that
this was agreeable to the emperor suggested to
their subjects that they should do the same.
2 And as the tyrant by a rescript declared
himself well pleased with their measures, (3)
persecution was kindled anew against us. Priests for the images were
then appointed in the cities, and besides them high priests by
Maximinus himself. (4) The latter were taken from among those who were
most distinguished in public life and had gained celebrity in all the
offices which they had filled; and who were imbued, moreover, with
great zeal for the service of those whom
they worshiped. Indeed, the extraordinary 3
superstition of the emperor, to speak in brief,
led all his subjects, both rulers and private citizens, for the
sake of gratifying him, to do everything against us, supposing that
they could best show their gratitude to him for the benefits which they
had received from him, by plotting murder against us and exhibiting
toward us any new signs of malignity.
CHAPTER V.
The Forged Acts.
Having therefore forged Acts of Pilate (1) 1
and our Saviour full of every kind of blasphemy against Christ, they
sent them with the emperor's approval to the whole of the empire
subject to him, with written commands that they should be openly posted
to the view of all in every place, both in country and city, and that
the schoolmasters should give them to their scholars, instead of their
customary lessons,
to be studied and learned by heart. While 2 these things were taking
place, another military commander, whom the Romans call Dux, (2) seized
some infamous women in the market-place at Damascus in Phoenicia, (3)
and by threatening to inflict tortures upon them compelled them to make
a written declaration that
360
they had once been Christians and that they were acquainted with their
impious deeds,--that in their very churches they committed licentious
acts; and they uttered as many other slanders against our religion as
he wished them to. Having taken down their words in writing, he
communicated them to the emperor, who commanded that these documents
also should be published in every place and city.
CHAPTER VI.
Those who suffered Martyrdom at this Time.
1 Nor long afterward, however, this military commander
became his own murderer
and paid the penalty for his wickedness. But we were obliged again to
endure exile and severe persecutions, and the governors in every
province were once more terribly stirred up against us; so that even
some of those illustrious in the Divine Word were seized and had
sentence of death pronounced upon them without mercy. Three of them in
the city of Emesa (1) in Phoenicia, having confessed that they were
Christians, were thrown as food to the wild beasts. Among them was a
bishop Silvanus, (2) a very old man, who had filled his
2 office full forty years. At about the same
time Peter (3) also, who presided most illustriously over
the parishes in Alexandria, a divine example of a bishop on account of
the excellence of his life and his study of the sacred Scriptures,
being seized for no cause and quite unexpectedly, was, as if by command
of Maxi-minus, immediately and without explanation, beheaded. With him
also many other bishops of Egypt suffered the same fate. And
Lucian, (4) a presbyter of the parish at Antioch, and a most
excellent man in every respect, temperate in life and famed for his
learning in sacred things, was brought to the city of Nicomedia, where
at that time the emperor happened to be staying, and after delivering
before the ruler an apology for the doctrine which he professed, was
committed to prison and
put to death. Such trials were brought 4
upon us in a brief time by Maximinus, the
enemy of virtue, so that this persecution which was stirred up against
us seemed far more cruel than the former.
CHAPTER VII.
The Decree against us which was engraved on
Pillars.
The memorials against us (1) and copies of the
imperial edicts issued in reply to them were engraved and set up on
brazen pillars in the midst of the cities, (2)--a course which had
never been followed elsewhere. The children in the schools had daily in
their mouths the names of Jesus and Pilate, and the Acts which had been
forged in wanton insolence. (3) It appears to me necessary to insert
here this document of Maximinus which was posted on pillars, in order
that there may be made manifest at the same time the boastful and
haughty arrogance of the God-hating man, and the sleepless evil-hating
divine vengeance upon the impious, which followed close upon him, and
under whose pressure he not long afterward took the opposite course in
respect to us and confirmed it by written laws. (4)
The rescript is in the following words:
Copy of a translation of the
rescript of Maxi-minus in answer to the memorials against us, taken
from the pillar in Tyre.
"Now at length the feeble power of the human mind
has become able to shake off and to scatter every dark mist of error,
which before this besieged the senses of men, who were more miserable
than impious, and enveloped them in dark and destructive ignorance; and
to perceive that it is governed and estab-
361
lished by the beneficent providence of the immortal gods. It passes
belief how grateful, how pleasing and how agreeable it is to us, that
you have given a most decided proof of your pious resolution; for even
before this it was known to every one how much regard and reverence you
were paying to the immortal gods, exhibiting not a faith of bare and
empty words, but continued and wonderful exam-
5 pies of illustrious deeds. Wherefore your city
may justly be called a seat and dwelling of
the immortal gods. At least, it
appears by many signs that it flourishes because of the presence of the
celestial gods. Behold, therefore, your city, regardless of all private
advantages, and omitting its former petitions in its own behalf, when
it perceived that the adherents of that execrable vanity were again
beginning to spread, and to start the greatest conflagration,--like a
neglected and extinguished funeral pile when its brands are
rekindled,-immediately resorted to our piety as to a metropolis of all
religiousness, asking some remedy and aid. It is evident that the gods
have given you this saving mind on account of your faith and piety.
"Accordingly that supreme and mightiest Jove, who
presides over your illustrious city, who preserves your ancestral gods,
your wives and children, your hearths and homes from every destructive
pest, has infused into your souls this wholesome resolve; showing and
proving how excellent and glorious and salutary it is to observe with
the becoming reverence the worship and sacred rites of the immortal
gods.
8 For who can be found so ignorant or so
devoid of all understanding as not to perceive that it is
due to the kindly care of the gods that the earth does not refuse the
seed sown in it, nor disappoint the hope of the husbandmen with vain
expectation; that impious war is not inevitably fixed upon earth, and
wasted bodies dragged down to death under the influence of a corrupted
atmosphere; that the sea is not swollen and raised on high by blasts of
intemperate winds; that unexpected hurricanes do not burst forth and
stir up the destructive tempest; moreover, that the earth, the
nourisher and mother of all, is not shaken from its lowest depths with
a terrible tremor, and that the mountains upon it do not sink into the
opening chasms. No one is ignorant that all these, and evils still
worse than
these, have oftentimes happened hitherto.
9 And all these misfortunes have taken place
on account of the destructive error of the
empty vanity of those impious men, when it prevailed in their souls,
and, we may almost say,
weighed down the whole world with shame."
10 After other words he adds: "Let them look
at the standing crops already flourishing
with waving heads in the broad fields, and at the meadows glittering
with plants and flowers, in response to abundant rains and the restored
mildness and softness of the atmosphere.
Finally, let all rejoice that the might of the 11
most powerful and terrible Mars has been
propitiated by our piety, our sacrifices, and our veneration; and let
them on this account enjoy firm and tranquil peace and quiet; and let
as many as have wholly abandoned that blind error and delusion and have
returned to a right and sound mind rejoice the more, as those who have
been rescued from an unexpected storm or severe disease and are to reap
the fruits of I pleasure for the rest of their life. But if they still
persist in their execrable vanity, let them, as you have desired, be
driven far away from your city and territory, that thus, in accordance
with your praiseworthy zeal in this matter, your city, being freed from
every pollution and impiety, may, according to its native disposition,
attend to the sacred rites of the immortal gods with becoming
reverence. But that ye may know how acceptable to us your request
respecting this matter has been, and how ready our mind is to confer
benefits voluntarily, without memorials and petitions, we permit your
devotion to ask whatever great gift ye may desire in return for this
your pious disposition.
And now ask that this may be done and 14
that ye may receive it; for ye shall obtain
it without delay. This, being granted to your city, shall furnish for
all time an evidence of reverent piety toward the immortal gods, and of
the fact that you have obtained from our benevolence merited prizes for
this choice of yours; and it shall be shown to your children and
children's children."
This was published against us in all the 15
provinces, depriving us of every hope of good,
at least from men; so that, according to that divine utterance, "If it
were possible, even the elect would have stumbled" (5) at these things.
And now indeed, when the hope of most of 16 us was almost extinct,
suddenly while those who were to execute against us the above decree
had in some places scarcely finished their journey, God, the defender
of his own Church, exhibited his heavenly interposition in our behalf,
well-nigh stopping the tyrant's boasting against us.
CHAPTER VIII.
The Misfortunes which happened in Connection
with these Things, in Famine,
Pestilence, and
The customary rains and showers of the winter season
ceased to fall in their wonted
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abundance upon the earth and an unexpected famine made its appearance,
and in addition to this a pestilence, and another severe disease
consisting of an ulcer, which on account of its fiery appearance was
appropriately called a carbuncle. (1) This, spreading over the whole
body, greatly endangered the lives of those who suffered from it; but
as it chiefly attacked the eyes, it deprived multitudes of men, women,
and children of their sight. In addition to this the tyrant was
compelled to go to war with the Armenians, who had been from ancient
times friends and allies of the Romans. As they were also Christians
(2) and zealous in their piety toward the Deity, the enemy of God had
attempted to compel them to sacrifice to idols and demons, and had thus
made friends foes, and allies enemies. All these things suddenly took
place at one and the same time, and refuted the tyrant's empty vaunt
against the Deity. For he had boasted that, because of his zeal for
idols and his hostility against us, neither famine nor pestilence nor
war had happened in his time. (3) These things, therefore, coming upon
him at once and together, furnished a prelude also of his own
4 destruction. He himself with his forces
was defeated in the war with the Armenians,
and the rest of the inhabitants of the cities under him were terribly
afflicted with famine and pestilence, so that one measure of wheat
was sold for twenty-five hundred Attic
5 drachms. (4) Those who died in the cities
were innumerable, and those who died in
the country and villages were still more. So that the tax lists which
formerly included a great rural population were almost entirely wiped
out; nearly all being speedily destroyed by famine and pestilence.
Some, therefore, de- 6
sired to dispose of their most precious
things to those who were better supplied, in return for the smallest
morsel of food, and others, selling their possessions little by little,
fell into the last extremity of want. Some, chewing wisps of hay and
recklessly eating noxious herbs, undermined and mined their
constitutions. And some of the high-born 7
women in the cities, driven by want to
shameful extremities, went forth into the market-places to beg, giving
evidence of their former liberal culture by the modesty of their
appearance and the decency of their apparel.
Some, wasted away like ghosts and at the 8
very point of death, stumbled and tottered
here and there, and too weak to stand fell down in the middle of the
streets; lying stretched out at full length they begged that a small
morsel of food might be given them, and with their last gasp they cried
out Hunger! having strength only for this most painful cry.
But others, who seemed to be better sup- 9
plied, astonished at the multitude of the
beggars, after giving away large quantities, finally became hard and
relentless, expecting that they themselves also would soon suffer the
same calamities as those who begged. So that in the midst of the
market-places and lanes, dead and naked bodies lay unburied for many
days, presenting the most lamentable spectacle to those that beheld
them. Some 10
also became food for dogs, on which ac-
count the survivors began to kill the dogs, lest they should become mad
and should go to. devouring men.
But still worse was the pestilence which 11
consumed entire houses and families, and
especially those whom the famine was not able to destroy because of
their abundance of food. Thus men of wealth, rulers and governors and
multitudes in office, as if left by the famine on purpose for the
pestilence, suffered swift and speedy death. Every place therefore was
full of lamentation; in every lane and market-place and street there
was nothing else to be seen or heard than tears, with the customary
instruments and the voices of the mourners. (5) In this way death,
waging war with these two weapons, pestilence and famine, destroyed
whole families in a short time, so that one could see two or three dead
bodies carried out at once. Such were the rewards of the boasting of
Maximinus and of the measures of the cities against us.
Then did the evidences of the universal zeal and
piety of the Christians become manifest
to all the heathen. For they alone in the 14
midst of such ills showed their sympathy
363
and humanity by their deeds. Every day some continued caring for and
burying the dead, for there were multitudes who had no one to care for
them; others collected in one place those who were afflicted by the
famine, throughout the entire city, and gave bread to them all; so that
the thing became noised abroad among all men, and they glorified the
God of the Christians; and, convinced by the facts themselves,
confessed that they alone were truly pious and
15 religious. After these things were thus done,
God, the great and celestial defender of the
Christians, having revealed in the events which have been described his
anger and indignation at all men for the great evils which they had
brought upon us, restored to us the bright and gracious sunlight of his
providence in our behalf; so that in the deepest darkness a light of
peace shone most wonderfully upon us from him, and made it manifest to
all that God himself has always been the ruler of our affairs. From
time to time indeed he chastens his people and corrects them by his
visitations, but again after sufficient chastisement he shows mercy and
favor to those who hope in him.
CHAPTER IX.
The Victory of the God-Beloved Emperors. (1)
Thus when Constantine, whom we have already mentioned (1a) as an
emperor, born of an emperor, a pious son of a most pious and prudent
father, and Licinius, second to him, (2)-two God-beloved emperors,
honored alike for their intelligence and their piety,--being
stirred up against the two most impious tyrants by God, the
absolute Ruler and Saviour of all, engaged in formal war against them,
with God as their ally, Maxentius (8) was defeated at Rome by
Constantine in a remarkable manner, and the tyrant of the East (4) did
not long survive him, but met a most shameful death at the hand of
Licinius, who had not yet become insane. (5) Constantine, who was the
superior both in dignity and imperial rank, (6) first took compassion
upon those who were oppressed at Rome, and having invoked in
prayer the God of heaven,
and his Word, and Jesus Christ himself, the Saviour of all, as
his aid, advanced with his Whole
army, (7) proposing to restore to the Romans
their ancestral liberty. But Maxentius, put- 3
ring confidence rather in the arts of sorcery
than in the devotion of his subjects, did not dare to go forth beyond
the gates of the city, but fortified every place and district and town
which was enslaved by him, in the neighborhood of Rome and in all
Italy, with an immense multi-rude of troops and with innumerable bands
of soldiers. But the emperor, relying upon the assistance of God,
attacked the first, second, and third army of the tyrant, and conquered
them all; and having advanced through the greater part of Italy, was
already very near Rome.
Then, that he might not be compelled to 4 wage war with the Romans for
the sake of the tyrant, God himself drew the latter, as if bound in
chains, some distance without the gates, and confirmed those threats
against the impious which had been anciently inscribed in sacred
books,--disbelieved, indeed, by most as a myth, but believed by the
faithful,--confirmed them, in a word, by the deed itself to all, both
believers and unbelievers, that saw the wonder
with their eyes. Thus, as in the time of 5
Moses himself and of the ancient God-
beloved race of Hebrews, "he cast Pharaoh's chariots and host into the
sea, and overwhelmed his chosen charioteers in the Red Sea, and covered
them with the flood," (8) in the same way Maxentius also with his
soldiers and body-guards "went down into the depths like a stone," (9)
when he fled before the power of God which was with Constantine, and
passed through the river which lay in his way, over which he had formed
a
364
bridge with boats, and thus prepared the
means of his own destruction. In regard
to him one might say, "he digged a pit and
opened it and fell into the hole which he had made; his labor shall
turn upon his own head,
and his unrighteousness shall fall upon his
7 own crown." (10) Thus, then, the bridge over
the river being broken, the passageway settled down, and
immediately the boats with the men disappeared in the depths, and that
most impious one himself first of all, then the shield-bearers who were
with him, as the divine oracles foretold, "sank like lead in the mighty
8 waters"; (11) so that those who obtained the
victory from God, if not in words, at least
in deeds, like Moses, the great servant of God, and those who were with
him, fittingly sang as they had sung against the impious tyrant of old,
saying, "Let us sing unto the Lord, for he hath gloriously glorified
himself; horse and rider hath he thrown into the sea; a helper and a
protector hath he become for my salvation;" (12) and "Who is like unto
thee, O Lord; among the gods, who is like unto thee? glorious in
holiness, (13) marvelous in glory, doing wonders." (14)
9 These and the like praises Constantine, by
his very deeds, sang to God, the universal
Ruler, and Author of his victory, as he entered Rome in triumph.
Immediately all the members of the senate and the other most celebrated
men, with the whole Roman people, together with children and women,
received him as their deliverer, their saviour, and their benefactor,
with shining eyes and with their whole souls, with shouts of gladness
and unbounded joy.
10 But he, as one possessed of inborn piety
toward God, did not exult in the shouts, nor
was he elated by the praises; but perceiving that his aid was from God,
he immediately commanded that a trophy of the Saviour's passion be put
in the hand of his own statue. And when he had placed it, with the
saving sign of the cross in its right hand, in the most public place in
Rome, he commanded that the following inscription should be engraved
upon it in the
11 Roman tongue: "By this salutary sign, the
true proof of bravery, I have saved and
freed your city from the yoke of the tyrant and moreover, having set at
liberty both the senate and the people of Rome, I have restored them to
their ancient distinction and splendor." (15) And after this both
Constantine himself and with him the Emperor Licinius, who had not yet
been seized by that madness into which he later fell, (16) praising God
as the author of all their blessings, with one will and mind drew up a
full and most complete decree in behalf of the Christians, (17) and
sent an account of the wonderful things done for them by God, and of
the victory over the tyrant, together with a copy of the decree itself,
to Maximinus, who still ruled over the nations of the East and
pretended friendship toward them. But he, 13
like a tyrant, was greatly pained by what he
learned; but not wishing to seem to yield to others, nor, on the other
hand, to suppress that which was commanded, for fear of those who
enjoined it, as if on his own authority, he addressed, under
compulsion, to the governors under him this first communication in
behalf of the Christians, (18) falsely inventing things against himself
which had never been done by him.
Copy of a
translation of the epistle of the tyrant
Maximinus.
"Jovius Maximinus Augustus to Sabinus. (10) I
am confident that it is manifest both to thy firmness and to all men
that our masters Diocletian
and Maximianus, our fathers, when they saw
almost all men abandoning the worship of
the gods and attaching themselves to the 14
party of the Christians, rightly decreed that
all who gave up the worship of those same immortal gods should be
recalled by open chastisement and punishment to the worship of the
gods. But when I first came to the 15
365
East under favorable auspices and learned that in some places a great
many men who were able to render public service had been banished by
the judges for the above-mentioned cause, I gave command to each of the
judges that henceforth none of them should treat the provincials with
severity, but that they should rather recall them to the worship of the
gods by flattery and exhortations. (20) Then when, in accordance with
my command, these orders were obeyed by the judges, it came to pass
that none of those who lived in the districts of the East were banished
or insulted, but that they were rather brought back to the worship of
the gods by the fact that no severity was employed
17 toward them. But afterwards, when I went
up last year (21) under good auspices to Nicomedia and
sojourned there, citizens of the same
city came to me with the images of the gods,
earnestly entreating that such a people should
by no means be permitted to dwell in their
18 country. (22) But when I learned that many
men of the same religion dwelt in those regions, I replied
that I gladly thanked them for
their request, but that I perceived that it was
not proffered by all, and that if, therefore, there
were any that persevered in the same superstition, each one had the
privilege of doing as he
pleased, even if he wished to recognize the
19 worship of the gods. (23) Nevertheless, I considered it necessary to
give a friendly answer to the inhabitants of Nicomedia and to the other
cities which had so earnestly presented to me the same petition,
namely, that no Christians should dwell in their cities,--both because
this same course had been pursued by all the ancient emperors, and also
because it was pleasing to the gods, through whom all men and the
government of the state itself endure,--and to confirm the request
which they presented in
20 behalf of the worship of their deity. There-
fore, although before this time, special letters have been sent
to thy devotedness, and commands have likewise been given that no harsh
measures should be taken against those provincials who desire to follow
such a course, but that they should be treated mildly and
moderately,--nevertheless, in order that they may
not suffer insults or extortions (24) from the beneficiaries, (25) or
from any others, I have thought meet to remind thy firmness in this
epistle (26) also that thou shouldst lead our provincials rather by
flatteries and exhortations to recognize
the care of the gods. Hence, 'if any one 21
of his own choice should decide to adopt
the worship of the gods, it is fitting that he should be welcomed, but
if any should wish to follow their own religion, do thou leave it in
their power. Wherefore it behooves thy devotedness to observe that
which is committed to thee, and to see that power is given to no one to
oppress our provincials with insults and extortions, (27) since, as
already written, it is fitting to recall our provincials to the worship
of the gods rather by exhortations and flatteries. But, in order that
this command of ours may come to the knowledge of all our provincials,
it is incumbent upon thee to proclaim that which has been enjoined, in
an edict issued by thyself."
Since he was forced to do this by necessity and did
not give the command by his own will, he was not regarded by any one as
sincere or trustworthy, because he had already shown his unstable and
deceitful disposition
after his former similar concession. None 24
of our people, therefore, ventured to hold
meetings or even to appear in public, because his communication did not
cover this, but only commanded to guard against doing us any injury,
and did not give orders that we should hold meetings or build churches
or perform any
of our customary acts. And yet Constantine and Licinius, the advocates
of peace and piety, had written him to permit this, and had granted it
to all their subjects by edicts and ordinances. (28) But this most
impious man did not choose to yield in this matter until, being driven
by the divine judgment, he was at last compelled to do it against his
will.
366
CHAPTER X.
The Overthrow of the Tyrants and the Words, which
they uttered before their Death. (1)
1 The circumstances which drove him to
this course were the following. Being no
longer able to sustain the magnitude of the government which had been
undeservedly committed to him, in consequence of his want of prudence
and imperial understanding, he managed affairs in a base manner, and
with his mind unreasonably exalted in all things with boastful pride,
even toward his colleagues in the empire who were in every respect his
superiors, in birth, in training, in education, in worth and
intelligence, and, greatest of all, in temperance and piety toward the
true God, he began to venture to act audaciously and to arrogate to
himself the first rank. (2) Becoming mad in his folly, he broke the
treaties which he had made with Licinius (3) and undertook an
implacable war. Then in a brief time he threw all things into
confusion, and stirred up every city, and having collected his entire
force, comprising an immense number of soldiers, he went forth to
battle with him, elated by his hopes in demons, whom he supposed to be
gods, and by the number of his soldiers. And when he joined battle (4)
he was deprived of the
oversight of God, and the victory
was given to Licinius, (5) who was then ruling, by the one
4 and only God of all. First, the army in
which he trusted was destroyed, and as all
his guards abandoned him and left him alone, and fled to the victor, he
secretly divested himself as quickly as possible of the imperial
garments, which did not fitly belong to him, and in a cowardly and
ignoble and unmanly way mingled with the crowd, and then fled,
concealing himself in fields and villages. (6) But though he was so
careful for his safety, he scarcely escaped the hands of his enemies,
revealing by his deeds
that the divine oracles are faithful and true,
in which it is said, "A king is not saved by 5
a great force, and a giant shall not be saved
by the greatness of his strength; a horse is a
vain thing for safety, nor shall he be delivered
by the greatness of his power. Behold, the eyes
of the Lord are upon them that fear him, upon
them that hope in his mercy, to deliver
their souls from death." (7) Thus the tyrant, covered with shame, went
to his own
country. And first, in frantic rage, he slew many priests and prophets
of the gods whom he had formerly admired, and whose oracles had incited
him to undertake the war, as sorcerers and impostors, and besides all
as betrayers of his safety. Then having given glory to the God of the
Christians and enacted a most full and complete ordinance in behalf of
their liberty, (8) he was immediately seized with a mortal disease, and
no respite being granted him, departed this life. (9) The law enacted
by him was as follows:
Copy of the edict of the tyrant in behaIf of 7
the Christians, translated from the
man tongue.
"The Emperor Caesar Caius Valerius Maximinus,
Germanicus, Sarmaticus, Plus, Felix, Invictus, Augustus. We believe it
manifest that no one is ignorant, but that every man who looks back
over the past knows and is conscious that m every way we care
continually for the good of our provincials, and wish to furnish them
with those things which are of especial advantage to all, and for the
common benefit and profit, and whatever contributes to the public
welfare and is agreeable to the views of each. When, therefore, before
this, it became clear to our mind that under pretext of the command of
our parents, the most divine Diocletian and Maximianus, which enjoined
that the meetings of the
367
Christians should be abolished, many extortions (10) and spoliations
had been practiced by officials; and that those evils were continually
increasing, to the detriment of our provincials toward whom we are
especially anxious to exercise proper care, and that their possessions
were in consequence perishing, letters were sent last year (11) to the
governors of each province, in which we decreed that, if any one wished
to follow such a practice or to observe this same religion, he should
be permitted without hindrance to pursue his purpose and should be
impeded and prevented by no one, and that all should have liberty to do
without any fear or suspicion that which each preferred. But even now
we cannot help perceiving that some of the judges have mistaken our
commands, and have given our people reason to doubt the meaning of our
ordinances, and have caused them to proceed too reluctantly to the
observance of those religious rites which are pleasing to
10 them. In order, therefore, that in the future every suspicion of
fearful doubt may be
taken away, we have commanded that this decree
be published, so that it may be clear to all that
whoever wishes to embrace this sect and religion
is permitted to do so by virtue of this grant of
ours; and that each one, as he wishes or as is
pleasing to him, is permitted to practice this religion which he has
chosen to observe according
to his custom. It is also granted them to
11 build Lord's houses. But that this grant of
ours may be the greater, we have thought
good to decree also that if any houses and lands before this time
rightfully belonged to the Christians, and by the command of our
parents fell into the treasury, or were confiscated by any
city,--whether they have been sold or presented to any one as a
gift,--that all these should be restored to their original possessors,
the Christians, in order that in this also every one may have knowledge
of our piety and care."
12 These are the words of the tyrant which
were published not quite a year after the
decrees against the Christians engraved by him on pillars. (12) And by
him to whom a little before we seemed impious wretches and atheists and
destroyers of all life, so that we were not permitted to dwell in any
city nor even in country or desert,--by him decrees and ordinances were
issued in behalf of the Christians, and they who recently had been
destroyed by fire and sword, by wild beasts and birds of prey, in the
presence of the tyrant himself, and had suffered every species of
torture and punishment, and most miserable deaths as atheists and
impious wretches, were now acknowledged by him as possessors of
religion and were permitted to build churches; and the tyrant
himself bore witness and confessed that they had some
rights. And having made such confessions, 13
as if he had received some benefit on ac-
count of them, he suffered perhaps less than he ought to have suffered,
and being smitten by a sudden scourge of God, he perished in the
second campaign of the war. But his end 14
was not like that of military chieftains who,
while fighting bravely in battle for virtue and friends, often boldly
encounter a glorious death; for like an impious enemy of God, while his
army was still drawn up in the field, remaining at home and concealing
himself, he suffered the punishment which he deserved. For he was
smitten with a sudden scourge of God in his whole body, and harassed by
terrible pains and torments, he fell prostrate on the ground, wasted by
hunger, while all his flesh was dissolved by an invisible and God-sent
fire, so that the whole appearance of his frame was changed, and there
was left only a kind of image wasted away by length of time to a
skeleton of dry bones; so that those who were present could think of
his body as nothing else than the tomb of his soul, which was buried in
a body already dead
and completely melted away. And as the 15 heat still more violently
consumed him in the depths of his marrow, his eyes burst forth, and
falling from their sockets left him blind. Thereupon still breathing
and making free confession to the Lord, he invoked death, and at last,
after acknowledging that he justly suffered these things on account of
his violence against Christ, he gave up the ghost.
CHAPTER XI.
The Final Destruction of the Enemies of
Religion.
Thus when Maximinus, who alone had 1
remained of the enemies of religion (1) and
had appeared the worst of them all, was put out of the way, the
renovation of the churches from their foundations was begun by the
grace of God the Ruler of all, and the word of Christ. shining unto the
glory of the God of the universe, obtained greater freedom than before,
368
while the impious enemies of
religion were covered with extremest shame and dishonor. For Maximinus
himself, being first pronounced by the emperors a common enemy, was
declared by public proclamations to be a most impious, execrable, and
God-hating tyrant. And of the portraits which had been set up in every
city in honor of him or of his children, some were thrown down from
their places to the ground, and torn in pieces; while the faces of
others were obliterated by daubing them with black paint. And the
statues which had been erected to his honor were likewise overthrown
and broken, and lay exposed to the laughter and sport of those who
wished to insult and
8 abuse them. Then also all the honors of
the other enemies of religion were taken
away, and all those who sided with Maximinus were slain, especially
those who had been honored by him with high offices in reward for their
flattery, and had behaved insolently toward
4 our doctrine. Such an one was Peucetius, (2)
the dearest of his companions, who had
been honored and rewarded by him above all, who had been consul a
second and third time, and had been appointed by him chief minister;
(3) and Culcianus, (4) who had likewise advanced through every grade of
office, and was also celebrated for his numberless executions of
Christians in Egypt; (6) and besides these not a few others, by whose
agency especially the tyranny
of Maximinus had been confirmed and ex-5 tended. And
Theotecnus (6) also was summoned by justice which by no means
overlooked his deeds against the Christians. For when the statue had
been set up by him at Antioch, (7) he appeared to be in the happiest
state, and was already made a governor by Maximinus.
But Licinius, coming down to the city of 6 Antioch, made a search for
impostors, and tortured the prophets and priests of the newly erected
statue, asking them for what reason they practiced their deception.
They, under the stress of torture, were unable longer to conceal the
matter, and declared that the whole deceptive mystery had been devised
by the art of Theotecnus. Therefore, after meting out to all of them
just judgment, he first put Theotecnus himself to death, and then his
confederates in the imposture, with the severest possible
tortures. To all these were added also the 7 children (8) of Maximinus,
whom he had already made sharers in the imperial dignity, by placing
their names on tablets and statues. And the relatives of the tyrant,
who before had been boastful and had in their pride oppressed all men,
suffered the same punishments with those who have been already
mentioned, as well as the extremest disgrace. For they had not received
instruction, neither did they know and understand the exhortation given
in the
Holy Word: "Put not your trust in princes, nor in the sons of men, in
whom there
is no salvation; his spirit shall go forth and return to his earth; in
that day all their thoughts perish." (9)
The impious ones having been thus 9
removed, the government was preserved
firm and undisputed for Constantine and Licinius, to whom it fittingly
belonged. They, having first of all cleansed the world of hostility to
the Divine Being, conscious of the benefits which he had conferred upon
them, showed their love of virtue and of God, and their piety and
gratitude to the Deity, by their ordinance in behalf of the Christians.
(10)
BOOK X.
CHAPTER I.
The Peace granted us by God.
1 THANKS for all things be given unto God
the Omnipotent Ruler and King of the universe, and the greatest
thanks to Jesus Christ the Saviour and Redeemer of our souls, through
whom we pray that peace may be always preserved for us firm and
undisturbed by external troubles and by troubles of the mind. Since in
accordance with thy wishes, my most holy Paulinus, (1) we have added
the tenth book of the Church History to those which have preceded, (2)
we will inscribe it to thee, proclaiming thee as the seal of the whole
work; and we will fitly add in a perfect
number the perfect panegyric upon the
restoration of the churches, (3) obeying the Divine. Spirit which
exhorts us in the following words:
"Sing unto the Lord a new song, for he hath done marvelous things. His
right hand and his holy arm hath saved him. The Lord hath made known
his salvation, his righteousness hath he revealed in the presence of
the nations." (4)
And in accordance with the utterance which 4
commands us to sing the new song, let us
proceed to show that, after those terrible and gloomy spectacles which
we have described, (5) we are now permitted to see and celebrate such
things as many truly righteous men and martyrs of God before us desired
to see upon earth and did not see, and to hear and did not hear. (6)
But they, hastening on, obtained far better things, (7) being carried
to heaven and the paradise of divine pleasure. But, acknowledging that
even these things are greater than we deserve, we have been astonished
at the grace manifested by the author of the great gifts, and rightly
do we admire him, worshiping him with the whole power of our souls, and
testifying to the truth of those recorded utterances, in which it is
said, "Come and see the works of the Lord, the wonders which he hath
done upon the earth; he removeth wars to the ends of the world, he
shall break the bow and snap the spear in sunder, and shall burn the
shields with fire." (8) Rejoicing in these things which have been
clearly fulfilled in our day, let us proceed with our account.
The whole race of God's enemies was destroyed in the
manner indicated, (9) and was thus suddenly swept from the sight of
men. So that again a divine utterance had its fulfillment: "I have seen
the impious highly exalted and raising himself like the cedars of
Lebanon and I have passed by, and behold, he was not and I have sought
his place, and it could not be found." (10) And finally a bright and
splendid day, overshadowed by no cloud, illuminated with beams of
heavenly light the churches of Christ throughout the entire world. And
not even those without our communion were prevented from sharing in the
same blessings, or at least from coming under their influ-
370
ence and enjoying a part of the benefits bestowed upon us by God. (12)
CHAPTER II.
The Restoration of the Churches.
1 All men, then, were freed from the oppression of the
tyrants, and being released
from the former ills, one in one way and another in another
acknowledged the defender of the pious to be the only true God. And we
especially who placed our hopes in the Christ of God had unspeakable
gladness, and a certain inspired joy bloomed for all of us, when we saw
every place which shortly before had been desolated by the impieties of
the tyrants reviving as if from a long and death-fraught pestilence,
and temples again rising from their foundations to an immense height,
and receiving a splendor far greater than that of the old ones which
had been destroyed. But the supreme rulers also confirmed to us still
more extensively the munificence of God by repeated ordinances in
behalf of the Christians; and personal letters of the emperor were sent
to the bishops, with honors and gifts of money. It may not be unfitting
to insert these documents, translated from the Roman into the Greek
tongue, at the proper place in this book, (1) as in a sacred tablet,
that they may remain as a memorial to all who shall come after us.
CHAPTER III.
The Dedications in Every Place.
I After this was seen the sight which had
been desired and prayed for by us all;
feasts of dedication in the cities and consecrations of the newly built
houses of prayer took place, bishops assembled, foreigners came
together from abroad, mutual love was exhibited between people and
people, the members of Christ's body were united in complete harmony.
Then was fulfilled the prophetic utterance which mystically foretold
what was to take place: "Bone to bone and joint to joint," (1) and
whatever was truly announced in
enigmatic expressions in the inspired pas-3 sage.
And there was one energy of the Divine Spirit pervading all the
members, and one soul in all, and the same eagerness of faith, and one
hymn from all in praise of the Deity. Yea, and perfect services were
conducted by the prelates, the sacred rites being solemnized, and the
majestic institutions of the Church observed,2 here with the singing of
psalms and with the reading of the words committed to us by God, and
there with the performance of divine and mystic services; and the
mysterious symbols of the Saviour's passion were dispensed. At the same
time people of every 4
age, both male and female, with all the
power of the mind gave honor unto God, the author of their benefits, in
prayers and thanksgiving, with a joyful mind and soul. And every one of
the bishops present, each to the best of his ability, delivered
panegyric orations, adding luster to the assembly.
CHAPTER IV.
Panegyric on the Splendor of Affairs.
A Certain one of those of moderate talent, (1) who
had composed a discourse, stepped forward in the presence of many
pastors who were assembled as if for a church gathering, and while they
attended quietly and decently, he addressed himself as follows to one
who was in all things a most excellent bishop and beloved of God, (2)
through whose zeal the temple in Tyre, which was the most splendid in
Phoenicia, had been erected.
Panegyric upon the building of
the churches, 2 addressed to Paulinus, Bishop of Tyre.
"Friends and priests of God who are clothed in the
sacred gown and adorned with the heavenly crown of glory, the inspired
unction and the sacerdotal garment of the Holy Spirit; and thou? oh
pride of God's new holy temple, endowed by him with the wisdom of age,
and yet exhibiting costly works and deeds of youthful and flourishing
virtue, to whom God himself, who embraces the entire world, has granted
the distinguished honor of building and renewing this earthly house to
Christ, his only begotten and first-born Word, and to his holy and
divine
bride; (4) -- one might call thee a new Beseleel, (5) 3
the architect of a divine tabernacle, or Solo-
mon, king of a new and much better Jerusalem,
371
or also a new Zerubabel, who added a much greater glory than the former
to the temple 4 of God; (6)--and you also, oh nurslings of the sacred
flock of Christ, habitation of good words, school of wisdom, and august
5 and pious auditory of religion: (7) It was long
ago permitted us to raise hymns and songs
to God, when we learned from hearing the Divine Scriptures read the
marvelous signs of God and the benefits conferred upon men by the
Lord's wondrous deeds, being taught to say 'Oh God! we have heard with
our ears, our fathers have told us the work which thou didst in their
days, in days of old.' (8) s But now as we no longer perceive the lofty
arm (9) and the celestial right hand of our all-gracious God and
universal King by hearsay merely or report, but observe so to speak in
very deed and with our own eyes that the declarations recorded long ago
are faithful and true, it is permitted us to raise a second hymn of
triumph and to sing with loud voice, and say, 'AS we have heard, so
have we seen; in the city of the Lord of hosts, in the city of our
God.' (10) And in what city but in this newly built and God-constructed
one, which is a 'church of the living God, a pillar and foundation of
the truth,' (11) concerning which also another divine oracle thus
proclaims, 'Glorious things have been spoken of thee, oh city of God.'
(12) Since the all-gracious God has brought us together to it, through
the grace of his Only-Begotten, let every one of those who have been
summoned sing with loud voice and say, ' I was glad when they said unto
me, we shall go unto the house of the Lord,' (13) and 'Lord, I have
loved the beauty of thy house and the place
8 where thy glory dwelleth.' (14) And let us
not only one by one, but all together, with
one spirit and one soul, honor him and cry aloud, saying, ' Great is
the Lord and greatly to be praised in the city of our God, in his holy
mountain.' (15) For he is truly great, and great is his house, lofty
and spacious and @ comely in beauty above the sons of men.' (16) 'Great
is the Lord who alone doeth wonderful things'; (17) 'great is he who
doeth great things and things past finding out, glorious and marvelous
things which cannot be numbered'; (18) is great is he ' who changeth
times and seasons, who exalteth and debaseth kings ';19 , who raiseth
up the poor from the earth and lifteth up the needy from
the dunghill.' (20) He hath put clown princes
from their thrones and hath exalted them of
low degree from the earth. The hungry he hath
filled with good things and the arms of
the proud he hath broken.' (21) Not only to9
the faithful, but also to unbelievers, has he
confirmed the record of ancient events; he that worketh miracles, he
that doeth great things, the Master of all, the Creator of the whole
world, the omnipotent, the all-merciful, the one and only God. To him
let us sing the new song, (22) supplying in thought, (23) ' To him who
alone doeth great wonders: for his mercy endureth forever'; 24, To him
which smote great kings, and slew famous kings: for his mercy endureth
forever'; (25) 'For the Lord remembered us in our low estate and
delivered us from our
adversaries.' (26) And let us never cease to 10
cry aloud in these words to the Father of
the universe. And let us always honor him with our mouth who is the
second cause of our benefits, the instructor in divine knowledge, the
teacher of the true religion, the destroyer of the impious, the slayer
of tyrants, the reformer of life, Jesus, the Saviour of us who were
in despair. For he alone, as the only all- 11
gracious Son of an all-gracious Father, in
accordance with the purpose of his Father's benevolence, has willingly
put on the nature of us who lay prostrate in corruption, and like some
excellent physician, who for the sake of saving them that are ill,
examines their sufferings, handles their foul sores, and reaps pain for
himself from the miseries of another, (27) so us who were not only
diseased and afflicted with terrible ulcers and wounds already
mortified, but were even lying among the dead, he hath saved for
himself from the very jaws of death. For none other of those in heaven
had such
372
power as without harm (28) to minister to the salvation of so many. But
he alone having reached our deep corruption, he alone having taken upon
himself our labors, he alone having suffered the punishments due for
our impieties, having recovered us who were not half dead merely, but
were already in tombs and sepulchers, and altogether foul and
offensive, saves us, both anciently and now, by his beneficent zeal,
beyond the expectation of any one, even of ourselves, and imparts
liberally of the Father's benefits,- he who is the giver of life and
light, our great Physician and King and Lord, the
13 Christ of God. For then when the whole
human race lay buried in gloomy night and
in depths of darkness through the deceitful arts of guilty demons and
the power of God-hating spirits, by his simple appearing he loosed once
for all the fast-bound cords of our impieties by the rays of his light,
even as wax is melted.
14 But when malignant envy and the evil-
loving demon wellnigh burst with anger at
such grace and kindness, and turned against us all his death-dealing
forces, and when, at first, like a dog gone mad which gnashes his teeth
at the stones thrown at him, and pours out his rage against his
assailants upon the inanimate missiles, he leveled his ferocious
madness at the stones of the sanctuaries and at the lifeless material
of the houses, and desolated the churches, --at least as he
supposed,--and then emitted terrible hissings and snake-like sounds,
now by the threats of impious tyrants, and again by the blasphemous
edicts of profane rulers, vomiting forth death, moreover, and infecting
with his deleterious and soul-destroying poisons the souls captured by
him, and almost slaying them by his death-fraught sacrifices of dead
idols, and causing every beast in the form of man and every kind of
savage to assault us
15 --then, indeed, the 'Angel of the great
Council,' (29) the great Captain (30) of God
after the mightiest soldiers of his kingdom had displayed sufficient
exercise through patience and endurance in everything, suddenly
appeared anew, and blotted out and annihilated his enemies and foes, so
that they seemed never to have had even a name. But his friends and
relatives he raised to the highest glory, in the presence not only of
all men, but also of celestial powers, of sun and moon and stars,
16 and of the whole heaven and earth, so that
now, as has never happened before, the supreme rulers, conscious
of the honor which they have received from him, spit upon the faces of
dead idols, trample upon the unhallowed rites of demons, make sport of
the ancient delusion handed down from their fathers, and acknowledge
only one God, the common benefactor of all, themselves included. And
they confess Christ, the Son of God, universal King of all, and
proclaim him Saviour on monuments, (31) imperishably recording in
imperial letters, in the midst of the city which rules over the earth,
his righteous deeds and his victories over the impious. Thus Jesus
Christ our Saviour is the only one from all eternity who has been
acknowledged, even by those highest in the earth, not as a common king
among men, but as a trite son of the universal God, and who has been
worshiped
as very God, (32) and that rightly. For what 17
king that ever lived attained such virtue as
to fill the ears and tongues of all men upon earth with his own name?
What king, after ordaining such pious and wise laws, has extended them
from one end of the earth to the other, so that they are perpetually
read in the hearing of
all men? Who has abrogated barbarous 18
and savage customs of uncivilized nations
by his gentle and most philanthropic laws? Who, being attacked for
entire ages by all, has shown such superhuman virtue as to flourish
daily, and remain young throughout his
life? Who has founded a nation which of 19 old was not even heard of,
but which now is not concealed in some comer of the earth, but is
spread abroad everywhere under the sun? Who has so fortified his
soldiers with the arms of piety that their souls, being firmer than
adamant, shine brilliantly in the contests with
their opponents? What king prevails to 20
such an extent, and even after death leads
on his soldiers, and sets up trophies over his
373
enemies, and fills every place, country and city, Greek and barbarian,
with his royal dwellings, even divine temples with their consecrated
oblations, like this very temple with its superb adornments and votive
offerings, which are themselves so truly great and majestic, worthy of
wonder and admiration, and clear signs of the sovereignty of our
Saviour? For now, too, 'he spake, and they were made; he commanded, and
they were created.' (33) For what was there to resist the nod of the
universal King and Governor and Word of God himself? (34)
"A special discourse would be needed accurately to
survey and explain all this; and
also to describe how great the zeal of the
Iaborers is regarded by him who is celebrated as divine, (35) who looks
upon the living temple which we all constitute, and surveys the house,
composed of living and moving stones, which is well and surely built
upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets, the chief cornerstone
being Jesus Christ himself, who has been rejected not only by the
builders of that ancient building which no longer stands, but also by
the builders -- evil architects of evil works -- of the structure,
which is composed of the mass of men and still endures (36) But the
Father has approved him both then and now, and has made him the head of
the corner of this our common church. Who that beholds this living
temple of the living God formed of ourselves--this greatest and truly
divine sanctuary, I say, whose inmost shrines are invisible to the
multitude and are truly holy and a holy of holies -- would venture to
declare it? Who is able even to look within the sacred enclosure,
except the great High Priest of all, to whom alone it is permitted to
fathom
23 the mysteries of every rational soul? But
perhaps it is granted to another, to one
only, to be second after him in the same work, namely, to the commander
of this army whom the first and great High Priest himself has honored
with the second place in this sanctuary, the shepherd of your divine
flock who has
obtained your people by the allotment and the judgment of the Father,
as if he had appointed him his own servant and interpreter, a new Aaron
or Melchizedec, made like the Son of God, remaining and continually
preserved by him in accordance with the united prayers
of all of you. To him therefore alone let 24
it be granted, if not in the first place, at
least in the second after the first and greatest High Priest, to
observe and supervise the inmost state of your souls,--to him who by
experience and length of time has accurately proved each one, and who
by his zeal and care has disposed you all in pious conduct and
doctrine, and is better able than any one else to give an account,
adequate to the facts, of those things which he himself has
accomplished with the
Divine assistance. As to our first and great 25
High Priest, it is said, (37) 'Whatsoever he
seeth the Father doing those things likewise the Son also doeth.' (38)
So also this one, (39) looking up to him as to the first teacher, with
pure eyes of the mind, using as archetypes whatsoever things he seeth
him doing, produceth images of them, making them so far as is possible
in the same likeness, in nothing inferior to that Beseleel, whom God
himself 'filled with the spirit of wisdom and understanding' (40) and
with other technical and scientific knowledge, and called to be the
maker of the temple constructed after
heavenly types given in symbols. Thus this 28
one also bearing in his own soul the image
of the whole Christ, the Word, the Wisdom, the Light, has formed this
magnificent temple of the highest God, corresponding to the pattern of
the greater as a visible to an invisible, it is impossible to say with
what greatness of soul, with what wealth and liberality of mind, and
with what emulation on the part of all of you, shown in the magnanimity
of the contributors who have ambitiously striven in no way to be left
behind by him in the execution of the same purpose. And this
place,--for this deserves to be mentioned first of all, -- which had
been covered with all sorts of rubbish by the artifices of our enemies
he did not overlook, nor did he yield to the wickedness of those who
had brought about that condition of things, although he might have
chosen some other place, for many other sites were available in the
city, where he would have had less labor, and been free from
trouble. But having first aroused himself 27
to the work, and then strengthened the
whole people with zeal, and formed them all into one great body, he
fought the first contest. For he thought that this church, which had
been
374
especially besieged by the enemy, which had first suffered and endured
the same persecutions with us and for us, like a mother bereft of her
children, should rejoice with us in the signal favor of the
all-merciful God. For when the Great Shepherd had driven away the wild
animals and wolves and every cruel and savage beast, and, as the divine
oracles say, 'had broken the jaws of the lions,' (41), he thought good
to collect again her children in the same place, and in the most
righteous manner he set up the fold of her flock, 'to put to shame the
enemy and avenger,' (42) and to refute the impious daring of the
enemies of God. (43)
29 And now they are not,--the haters of
God,--for they never were. After they
had troubled and been troubled for a little time, they suffered the
fitting punishment, and brought themselves and their friends and their
relatives to total destruction, so that the declarations inscribed of
old in sacred records have been proved true by facts. In these
declarations the divine word truly says among other things
30 the following concerning them: 'The wicked
have drawn out the sword, they have bent
their bow, to slay the righteous in heart; let their sword enter into
their own heart and their bows be broken.' (44) And again: 'Their
memorial is perished with a sound' (45) and 'their name hast thou
blotted out forever and ever'; (46) for when they also were in trouble
they 'cried out and there was none to save: unto the Lord, and he heard
them not. (47) But 'their feet were bound together, and they fell, but
we have arisen and stand upright.' (48) And that which was announced
beforehand in these words,-'O Lord, in thy city thou shalt set at
naught their image,' (49)--has been shown to be true
31 to the eyes of all. But having waged war
like the giants against God, (50) they died in
this way. But she that was desolate and rejected by men received the
consummation which we behold in consequence of her patience toward God,
so that the prophecy of Isaiah was spoken of her: 'Rejoice, thirsty
desert, let the desert rejoice and blossom as the lily, and the desert
places shall blossom and be glad.' (51) 'Be strengthened, ye weak hands
and feeble knees. Be of good courage, ye feeble-hearted, in your minds;
be strong, fear not. Behold our God recompenseth judgment and will
recompense, he will come and save us.' (52)
'For,' he says, 'in the wilderness water has broken out, and a pool in
thirsty ground, and the dry land shall be watered meadows, and in the
thirsty ground there shall be springs of water.' (53) These things
which were 33 prophesied long ago have been recorded
in sacred books; but no longer are they transmitted to us by hearsay
merely, but in facts.
This desert, this dry land, this widowed and
deserted one, 'whose gates they cut down with
axes like wood in a forest, whom they broke
down with hatchet and hammer,' (54) whose books
also they destroyed, (55) 'burning with fire the
sanctuary of God, and profaning unto the ground
the habitation of his name,' (56) 'whom all that
passed by upon the way plucked, and whose
fences they broke down, whom the boar out of
the wood ravaged, and on which the savage
wild beast fed,' (57) now by the wonderful power
of Christ, when he wills it, has become like a
lily. For at that time also she was chastened at
his nod as by a careful father; 'for whom the
Lord loveth he chasteneth, and scourgeth
every son whom he receiveth.' (58) Then after 34
being chastened in a measure, according to
the necessities of the case, she is commanded to rejoice anew; and she
blossoms as a lily and exhales her divine odor among all men. 'For,' it
is said, 'water hath broken out in the wilderness,' (59) the fountain
of the saving bath of divine regeneration. (60) And now she, who a
little before was a desert, 'has become watered meadows. and springs of
water have gushed forth in a thirsty land.' (61) The hands which before
were 'weak' have become 'truly strong'; (62) and these works are great
and convincing proofs of strong hands. The knees, also, which before
were 'feeble and infirm,' recovering their wonted strength, are moving
straight forward in the path of divine knowledge, and hastening to the
kindred flock (63) of the all-gracious Shepherd.
And if there are any whose souls have been 35
stupefied by the threats of the tyrants, not
even they are passed by as incurable by the saving Word; but he heals
them also and urges them on to receive divine comfort, saying, 'Be ye
comforted, ye who are faint-hearted; be
ye strengthened, fear not.' (64) This our new 36
and excellent Zerubabel, having heard the
word which announced beforehand, that she who had been made a desert on
account of God should enjoy these things, after the bitter cap-
375
tivity and the abomination of desolation, did not overlook the dead
body; but first of all with prayers and supplications propitiated the
Father with the common consent of all of you, and invoking the only one
that giveth life to the dead as his ally and fellow-worker, raised her
that was fallen, after purifying and freeing her from her ills. And he
clothed her not with the ancient garment, but with such an one as he
had again learned from the sacred oracles, which say clearly, 'And the
latter glory of this house shall be greater than the former.' (65)
Thus, enclosing a much larger space, he fortified
the outer court with a wall
surrounding the whole, which should serve as a most secure
38 bulwark for the entire edifice. (66) And he
raised and spread out a great and lofty vestibule toward
the rays of the rising sun, (67) and furnished those standing far
without the sacred enclosure a full view of those within, almost
turning the eyes of those who were strangers to the faith, to the
entrances, so that no one could pass by without being impressed by the
memory of the former desolation and of the present incredible
transformation. His hope was that such an one being impressed by this
might be attracted and be induced to enter by the very sight. But when
one comes within the gates he does not permit him to enter the
sanctuary immediately, with impure and unwashed feet; but leaving as
large a space as possible between the temple and the outer entrance, he
has surrounded and adorned it with four transverse cloisters, making a
quadrangular space with pillars rising on every side, which he has
joined with lattice-work screens of wood, rising to a suitable height;
and he has left an open space (68) in the middle, so that the sky can
be seen, and the free air bright in the rays 40 of
the sun. Here he has placed symbols
of sacred purifications, setting up fountains opposite the temple which
furnish an abundance of water wherewith those who come within the
sanctuary may purify themselves. This is the first halting-place of
those who enter; and it furnishes at the same time a beautiful and
splendid scene to every one, and to those who still need elementary
instruction a fitting station. But passing by this spectacle, he has 41
made open entrances to the temple with many other vestibules within,
placing three doors on one side, likewise facing the rays of the sun.
The one in the middle, adorned with plates of bronze, iron bound, and
beautifully embossed, he has made much higher and broader than the
others, as if he were making them guards for
it as for a queen. In the same way, arranging the number of vestibules
for the corridors on each side of the whole temple, he has made above
them various openings into the building, for the purpose of admitting
more light, adorning them with very fine wood-carving. But the royal
house he has furnished with more beautiful and splendid materials,
using unstinted
liberality in his disbursements. It seems 43
to me superfluous to describe here in detail
the length and breadth of the building, its splendor and its majesty
surpassing description, and the brilliant appearance of the work, its
lofty pinnacles reaching to the heavens, and the costly cedars of
Lebanon above them, which the divine oracle has not omitted to mention,
saying, 'The trees of the Lord shall rejoice and the cedars of Lebanon
which he hath
planted.' (69) Why need I now describe the 44 skillful architectural
arrangement and the surpassing beauty of each part, when the testimony
of the eye renders instruction through the ear superfluous? For when he
had thus completed the temple, he provided it with lofty thrones in
honor of those who preside, and in addition with seats arranged in
proper order throughout the whole building, and finally placed in the
middle (70) the holy of holies, the altar, and, that it might be
inaccessible to the multitude, enclosed it with wooden lattice-work,
accurately wrought with artistic carving, presenting a
wonderful sight to the beholders. And not 45 even the pavement was
neglected by him; for this too he adorned with beautiful marble of
every variety. Then finally he passed on to the parts without the
temple, providing spacious exedrae and buildings (71) on each side,
which were
376
joined to the basilica, and communicated with the entrances to the
interior of the structure. These were erected by our most peaceful (72)
Solomon, the maker of the temple of God, for those who still needed
purification and sprinkling by water and the Holy Spirit, so that the
prophecy quoted above is no longer a word merely, but a fact; for now
it has also come
46 to pass that in truth 'the biter glory of
this house is greater than the former.' (73)
For it was necessary and fitting that as her shepherd and Lord had once
tasted death for her, and after his suffering had changed that vile
body which he assumed in her behalf into a splendid and glorious body,
leading the very flesh which had been delivered (74) from corruption to
incorruption, she too should enjoy the dispensations of the Saviour.
For having received from him the promise of much greater things than
these, she desires to share uninterruptedly throughout eternity with
the choir of the angels of light, in the far greater glory of
regeneration, (75) in the resurrection of an incorruptible body, in the
palace of God beyond the heavens, with Christ Jesus himself, the
universal Benefactor and Saviour. But for the
present, she that was formerly widowed and
desolate is clothed by the grace of God with these flowers, and is
become truly like a lily, as the prophecy says, (76) and having
received the bridal garment and the crown of beauty, she is taught by
Isaiah to dance, and to present her thank-offerings unto God the King
in reverent words. Let us hear her saying, 'My
soul shall rejoice in the Lord; for he hath
clothed me with a garment of salvation and with a robe of gladness; he
hath bedecked me like a bridegroom with a garland, and he hath adorned
me like a bride with jewels; and like the earth which bringeth forth
her bud, and like a garden which causeth the things that are sown in it
to spring forth, thus the Lord God hath caused righteousness and praise
to
49 spring forth before all the nations.' (77) In
these words she exults. And in similar
words the heavenly bridegroom, the Word Jesus Christ himself, answers
her. Hear the Lord saying, 'Fear not because thou hast been put to
shame, neither be thou confounded because thou hast been rebuked; for
thou shalt forget the former shame, and the reproach of thy widowhood
shalt thou remember no more.' (78) 'Not (79) as a woman deserted and
faint-hearted
I hath the Lord called thee, nor as a woman hated from her youth, saith
thy God. For a small moment have I forsaken thee, but i with great
mercy will I have mercy upon thee; in a little wrath I hid my face from
thee, but with everlasting mercy will I have mercy upon thee, saith the
Lord that hath redeemed thee.' (80) 'Awake, awake, thou who hast
drunk at the hand of the Lord the cup of his fury; for thou hast drunk
the cup of ruin, the vessel of my wrath, and hast drained it. And there
was none to console thee of all thy sons whom thou didst bring forth,
and there was none to take thee by the hand.' (81) 'Behold, I have
taken out of thine hand the cup of ruin, the vessel of my fury, and
thou shalt no longer drink it. And I will put it into the hands of them
that have treated thee unjustly and have humbled thee.' (82) 'Awake,
awake, put on thy strength, put on thy glory. Shake off the dust and
arise. Sit thee down, loose the bands of thy neck.' 83 'Lift up thine
eyes round about and behold thy children gathered together; behold they
are gathered together and are come to thee. As I live, saith the Lord,
thou shalt clothe thee with them all as with an ornament, and gird
thyself with them as with the ornaments of a bride. For thy waste and
corrupted and ruined places shall now be too narrow by reason of those
that inhabit thee, and they that swallow thee up shall be far from
thee. For thy sons whom thou hast lost shall say in thine ears, The
place is too narrow for me, give place to me that I may dwell. Then
shalt thou say in thine heart, Who hath begotten me these? I am
childless and a widow, and who hath brought up these for me? I was left
alone, and these, where were they for me?' (84)
"These are the things which Isaiah foretold; and
which were anciently recorded concerning us in sacred books S and it
was necessary that we should sometime learn their
truthfulness by their fulfillment. For when 54
the bridegroom, the Word, addressed such
language to his own bride, the sacred and holy Church, this bridesman,
85 -- when she was desolate and lying like a corpse, bereft of hope in
the eyes of men, -- in accordance with the united prayers of all of
you, as was proper, stretched out your hands and aroused and raised her
up at the command of God, the universal King, and at the manifestation
of the power of Jesus Christ; and having raised her he established her
as he had learned from the description given in the sacred oracles. This
377
is indeed a very great wonder, passing all admiration, especially to
those who attend only to the outward appearance; but more wonderful
than wonders are the archetypes and their mental prototypes and divine
models; I mean the reproductions of the inspired and rational
56 building in our souls. This the Divine Son
himself created after his own image, imparting to it
everywhere and in all respects the likeness of God, an incorruptible
nature, incorporeal, rational, free from all earthly matter, a being
endowed with its own intelligence; and when he had once called her
forth from non-existence into existence, he made her a holy spouse, an
all-sacred temple for himself and for the Father. This also he clearly
declares and confesses in the following words: 'I will dwell in them
and will walk in them; and I will be their God, and they shall be my
people.' (86) Such is the perfect and purified soul, so made from the
beginning as to bear the image of the celestial Word.
57 But when by the envy and zeal of the malignant demon she became, of
her own voluntary choice, sensual and a lover of evil, the Deity left
her; and as if bereft of a protector, she became an easy prey and
readily accessible to those who had long envied her; and being assailed
by the batteries and machines of her invisible enemies and spiritual
foes, she suffered a terrible fall, so that not one stone of virtue
remained upon another in her, but she lay completely dead upon the
ground, entirely divested of her natural ideas of God.
58 "But as she, who had been made in the
image of God, thus lay prostrate, it was
not that wild boar from the forest which we see that despoiled her, but
a certain destroying demon and spiritual wild beasts who deceived her
with their passions as with the fiery darts of their own wickedness,
and burned the truly divine sanctuary of God with fire, and profaned to
the ground the tabernacle of his name. Then burying the miserable one
with heaps of earth, they destroyed every hope of deliverance.
59 But that divinely bright and saving Word,
her protector, after she had suffered the
merited punishment for her sins, again restored
her, securing the favor of the
all-merciful
60 Father. Having won over first the souls of
the highest rulers, he purified, through the
agency of those most divinely favored princes, the whole earth from all
the impious destroyers, and from the terrible and God-hating tyrants
themselves. Then bringing out into the light those who were his
friends, who had long before been consecrated to him for life, but in
the midst, as it were, of a storm of evils, had been concealed
under his shelter, he honored them worthily
with the great gifts of the Spirit. And again, by
means of them, he cleared out and cleaned with
spades and mattocks--the admonitory words
of doctrine (87) -- the souls which a little while
before had been covered with filth and burdened
with every kind of matter and rubbish of
impious ordinances. And when he had 61
made the ground of all your minds clean
and clear, he finally committed it to this all-
wise and God-beloved Ruler, who, being endowed with judgment and
prudence, as well as
with other gifts, and being able to examine and
discriminate accurately the minds of those committed to his charge,
from the first day, so to
speak, down to the present, has not ceased to
build. Now he has supplied the brilliant gold,
again the refined and unalloyed silver, and the
i precious and costly stones in all of you, so that
again is fulfilled for you in facts a sacred
and mystic prophecy, which says, 'Behold 62
I make thy stone a carbuncle, and thy
foundations of sapphire, and thy battlements of
jasper, and thy gates of crystals, and thy wall of
chosen stones; and all thy sons shall be taught
of God, and thy children shall enjoy complete
peace; and in righteousness shall thou be
built.' 88 Building therefore in righteousness, 63
he divided the whole people according to
their strength. With some he fortified only the outer enclosure,
walling it up with unfeigned faith; such were the great mass of the
people who were incapable of bearing a greater structure. Others he
permitted to enter the building, commanding them to stand at the door
and act as guides for those who should come in; these may be not
unfitly compared to the vestibules of the temple. Others he supported
by the first pillars which are placed without about the quadrangular
hall, initiating them into the first elements of the letter of the four
Gospels. Still others he joined together about the basilica on both
sides; these are the catechumens who are still advancing and
progressing, and are not far separated from the inmost view of divine
things granted to the faithful. Taking from 64
among these the pure souls that have been
cleansed like gold by divine washing, (89) he then supports them by
pillars, much better than those without, made from the inner and mystic
teachings of the Scripture, and illumines them (90)
by windows. Adorning the whole temple 65
with a great vestibule of the glory of the
one universal King and only God, and placing
378
on either side of the authority of the Father Christ, and the Holy
Spirit as second lights, he exhibits abundantly and gloriously
throughout the entire building the clearness and splendor of the truth
of the rest in all its details. And having selected from every quarter
the living and moving and well-prepared stones of the souls, he
constructs out of them all the great and royal house, splendid and full
of light both within and without; for not only soul and understanding,
but their body also is made glorious by the
blooming ornament of purity and modesty.
66 And in this temple there are also thrones,
and a great number of seats and benches,
in all those souls in which sit the Holy Spirit's gifts, such as were
anciently seen by the sacred apostles, and those who were with them,
when there 'appeared unto them tongues parting asunder, like as of
fire, and sat upon each one 67 of them.' (91) But in the leader of all
it is
reasonable to suppose (92) that Christ himself
dwells in his fullness, (93) and in those that occupy the second rank
after him, in proportion as each is able to contain the power of Christ
and of the Holy Spirit. (94) And the souls of some m of those, namely,
who are committed to each of them for instruction and care -- may be
68 seats for angels. But the great and august
and unique altar, what else could this be
than the pure holy of holies of the soul of the common priest of all?
Standing at the right of it, Jesus himself, the great High Priest of
the universe, the Only Begotten of God, receives with bright eye and
extended hand the sweet incense from all, and the bloodless and
immaterial sacrifices offered in their prayers, and bears them to the
heavenly Father and God of the universe. And he himself first worships
him, and alone gives to the Father the reverence which is his due,
beseeching him also to continue always kind and propitious to us all.
69 "Such is the great temple which the great
Creator of the universe, the Word, has built
throughout the entire world, making it an intellectual image upon earth
of those things which lie above the vault of heaven, so that throughout
the whole creation, including rational beings on earth, his Father
might be honored and adored.
70 But the region above the heavens, with the
models of earthly things which are there,
and the so-called Jerusalem above, (95) and the heavenly Mount of Zion,
and the supramundane city of the living God, in which innumerable
choirs of angels and the Church of the first born, whose names are
written in heaven, (96)
praise their Maker and the Supreme Ruler of the universe with hymns of
praise unutterable and incomprehensible to us,--who that is mortal is
able worthily to celebrate this? ' For eye hath not seen nor ear heard,
neither have entered into the heart of men those things which God hath
prepared for them that love him.' (97)
Since we, men, children, and women, small 71
and great, are already in part partakers of
these things, let us not cease all together, with one spirit and one
soul, to confess and praise the author of such great benefits to us,
'Who for-giveth all our iniquities, who healeth all our diseases, who
redeemeth our life from destruction, who crowneth us with mercy and
compassion, who satisfieth our desires with good things.' 98 'For he
hath not dealt with us according to our sins, nor rewarded us according
to our iniquities;' (99) 'for as far as the east is from the west, so
far hath he removed our iniquities from us. Like as a father pitieth
his own children, so the Lord pitieth them that fear him.' (100)
Rekindling these thoughts in our memories, 72 both now and during all
time to come, and
contemplating in our mind night and day, in every hour and with every
breath, so to speak, the Author and Ruler of the present festival, and
of this bright and most splendid day, let us love and adore him with
every power of the soul. And now rising, let us beseech him with loud
voice to shelter and preserve us to the end in his fold, granting his
unbroken and unshaken peace forever, in Christ Jesus our Saviour;
through whom be the glory unto him forever and ever. 101 Amen."
CHAPTER V.
Copies of Imperial Laws. (1)
Let us finally subjoin the translations from the
Roman tongue of the imperial decrees of Constantine and Licinius.
379
2.. Copy of
imperial decrees translated from the Roman tongue." (2)
"Perceiving long ago that religious liberty ought
not to be denied, but that it ought to be granted to the judgment and
desire of each individual to perform his religious duties according to
his own choice, we had given orders that every man, Christians as well
as others, should
preserve the faith of his own sect and religion. (3)
But since in that rescript, in which
such liberty was granted them, many and various conditions (4) seemed
clearly added, some of them,
it may be, after a little retired from such
4 observance. When I, Constantine Augustus, and I, Licinius Augustus,
came under
favorable auspices to Milan and took under consideration everything
which pertained to the common weal and prosperity, we resolved among
other things, or rather first of all, to make such decrees as seemed in
many respects for the benefit of every one; namely, such as should
preserve reverence and piety toward the deity. We resolved, that is, to
grant both to the Christians and to all men freedom to follow the
religion which they choose, that whatever heavenly divinity exists (5)
may be propitious to us and to all that live under our government.
5 We have, therefore, determined, with sound
and upright purpose, that liberty is to be
denied to no one, to choose and to follow the religious observances of
the Christians, but that to each one freedom is to be given to devote
his mind to that religion which he may think adapted to himself, (6) in
order that the Deity may exhibit to us in all things his accustomed
care and favor. It was fitting that 6 we should write that this is our
pleasure, that those conditions (7) being entirely left out which were
contained in our former letter concerning the Christians which was sent
to your devotedness, everything that seemed very severe and foreign to
our mildness may be annulled, and that now every one who has the same
desire to observe the religion of the Christians may do so without
molestation.
We have resolved to communicate this 7
most fully to thy care, in order that thou
mayest know that we have granted to these same Christians freedom and
full liberty to observe their own religion. Since this has 8
been granted freely by us to them, thy devotedness perceives that
liberty is granted to others also who may wish to follow their own
religious observances; it being clearly in accordance with the
tranquillity of our times, that each one should have the liberty of
choosing and worshiping whatever deity he pleases. This has been done
by us in order that we might not seem in any way to discriminate against
any rank or religion.s And we decree still 9
further in regard to the Christians, that their
places, in which they were formerly accustomed to assemble, and
concerning which in the former
letter sent to thy devotedness a different command was given (9) if it
appear that any have bought them either from our treasury or from any
other person, shall be restored to the said Christians, without
demanding money or any other equivalent, with no delay or hesitation.
If any happen to have received the said places as a gift, they shall
restore them as quickly as possible to
these same Christians: with the understanding that if those who have
bought these
places, or those who have received them as a gift, demand anything from
our bounty, they may go to the judge of the district, that provision
may be made for them by our clemency. All these things are to be
granted to the society of Christians by your care immediately and
380
11 without any delay. And since the said
Christians are known to have possessed not
only those places in which they were accustomed to assemble, but also
other places, belonging not to individuals among them, but to the
society (10) as a whole, that is, to the society of Christians, you
will command that all these, in virtue of the law which we have above
stated, be restored, without any hesitation, to these same Christians;
that is, to their society and congregation: the above-mentioned
provision being of course observed, that those who restore them without
price, as we have before said, may
12. expect indemnification from our bounty. In
all these things, for the behoof of the aforesaid society
of Christians, you are to use the utmost diligence, to the end that our
command may be speedily fulfilled, and that in this also, by
our clemency, provision may be made for
13 the common and public tranquillity. (11) For
by this means, (12) as we have said before, the
divine favor toward us which we
have already experienced in many matters will continue
14 sure through all time. And that the terms
of this our gracious ordinance may be known
to all, it is expected that this which we have written will be
published everywhere by you and brought to the knowledge of all, in
order that this gracious ordinance of ours may remain unknown to
no
one."
15 Copy of another imperial decree which
they issued, (13) indicating that the grant
was made to the Catholic Church alone.
"Greeting to thee, our most esteemed Anulinus. It is
the custom of our benevolence, most esteemed Anulinus, to will that
those things
which belong of right to another should not only be left unmolested,
but should also be
restored. (14) Wherefore it is our will that (16) when thou receivest
this letter, if any such things belonged to the Catholic Church of
the-Christians, in any city or other place, but are now held by
citizens (15) or by any others, thou shalt cause them to be restored
immediately to the said churches. For we have already determined that
those things which these same. churches formerly possessed shall be re-
stored to them. Since therefore thy devotedness perceives that this
command of ours is most explicit, do thou make haste to restore to
them, as quickly as possible, everything which formerly belonged to the
said churches,-whether gardens or buildings or whatever they may be, --
that we may learn that thou hast obeyed this decree of ours most
carefully. Farewell, our most esteemed and beloved Anulinus."
Copy of an epistle in which the
Emperor 18 commands that a synod of bishops be held at Rome in behalf
of the unity and can-card of the churches . (16)
381
"Constantine Augustus to Miltiades, (17) bishop of
Rome, and to Marcus. (18) Since many such communications have been sent
to me by Anu-linus, (19) the most illustrious proconsul of Africa, in
which it is said that Caecilianus, (20) bishop of the city of Carthage,
has been accused by some of his colleagues in Africa, in many matters;
(21) and since it seems to me a very serious thing that in those
provinces which Divine Providence has freely entrusted to my
devotedness, and in which there is a great population, the multitude
are found following the baser
course, and dividing, as it were, into two parties, and the bishops are
at variance, -- it has seemed good to me that Caecilianus himself, with
ten of the bishops that appear to accuse him, and with ten others whom
he may consider necessary for his defense, should sail to Rome,
that there, in the presence of yourselves and of Retecius (22) and
Maternus (23) and Marinus, (24) your colleagues, whom I have commanded
to hasten to Rome for this purpose, (25) he may be heard, as you may
understand to be in accordance
with the most holy law. But in order that 20
you may be enabled to have most perfect
knowledge of all these things, I have subjoined to my letter copies of
the documents sent to me by Anulinus, and have sent them to your
above-mentioned colleagues. When your firmness has read these, you will
consider in what way the above-mentioned case may be most accurately
investigated and justly decided. For it does not escape your diligence
that I have such reverence for the legitimate (26) Catholic Church that
I do not wish you to leave schism or division in any place. May the
divinity of the great God preserve you, most honored sirs, for many
years."
Copy of an epistle in which the
emperor 21 commands another synod to be held for the purpose of
removing all dissensions among the bishops.
"Constantine Augustus to Chrestus, (27) bishop of
Syracuse. When some began wickedly and perversely to disagree (28)
among themselves in regard to the holy worship and celestial power and
Catholic doctrine, (29) wishing to put an end to such disputes among
them, I formerly gave command that certain bishops should be sent from
Gaul, and that the opposing parties
382
who were contending persistently and incessantly with each other,
should be summoned from Africa; that in their presence, and in the
presence of the bishop of Rome, the matter which appeared to be causing
the disturbance might be examined and decided with all care. (30) But
since, as it happens, some, forgetful both of their own salvation and
of the reverence due to the most holy religion, do not
even yet bring hostilities to an end, and are
unwilling to conform to the judgment already
passed, and assert that those who expressed
their opinions and decisions were few, or that
they had been too hasty and precipitate in giving judgment, before all
the things which ought
to have been accurately investigated had been
examined,-- on account of all this it has happened that those very ones
who ought to hold
brotherly and harmonious relations toward each
other, are shamefully, or rather abominably, (31)
divided among themselves, and give occasion
for ridicule to those men whose souls are aliens
to this most holy religion. Wherefore it has
seemed necessary to me to provide that this
dissension, which ought to have ceased after the
judgment had been already given by their own
voluntary agreement, should now, if possible,
be brought to an end by the presence of
23 many. Since, therefore, we have commanded a number of bishops from a
great
many different places (32) to assemble in the city of Arles, (33)
before the kalends of August, we have thought proper to write to thee
also that thou shouldst secure from the most illustrious La-tronianus,
(34) corrector of Sicily, (35) a public vehicle, and that thou shouldst
take with thee two others of the second rank (36) whom thou thyself
shalt choose, together with three servants who may serve you on the
way, and betake thyself to the above-mentioned place before the
appointed day; that by thy firmness, and 24
by the wise unanimity and harmony of the
others present, this dispute, which has disgracefully continued until
the present time, in consequence of certain shameful strifes, after all
has been heard which those have to say who are now at variance with one
another, and whom we have likewise commanded to be present, may be
settled in accordance with the proper faith, and that brotherly
harmony, though it be but gradually, may be restored. May the Almighty
God preserve thee in health for many years."
CHAPTER VI. (1)
Copy of an Imperial Epistle in which Money is
granted to the Churches. (2)
"CONSTANTINE AUGUSTUS to Caecilianus, (3) 1
bishop of Carthage. Since it is our pleasure that something should be
granted in all the provinces of Africa and Numidia and Mauritania to
certain ministers of the legitimate (4) and most holy catholic
religion, to defray their expenses, I have written to Ursus, (5) the
illustrious finance minister (6) of Africa, and have directed him to
make provision to pay to thy firmness three thousand folles. (7) Do
thou there- 2
383
fore, when thou hast received the above sum of money, command that it
be distributed
among all those mentioned above, according
3 to the briefs sent to thee by Hosius. (9) But
if thou shouldst find that anything is wanting for the
fulfillment of this purpose of mine in regard to all of them, thou
shalt demand without hesitation from Heracleides, (10) our treasurer,
(11) whatever thou findest to be necessary. For I commanded him when he
was present that if thy firmness should ask him for any money, he
should see to it that it be paid without de-
4 lay. And since I have learned that some
men of unsettled mind wish to turn the
people from the most holy and catholic Church by a certain method of
shameful corruption, (12) do thou know that I gave command to Anulinus,
the proconsul, and also to Patricius, (13) vicar of the prefects, (14)
when they were present, that they should give proper attention not only
to other matters but also above all to this, and that they should not
overlook such a thing when
5 it happened. Wherefore if thou shouldst
see any such men continuing in this madness, do thou
without delay go to the above-mentioned judges and report the matter to
them; that they may correct them as I commanded them when they were
present. (15) The divinity of the great God preserve thee for many
years."
CHAPTER VII.
The Exemption of the Clergy.
Copy of an epistle in which the emperor 1
commands that the rulers of the churches
be exempted from all political duties. (1)
"Greeting to thee, our most esteemed Anulinus. Since it appears
from many circumstances
that when that religion is despised, in which
is preserved the chief reverence for the most
holy celestial Power, great dangers are brought
upon public affairs; but that when legally
adopted and observed (2) it affords the most signal prosperity to the
Roman name and remarkable felicity to all the affairs of men, through
the divine beneficence,-- it has seemed good to
me, most esteemed Anulinus, that those men
who give their services with due sanctity and
with constant observance of this law, to the worship of the divine
religion, should receive
recompense for their labors. Wherefore it 2
is my will that those within the province
entrusted to thee, (3) in the catholic Church, over
which Caecilianus presides, (4) who give their services to this holy
religion, and who are commonly called clergymen, be entirely exempted
from all public duties, that they may not by any
error or sacrilegious negligence be drawn away
from the service due to the Deity, but may
devote themselves without any hindrance to
their own law. For it seems that when they
show greatest reverence to the Deity, the great-
est benefits accrue to the state. Farewell,
our most esteemed and beloved Anulinus."
384
CHAPTER VIII.
The Subsequent Wickedness of Licinius, and his
Death.
1 Such blessings did divine and heavenly
grace confer upon us through the appearance of our
Saviour, and such was the abundance of benefits which prevailed among
all men in consequence of the peace which we enjoyed. And thus were our
affairs crowned with rejoicings and festivities. But malignant envy,
and the demon who loves that which is evil, were not able to bear the
sight of these things; and moreover the events that befell the tyrants
whom we have already mentioned were not sufficient to bring Licinius
3 to sound reason. For the latter, although
his government was prosperous and he was
honored with the second rank after the great
Emperor Constantine, and was connected with
him by the closest ties of marriage, abandoned
the imitation of good deeds, and emulated the
wickedness of the impious tyrants whose end
he had seen with his own eyes, and chose rather
to follow their principles than to continue in
friendly relations with him who was better than
they. Being envious of the common benefactor
he waged an impious and most terrible war
against him, paying regard neither to laws of
nature, nor treaties, nor blood, and giving
4 no thought to covenants. (1) For Constantine,
like an all-gracious emperor, giving him
evidences of true favor, did not refuse alliance
with him, and did not refuse him the illustrious
marriage with his sister, but honored him by
making him a partaker of the ancestral nobility
and the ancient imperial blood, (1a) and granted
him the right of sharing in the dominion over
all as a brother-in-law and co-regent, conferring
upon him the government and administration of
no less a portion of the Roman provinces
than he himself possessed. (2) But Licinius, 5
on the contrary, pursued a course directly
opposite to this; forming daily all kinds of plots
against his superior, and devising all sorts of
mischief, that he might repay his benefactor
with evils. At first he attempted to conceal his
preparations, and pretended to be a friend, and
practiced frequently fraud and deceit, in the
hope that he might easily accomplish the
desired end. (3) But God was the friend, pro- 6
tector, and guardian of Constantine, and
bringing the plots which had been formed in secrecy and darkness to the
light, he foiled them. So much virtue does the great armor of piety
possess for the warding off of enemies and for the preservation of our
own safety. Protected by this, our most divinely favored emperor
escaped the multitudinous plots of the abominable man. But when
Licinius perceived 7
that his secret preparations by no means
progressed according to his mind, -- for God revealed every plot and
wickedness to the God-favored emperor, -- being no longer able to
conceal himself, he undertook an open war. (4)
And at the same time that he determined 8
to wage war with Constantine, he also
proceeded to join battle with the God of the universe, whom he knew
that Constantine worshiped, and began, gently for a time and quietly,
to attack his pious subjects, who had never done his government any
harm. (5) This he did under
385
the compulsion of his innate wickedness
9 which drove him into terrible blindness. He
did not therefore keep before his eyes the
memory of those who had persecuted the Christians before him, nor of
those whose destroyer and executioner he had been appointed, on account
of the impieties which they had committed. But departing from sound
reason, being seized, in a word, with insanity, he determined to war
against God himself as the ally of Constantine, instead of against the
one who was
10 assisted by him. And in the first place, he
drove from his house every Christian, thus
depriving himself, wretched man, of the prayers which they offered to
God in his behalf, which they are accustomed, according to the teaching
of their fathers, to offer for all men. Then he commanded that the
soldiers in the cities should be cashiered and stripped of their rank
unless they chose to sacrifice to the demons. And yet these were small
matters when compared
11 with the greater things that followed. Why
is it necessary to relate minutely and in
detail all that was done by the hater of God, and to recount how this
most lawless man invented unlawful laws? (6) He passed an ordinance
that no one should exercise humanity toward the sufferers in prison by
giving them food, and that none should show mercy to those that were
perishing of hunger in bonds; that no one should in any way be kind, or
do any good act, even though moved by Nature herself to sympathize with
one's neighbors. And this was indeed an openly shameful and most cruel
law, calculated to expel all natural kindliness. And in addition to
this it was also decreed, as a punishment, that those who showed
compassion should suffer the same things with those whom they
compassionated; and that those who kindly ministered to
the suffering should be thrown into bonds and
into prison, and should endure the same punishment with the
sufferers.Such were the decrees
of Licinius.
Why should we recount his innovations 12
in regard to marriage or in regard to the
dying -- innovations by which he ventured to annul the ancient
laws of the Romans which had been well and wisely formed, and to
introduce certain barbarous and cruel laws, which were truly unlawful
and lawless? (7) He invented, to the detriment of the provinces which
were subject to him, innumerable prosecutions, (8) and all sorts of
methods of extorting gold and silver. new measurements of land (9) and
injurious exactions from men in the country, who were no longer living,
but long since dead. Why is it necessary to speak at length of the
banishments which, in addition to these things, this enemy of mankind
inflicted upon those who had done no wrong, the expatriations of men of
noble birth and high reputation whose young wives he snatched from them
and consigned to certain baser fellows of his own, to be shamefully
abused by them, and the many married women and virgins upon whom he
gratified his passions, although he was in advanced age
--why, I say, is it necessary to speak at length of these things, when
the excessive wickedness of his last deeds makes the first appear
small and of no account? For, finally, he 14
reached such a pitch of madness that he
attacked the bishops, supposing that they--as servants of the God over
all -- would be hostile to his measures. He did not yet proceed against
them openly, on account of his fear of his superior, but as before,
secretly and craftily, employing the treachery of the governors for the
destruction of the most distinguished of them. And the manner of their
murder was strange, and such as had never before been
heard of. The deeds which he performed 15
386
at Amaseia (11) and in the other cities of Pontus surpassed every
excess of cruelty. Some of the churches of God were again razed to the
ground, others were closed, so that none of those accustomed to
frequent them could enter them and render the worship due to God.
16 For his evil conscience led him to suppose
that prayers were not offered in his behalf;
but he was persuaded that we did everything in the interest of the
God-beloved emperor, and that we supplicated God for him. (12) Therefore
he hastened to turn his fury against us.
17 And then those among the governors who
wished to flatter him, perceiving that in
doing such things they pleased the impious tyrant, (13) made some of
the bishops suffer the penalties customarily inflicted upon criminals,
and led away and without any pretext punished like murderers those who
had done no wrong. Some now endured a new form of death: having their
bodies cut into many pieces with the sword, and after this savage and
most horrible
spectacle, being thrown into the depths of
18 the sea as food for fishes. Thereupon the
worshipers of God again fled, and fields and
deserts, forests and mountains, again received the servants of Christ.
And when the impious
tyrant had thus met with success
in these measures, he finally planned to renew the per-
19 secution against all. And he would have
succeeded in his design, and there would
have been nothing to hinder him in the work, had not God, the defender
of the lives of his own people, most quickly anticipated that which was
about to happen, and caused a great light to shine forth as in the
midst of a dark and gloomy night, and raised up a deliverer for
leading into those regions with a lofty arm, his servant, Constantine.
CHAPTER IX.
The Victory of Constantine, and
the Blessings which under him accrued to the Subjects of the Roman
Empire.
1 To him, therefore, God granted, from
heaven above, the deserved fruit of piety,
the trophies of victory over the impious, and he cast the guilty one
with all his counselors
and friends prostrate at the feet of Constantine. For when Licinius
carried his 2
madness to the last extreme, the emperor,
the friend of God, thinking that he ought no longer to be tolerated,
acting upon the basis of sound judgment, and mingling the firm
principles of justice with humanity, gladly determined to come to the
protection of those who were oppressed by the tyrant, and undertook, by
putting a few destroyers out of the way, to save
the greater part of the human race. (1) For 3
when he had formerly exercised humanity
alone and had shown mercy to him who was not worthy of sympathy,
nothing was accomplished; for Licinius did not renounce his wickedness,
but rather increased his fury against the peoples that were subject to
him, and there was left to the afflicted no hope of salvation, oppressed
as they were by a savage beast. Wherefore, 4
the protector of the virtuous, mingling hatred
for evil with love for good, went forth with his son Crispus, a most
beneficent prince, (2) and extended a saving right hand to all that
were perishing. Both of them, father and son, under the protection, as
it were, of God, the universal King, with the Son of God, the Saviour
of all, as their leader and ally, drew up their forces on all sides
against the enemies of the Deity and won an easy victory; (3) God
having prospered them in the battle in all respects according
to their wish. Thus, suddenly, and sooner 5
than can be told, those who yesterday and
the day before breathed death and threatening were no more, and not
even their names were remembered, but their inscriptions and their
honors suffered the merited disgrace. And the things which Licinius
with his own eyes had seen come upon the former impious tyrants he
himself likewise suffered, because he did not receive instruction nor
learn wisdom from the chastisements of his neighbors, but followed the
same path of impiety which they had trod, and was justly hurled over
the same precipice.
Thus he lay
prostrate.
6 But Constantine, the mightiest victor, adorned with every virtue of
piety, together with his son Crispus, a most God-beloved prince, and in
all respects like his father, recovered the East which belonged to
them; (4) and they formed one united Roman empire as of old, bringing
under their peaceful sway the whole world from the rising of the sun to
the opposite quarter, both north and south, even to the extremities
387
7 of the declining day. All fear therefore
of those who had formerly afflicted them
was taken away from men, and they celebrated splendid and festive days.
Everything was filled with light, and those who before were downcast
beheld each other with smiling faces and beaming eyes. With dances and
hymns, in city and country, they glorified first of all God the
universal King, because they had been
thus taught, and then the pious emperor
8 with his God-beloved children. There was
oblivion of past evils and forgetfulness of
every deed of impiety; there was enjoyment of present benefits and
expectation of those yet to come. Edicts full of clemency and laws
containing tokens of benevolence and true piety
were issued in every place by the victorious
emperor. (5) Thus after all tyranny had been 9
purged away, the empire which belonged to
them was preserved firm and without a rival for Constantine and his
sons alone. (6) And having obliterated the godlessness of their
predecessors, recognizing the benefits conferred upon them by God, they
exhibited their love of virtue and their love of God, and their piety
and gratitude to the Deity, by the deeds which they performed in the
sight of all men.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES AND TABLES.
ON Bk. III. chap. 3, § 5 (note 17, continued).
Since this note was in type Dr. Gardiner's admirable
and exhaustive essay on the authorship of the Epistle to the Hebrews
(in the Nicene and Past-Nicene Fathers, First Series, Vol. XIV. p. 341
sq.) has come to hand, and I have been much pleased to see that the
theory that Barnabas wrote the epistle is accepted and defended with
vigor.
On Bk. III. chap. 3, § 6 (note 22, continued).
Upon the last chapter of Romans and its relation to
the remainder of the epistle, see especially Farrar's Life and Work of
St. Paul, p. 450 sq., Weiss' Einleitung in das N. T. p. 245 sq.,
Pfleiderer's Urchristenthum, p. 145, Renan's Saint Paul, p. 461 sq.
(maintaining that an editor has combined four copies of the one
encyclical letter of Paul, addressed severally to as many different
churches), Lightfoot's Commentary an Philippians, p. 172 sq., and
Schaff, Ch. History, I. p. 765.
On Bk. III. chap. 24, § 17 (note 18, continued).
In three places in the Church History (Bk. III.
chap. 24, § 17, chap.
25, in the Church History (Bk. III. chap. 24, , p. 172 sq.,
an§ 2, and chap. 39, § 16) John's "former" epistle is
referred to, as if he had written only two. In the last passage the use
of <greek>p</greek> <greek>r</greek>
<greek>o</greek> <greek>t</greek>
<greek>e</greek> <greek>r</greek>
<greek>a</greek> instead of <greek>p</greek>
<greek>r</greek> <greek>p</greek>
<greek>t</greek> <greek>h</greek> might be
explained as Westcott suggests (Canon of the New Testament, p. 77, note
2), by supposing Eusebius to be reproducing the words of Papias; but in
the other passages this explanation will not do, for the words are
certainly Eusebius' own. In the Muratorian Canon only two epistles of
John are mentioned, and in Irenaeus the second epistle is quoted as if
it were the first (see Westcott, ibid. p. 384, note 1). These facts
lead Westtort to ask: "Is it possible that the second epistle was
looked upon as an appendix to the first? and may we thus explain the
references to two epistles of John?" He continues: "The first epistle,
as is well known, was called ad Parthos by Augustine and some other
Latin authorities; and the same title <greek>p</greek>
<greek>r</greek> <greek>o</greek>
<greek>d</greek> II<greek>a</greek>
<greek>r</greek> <greek>q</greek>
<greek>o</greek> <greek>u</greek>
<greek>d</greek> is given to the second epistle in one
Greek manuscript (62 Scholz). The Latin translation of Clement's
Outlines (IV. 66) says: Secunda Johannis epistola quoe ad virgines
(<greek>p</greek> <greek>a</greek>
<greek>r</greek> <greek>q</greek>
<greek>e</greek> <greek>n</greek>
<greek>o</greek> <s236 <greek>d</greek>)
scripta simplissima est. Jerome, it may be added, quotes names from the
third epistle as from the second (De nom. Hebr.)." On the other hand,
in Bk. V. chap. 8, § 7, Eusebius speaks of the "first"
(<greek>p</greek> <greek>r</greek>
<greek>p</greek> <greek>t</greek>
<greek>h</greek>) epistle of John, and in Bk. III. chap.
25, § 3, he expressly mentions a second and third epistle of John.
It is evident, therefore, that whatever the use of
<greek>p</greek> <greek>a</greek>
<greek>r</greek> <greek>q</greek>
<greek>e</greek> <greek>n</greek>
<greek>o</greek> <greek>u</greek>
<greek>d</greek>instead of <greek>P</greek>
<greek>r</greek> <greek>p</greek>
<greek>t</greek> <greek>h</greek> in connection
with John's first epistle may mean as used by others, it does not
indicate a knowledge of only a first and second as used by him. It is
by no means impossible, however, that Westcott's suggestion may be
correct, and that the first and second epistles were sometimes looked
upon as but one, and it is possible that such use of them by some of
his predecessors may account for Eusebius' employment of the word
<s229 <greek>r</greek> <greek>t</greek>
<greek>e</greek> <greek>r</greek>
<greek>a</greek> in three separate passages.
On Bk. III. chap. 25, § 4 (note 18, continued).
The words <greek>b</greek>
<greek>f</greek> <greek>e</greek>
<greek>r</greek> <greek>o</greek>
<greek>m</greek> <greek>e</greek>
<greek>n</greek> <greek>h</greek>
<greek>a</greek> <greek>r</greek>
<greek>n</greek> <greek>a</greek>
<greek>b</greek> <greek>a</greek>
<greek>e</greek> <greek>p</greek>
<greek>i</greek> <greek>s</greek>
<greek>t</greek> <greek>o</greek>
<greek>l</greek> <greek>h</greek> have been
commonly translated "the so-called Epistle of Barnabas," or "the
Epistle ascribed to Barnabas," implying a doubt in Eusebius' mind as to
the authenticity of the work. This translation, however, is, in my
opinion, quite unwarranted. There are passages in Eusebius where .the
word <greek>f</greek> <greek>e</greek>
<greek>r</greek> <greek>o</greek>
<greek>m</greek> <greek>a</greek>
<greek>i</greek> used in connection with writings cannot by
any possibility be made to bear this meaning; cases in which it can be
interpreted only "to be extant" or "in circulation." Compare, for
instance, Bk. II. chap. 15, § 1, M<greek>a</greek>
<greek>r</greek> <greek>k</greek>
<greek>o</greek> <greek>n</greek>
<greek>o</greek> <greek>u</greek>
<greek>U</greek> <greek>o</greek>
<greek>e</greek> <greek>u</greek>
<greek>a</greek> <greek>g</greek>
<greek>g</greek> <greek>e</greek>
<greek>i</greek> <greek>o</greek>
<greek>u</greek> <greek>F</greek>
<greek>e</greek> <greek>r</greek>
<greek>e</greek> <greek>t</greek>
<greek>a</greek> <greek>i</greek>; II. 18. 6,
<greek>m</greek> <greek>o</greek>
<greek>n</greek> <greek>o</greek> <s20<s2
<greek>i</greek> <greek>b</greek>
<greek>l</greek> <greek>a</greek>
<greek>a</greek> <greek>u</greek>
<greek>t</greek> <greek>o</greek>
<greek>u</greek> <greek>F</greek>
<greek>e</greek> <greek>f</greek>
<greek>t</greek> <greek>a</greek>
<greek>i</greek>; III. 9. 4; III. 16; III. 25. 3,
<greek>h</greek> <greek>l</greek>
<greek>e</greek> <greek>g</greek>
<greek>o</greek>
PROLEGOMENA.
I.--CONSTANTINE THE GREAT.
CHAPTER I. LIFE (1) § I. Early Years.
The Emperor Flavius Valerius Constantinus, surnamed
the Great, (2) born February 27, 272 or 274, (3 at Naissus, (4) was son
of Constantius Chlorus, afterwards Emperor, (5) and Helena his wife.
(6) He was brought up at Drepanum, his mother's home, (7) where he
remained until his father became
412
Caesar (A.D. 292 acc. to Clinton) and divorced Helena (Anon. Vales. p.
471). He was then sent to the court of Diocletian, nominally to be
educated (Praxagoras, in Mailer, Fragm. 4 (1868); Zonar. 13. 1,
&c.), but really as hostage, (1) and remained with Diocletian, or
Galerius, until the year 306. (2) During this time he took part in
various campaigns, including the famous Egyptian expedition of
Diocletian in 296 (Euseb. V. C. 1. 19; Anon. Metroph., Theoph. p. 10).
(3) Shortly after joining the emperor he contracted (296 or 297) his
alliance with Minervina, (4) by whom he had a son, Crispus. (5) He was
at Nicomedia when Diocletian's palace was struck by lightning (Const.
Orat. 35), and was present at the abdication of Diocletian and
Maximinus in 305 (Lact. De M.P.c. 18 sq.). This last event proved a
crisis for Constantine. He had grown to be a man of fine physique
(Lact. c. 18; Euseb. V. C. 1. 19), of proved courage and military skill
(cf. remarks on physical characteristics under Character), and a
general favorite (Lact. 1.c.). He had already "long before" (Lact. c.
18) been created Tribune of the first order. It was both natural and
fitting that at this time he should become Caesar in the place of his
father, who became. Augustus. Every one supposed he would be chosen (c.
19), and Diocletian urged it (c. 18), but the princely youth was too
able and illustrious to please Galerius, and Constantine was set aside
for obscure, and incompetent men (cf. Lact.). His position was far from
easy before. His brilliant parts naturally aroused the jealousy and
suspicions of the emperors. They, or at least Galerius, even sought his
death, it is said, by tempting him to fight wild beasts (a lion,
Praxag. p. 3; cf. Zonaras 2, p. 623), or exposing him to special danger
in battle (cf. Philistog. 1. 6; Lact. c. 24; Anon. Vales. p. 471;
Theophanes p. 10--12, &c.). The situation, hard enough before, now
became, we may well believe, intolerable. He was humiliated,
handicapped, and even in danger of his life. He was practically a
prisoner. The problem was, how to get away. Several times Constantius
asked that his son might be allowed to join him, but in vain (Lact. c.
24; Anon. Vales. p. 471). Finally, however, Constantine gained a
grudging permission to go. It was given at night, and the emperor
intended to take it back in the morning (Lact. c. 24). But in the
morning it was too late. Constantine had left at once to join his
father. He lost no time either in starting or making the journey. Each
relay of post horses which he left was maimed to baffle pursuit (Anon.
Vales., Vict. Epit. p. 49; cf. Lact. c. 24, Praxag. p. 3). The rage of
the emperor when he learned of the flight was great but vain.
Constantine was already out of reach, and soon joined his father at
Bononia (Boulogne, Anon. Vales.; cf. Eumen. Paneg. (310), c. 7), (6)
just in time to accompany him on his final expeditions to Britain
(Eumen. Paneg. (310) c. 7; cf. Anon. Vales. 1.c.). Constantius died
shortly after at York (Anon. Vales. p. 471; Eutrop. 10. 1), having
named Constantine as his successor (Euseb. V. C. 1. 21; Eumen. Paneg.
(310) c. 7.; Lact. c. 24).
413
§ 5. The First Five Years of Reign.
The will of the father was promptly ratified by the
soldiers, who at once proclaimed Constantine Augustus. (1) Supported by
them, and also by Erocus, king of the Allemanni (Vict. p. 49-50), he
sent his portrait to Galerius, claiming the title of Augustus. This the
emperor refused to grant, but, much against his will, allowed him to
have the title of Caesar (Lact. c.
Constantine did not insist on his fight to the greater title, but
waited his time, and in the interim contented himself with the
lesser,-- as the coins show. (2) There was enough to do. After his
father's death he waged war against the Francs, and later against the
Bructeri and others (Eutrop. 10. 3; Paneg. (307) c. 4; Eumen. Paneg.
(310) cc. 10-12; Nazar. Paneg. (321) 18; Euseb. V. C. 1. 25, &c.;
cf. Inscr. ap. Clinton 2. 93), and celebrated his victories by exposing
his captives to the wild beasts (Eutrop. 10. 3; Eumen. Paneg.
(310) c. 12; Paneg. (313) c. 23; cf. Nazar. Paneg. (321) c. 16).
Meanwhile affairs were marching at Rome, too. The
same year (306) that Constantine was elected Augustus by the soldiers,
Maxentius at Rome was proclaimed emperor by the Pretorian Guards
(Eutrop. 10. 2; Vict. Caes. p. 156; Anon. Vales. p. 472; Zos. 2. 9 ;
Socr. 1. 2; Oros. c. 26, &c. ; Lact. c. 26). He persuaded the
willing (Eutrop. 10. 2) Maximian to resume the imperial purple (Lact.
c. 26; Zos. 2. 10), but soon quarreled with him (Socr. 1. 2; Eutrop.
10. 3; Zos.
11; Lact. c. 28). (3) In 307 Constantine and Maximinus were named "sons
of the emperors," and the following year were reluctantly acknowledged
as emperors by Galerius. Maximian, after he had quarreled with his son,
betook himself to Gaul and made alliance with Constantine by giving his
daughter Fausta in marriage (307). He proved an uncomfortable relative.
The much-abused mother-in-law of fiction is not to be compared with
this choice father-in-law of history. First he tried to supersede
Constantine by corrupting his soldiers. At his persuasion Constantine
had left behind the bulk of his army while he made a campaign on the
frontier. As soon as he was supposably out of the way, the soldiers
were won by largesses, and Maximian assumed the purple again. But he
had reckoned without his host. Constantine acted with decisive
promptness, returned by such rapid marches that he caught Maximian
entirely unprepared (Lact. c. 29) and drove him into Marseilles, where
the latter cursed him vigorously from the walls (Lact. c. 29), but was
able to offer no more tangible resistance. The gates were thrown open
(Lact. c. 29), and Maximian was in the power of Constantine, who this
time spared his precious father-in-law. (4) Grateful for this mildness,
Maximian then plotted to murder him. The plan was for Fausta to leave
her husband's door open and for Maximian to enter and kill Constantine
with his own hands. Fausta pretended to agree, but told her husband
(Zos. 2. 11 ; Joh. Ant. p. 603; Oros. c. 28), who put a slave in his
own place (but apparently did not "put himself in the place of" the
slave), had the program been carried out, and catching Maximian in the
act, granted him that supreme ancient mercy, -- the right to choose how
he would die (Lact. c. 30). (5)
Though in the midst of wars and plots, and liable at
any time to have to run from one end of his province to the other to
put down some insurrection, Constantine kept steadily at the work of
internal improvement, organizing the interior, fortifying the
boundaries, building bridges, restor-
414
ing cities, building up educational institutions, &c. (1) At the
end of five years' reign (July 24, 311) he had reduced the turbulent
tribes, organized his affairs, and endeared himself to his people,
especially to the Christians, whom he had favored from the first (Lact.
c. 24), and who could hardly fail in those days of persecution to
rejoice in a policy such as is indicated in his letter to Maximinus
Daza in behalf of persecuted Christians (Lact, c. 37).
§ 3. State of Affairs in 311.
In the meantime, while the extreme west of the
empire was enjoying the mild rule of Constantine, the other corners of
the now quadrangular and now hexagonal world, over which during this
time Maximinus, Galerius, Licinius, Maximian, and Maxentius had tried
to reign, had had a much less comfortable time. Every emperor wanted a
corner to himself, and, having his corner, wanted that of some one else
or feared that some one else wanted his. In order clearly to understand
Constantine, a glimpse of the state of affairs in these other parts of
the empire, together with some idea of the kind of men with whom he had
to deal is essential, and may be gotten from
a brief view of (1) The rulers,
(2) Characters of the rulers, (3) Condition of the ruled. (1) The
Rulers.
The intricate process of evolution and devolution of
emperors, mysterious to the uninitiated as a Chinese puzzle, is briefly
as follows: In 305 Diocletian and Maximian had abdicated (Lact. c. 18;
Eutrop. 9. 27; Vict. Caes.), Galerius and Constantius succeeding as
Augusti and Severus, Maximinus Daza succeeding them as Caesars (Lact.
c. 19). In 306 Constantius died, Constantine was proclaimed Augustus by
his army, Maxentius by the Pretorian Guards (cf. above), and Severus by
Galerius (Lact. c. 25), while Maximian resumed the purple (see
above)--four emperors, Galerius, Severus, Maximian, and Maxentius, with
two Caesars, Constantine and Maximinus, one with a pretty definite
claim to the purple, and the other bound not to be left out in the
cold. In 307 Licinius was appointed Augustus by Galerius (Lact. c. 29;
Vict. Caes.; Zos. 2. 11; Anon. Vales.; Eutrop. 10. 4), who also threw a
sop to Cerberus by naming Constantine and Maximin "sons of emperors"
(Lact. c. 32; Coins in Eckhel 8 (1838) 52. 3). Constantine was given
title of Augustus by Maximianus (?), and Maximinus about this time was
forced, as he said, by his army to assume the title. Meantime the
growing procession of emperors was reduced by one. Severus, sent
against Maxentius, was deserted by his soldiers, captured, and slain in
307 (Lact. c. 26; Zos. 2. 10; Anon. Vales.; Eutrop. 10. 2; Vict. Caes.
&c. &c.), leaving still six emperors or claimants,-- Galerius,
Licinius, Maxentius, Maximian, Maximinus, and Constantine. In 308,
making the best of a bad matter, Galerius appointed Constantine and
Maximin Augusti (see above), leaving the situation unchanged, and so it
remained until the death of Maximian in 310 (see above), and of
Galerius in May, 311 (Lact. c. 33; Vict. Caes., Vict. Epit.;
Zos. 2. 11) reduced the number to
four. (2) Characters of the Rulers.
Constantine's own character has been hinted at and
will be studied later. Severus was the least significant of the others,
having a brief reign and being little mentioned by historians.
Diocletian's characterization of him was, according to Lactantius (c.
18), as ejaculated to Galerius, "That dancing, carousing drunkard who
turns night into day and day into night." The average character of the
other emperors was that of the prisoners for life in our modern state
prisons. Galerius, "that pernicious wild beast" (Lact. c. 25), was
uneducated, drunken (Anon. Vales. p. 472); fond of boasting himself to
be the illegitimate son of a dragon (Lact. 9; Vict. Epit. p. 49), and
sanguinary and ferocious to an extraordinary degree (Lact. c. 9. 21,
22, &c.). Licinius, characterized by "ingratitude" and
"cold-blooded ferocity," was "not only totally
415
indifferent to human life and suffering, and regardless of any
principle of law or justice which might interfere with the
gratification of his passions, but he was systematically treacherous
and cruel, possessed of not one redeeming quality save physical courage
and military skill" (Ramsay, in Smith Dict. 2, p. 784; compare Euseb.
H. E. 10. 8; V. C. 1. 49-56), and "in avaricious cupidity worst of all"
(Vict. Epit. p. 51). Maximinus' character "stands forth as pre-eminent
for brutal licentiousness and ferocious cruelty--'lust hard by hate' "
(Plumptre, in Smith & W. 3, p. 872), and according to Lactantius,
c. 38, "that which distinguished his character and in which he
transcended all former emperors was his desire of debauching women," He
was cruel, superstitious, gluttonous, rapacious, and "so addicted to
intoxication that in his drunken frolics he was frequently deranged and
deprived of his reason like a madman" (Euseb. H. E. 8. 14). Maximianus
has been thought to be on the whole the least outrageous, and his
somewhat defective moral sense respecting treachery and murder has been
noted (cf. above). He has been described as "thoroughly unprincipled .
. . base and cruel" (Ramsay, in Smith Dict. 2, p. 981). He is described
by Victor, (Epit. p. 48) as "ferus natura, ardens libidine," being
addicted to extraordinary and unnatural lust (Lact. c. 8). Truly a
choice "best" in this rogues' gallery. Of Maxentius it is said
(Tyrwhitt, in Smith & W. 3, p. 865): "His wickedness seems to have
transcended description, and to have been absolutely unredeemed by any
saving feature." He "left no impurity or licentiousness untouched"
(Euseb. H. E. 8. 14; cf. Eutrop. 10. 4; Lact. 9). He was marked by
"impiety," "cruelty," "lust," and tyranny (Paneg. [313] c. 4). He was
the most disreputable of all,-- unmitigatedly disreputable. With all
due allowance for the prejudice of Christian historians, from whom such
strong statements are mainly drawn, yet enough of the details are
confirmed by Victor, .Epit., the Panegyrists, Eutropius, and other
non-Christian writers to verify the substantial facts of the ferocity,
drunkenness, lust, covetousness, and oppression of this precious galaxy
of rulers.
(3) Condition of the Ruled.
Under such rulers there was a reign of terror during
this period which contrasted strangely with the state of things under
Constantine. Galerius was "driving the empire wild with his taxations"
(cf. Lact. c. 23 and 26), affording in this also a marked contrast with
the course of Constantine in Gaul. Maxentius led in the unbridled
exercise of passion (Euseb. H. E. 8. 14; cf. Lact, c. 18), but in this
he differed from the others little except in degree (compare Euseb. V.
C. 1. 55 on Licinius), and according to Lactantius (c. 28) he was
surpassed by Maximin. In brief, all did according to their own sweet
wills, and the people had to stand it as best they could. The worst was
that the oppression did not end with the emperors nor the friends and
officials to whom they delegated power to satisfy their desires at the
expense of the helpless. Their armies were necessary to them. The
soldiers had to be conciliated and exactions made to meet their
demands. They followed the examples of their royal leaders in all
manner of excesses and oppressions. No property or life or honor was
safe.
The persecution of the Christians reached a climax
of horror in this period. The beginning of the tenth persecution was,
to be sure, a little before this (303), but its main terror was in this
time. Galerius and Maximian are said indeed to have persecuted less
during this period, and Maxentius not at all; but Galerius was the real
author and sanguinary promoter of the persecution which is ascribed to
Diocletian (Lact. c. 11), while Maximian was, in 304, the author of the
celebrated "Fourth Edict" which made death the penalty of Christianity,
and Maxentius was only better because impartial--he persecuted both
Christian and heathen (Euseb. V. C. 1. 33-6; H. E. 8. 14; Eutrop. 10.
4). (1) The persecution under Maximin was of peculiar atrocity (Euseb.
H. E. 8. 17; 9. 6, &c.; Lact. c. 26-27), so that the whole of this
period in the East, excepting a slight breathing space in 308, was a
terror to Christians, and it is said that "these two years were the
most prolific of bloodshed of any in the whole history of Roman persecu-
416
tions" (Marriott, in Smith & W. 2, p. 594. It was not until the
very end of this period (1) that Galerius, in terror of death, issued
the famous first edict of toleration. (2) Such was the condition of
things in July, 311. The deaths of Severus in 307, Maximian in 310, and
Galerius in 311, had cleared the stage so far as to leave but four
Augusti, Licinius and Maximin in the East, Constantine and Maxentius in
the West. The only well-ordered and contented section of the world was
that of Constantine. In all the others there was oppression, excess,
and discontent, the state of things at Rome being on the whole the most
outrageous.
§ 4. Second Five Years.
This period was most momentous for the world's
history. Maxentius, seeking an excuse for war against Constantine,
found it in a pretended desire to avenge his father (Zos. 2. 14), and
prepared for war. (3) Like his father before him, however, he did not
know his man. Constantine's mind was prepared. He was alert and ready
to act. He gathered all the forces, German, Gallic, and British (Zos.
2. 15) that he could muster, left a portion for the protection of the
Rhine, entered Italy by way of the Alps (Paneg.), and marched to meet
the much more numerous forces of Maxentius,--Romans, Italians, Tuscans,
Carthagenians, and Sicilians (Zos. 2. 15). (4) First Sigusium was taken
by storm (Naz. Paneg. [321] C. 17 and 21; Paneg. [313] c. 5); then the
cavalry of Maxentius was defeated at Turin (Naz. Paneg. [321] c. 22;
Paneg. [313] c. 6). After a few days' rest in Milan Paneg. [313] c. 7)
he continued his triumphant march, defeating the enemy again in a
cavalry engagement at Brescia (Naz. Paneg. c. 25), and taking the
strongly fortified Verona after a hard-fought battle before the walls
(Anon. Vales. p. 473; Paneg. [313]; Naz. Paneg. c. 25-26). This had
taken him out of his way a little; but now there were no enemies in the
rear, and he was free to push on to Rome, on his way whither, if not
earlier, he had his famous vision of the cross. (5) He reached the
Tiber October 26. Maxentius, tempted by a dubious oracle (6) issued
from Rome, crossed the Tiber, and joined battle. His apparently unwise
action in staking so much on a pitched battle has its explanation, if
we could believe Zosimus
(2. 15), Eusebius ( V. C. 1. 38), Praxagoras, and others. His object
was, it is said, by a feigned retreat to tempt Constantine across the
bridge of boats which he had built in such a way that it could be
broken, and the enemy let into the river. (7) If it was a trick, he at
least fell into his own pit. The dissipated soldiers of Maxentius gave
way before the hardy followers of Constantine, fired by his own energy
and the sight of the cross. The defeat was a rout. The bridge broke.
Maxentius, caught in the jam, was cast headlong into the river (Anon.
Val. p. 473; Lact. c. 44; Chron. Pasch. p. 521, &c.); and after a
vain attempt to climb out on the steep bank opposite (Paneg. [313] c.
17), was swept away by the stream. The next day his body was found, the
head cut off (Praxag.; Anon. Vales. p. 473), and carried into the city
(Anon. Vales. p. 473) on the point of a spear (Paneg. [313] c. 18; Zos.
2. 17; Praxag. p. 1). Constantine entered the city
417
in triumph amid rejoicings of the people, (1) exacted penalties from a
few of those most intimate with Maxentius (Zos. 2. 17), (2) disbanded
the Praetorian Guards (Vict. Caes. p. 159; Zos. 2. 17), raised a statue
to himself, and did many other things which are recorded; and if he did
as many things which are not recorded as there are recorded things
which he did not do, he must have been very busy in the short time he
remained there. (3)
Constantine was now sole emperor in the West, and
the emperors were reduced to three. History was making fast. After a
very brief stay in Rome he returned to Milan (Lact. c. 45), where
Licinius met him (Anon. Vales. p. 473; Lact. c. 25; Vict. Epit. p. 50;
Zos. 2. 17, &c.). It had become of mutual advantage to these
emperors to join alliance. So a betrothal had been made, and now the
marriage of Licinius to the sister of Constantine was celebrated (cf.
refs. above Lact.; Vict.; Zos.; Anon. Vales.). At the same time the
famous Second Edict or Edict of Milan was drawn up by the two emperors
(Euseb. H. E. 10. 5; Lact. c. 48), and probably proclaimed. (4)
Constantine then returned to Gaul (Anon. Vales. p. 473; Zos. 11. 17),
where he was forced into another sort of strenuous warfare-- the
ecclesiastical, taking a hand somewhat against his will in trying to
settle the famous Donatist schism. (5)
Licinius had a more critical problem to meet.
Maximin thought it a good time to strike while Licinius was off in
Milan engaged in festivities (Lact. c. 45); but the latter, hastily
gathering his troops and pushing on by forced marches, met near
Heraclea and utterly defeated him (Lact. c. 46). Maximin fled
precipitately, escaping the sword only to die a more terrible death
that same summer (Lact. c. 49; Euseb. V. C. 1. 58; cf. Zos. 2. 17). (6)
The death of Maximin cleared the field still farther. Through
progressive subtractions the number of emperors had been reduced to
two, -- one in the East and one in the West.
They, too, promptly fell out. The next year they
were at war. Causes and pretexts were various; but the pretext, if not
the cause, was in general that Licinius proved an accomplice after the
fact, at least, to a plot against Constantine. (7) Whatever the
immediate cause, it was one of
418
the inevitabilities of fate. Another vigorous campaign followed,
characterized by the same decisive action and personal courage on the
part of Constantine which he had already shown, and which supplied his
lack of soldiers. (1) First at Cibalis in Pannonia (Oct. 8), (2)
then in a desperate battle at Mardia, Licinius was defeated and forced
to make peace (Anon. Vales. p. 474; Zos. a. 19-20). The world was
re-divided between the affectionate brothers-in-law, and Constantine
took Illyrium to his other possessions. (3) After this battle and the
re-division there was a truce between the emperors for some years,
during the early part of which (in 316 or 315) the Decennalia of
Constantine were celebrated (Euseb. V. C. 1. 48).
§ 5. Third Five Years.
About the time of his decennial celebration, (4) his
sons Crispus and Constantine, and Licinius, son of Licinius, were made
Caesars. The peace between the emperors continued during the whole of
this period. There was more or less fighting with the frontier tribes,
Crispus, e.g., defeating the Franks in 320 (Naz. Paneg. c. 3. 17?), but
the main interest of the period does not lie in its wars. It was a
period of legislation and internal improvement (cf. Laws of
319, 320, 321, collected in Clinton, 1, p. 9; also De Broglie, I. 1,
296-97). Early in the period he was at Milan, where the Donatist
matter, which had been dragging along since 311, came up for final
settlement (cf. note, above). He was also at one time or another at
Aries and at Rome, but the latter and greater part of the period was
spent mainly in Dacia and Pannonia (cf. Laws, as above). The close of
his fifteen years was celebrated somewhat prematurely at Rome, in the
absence of Constantine, by the oration of Nazarius (cf. Naz. Paneg.).
§ 6. Fourth Five Years.
If the third period was relatively quiet the fourth
was absolutely stirring. There had undoubtedly been more or less
fighting along the Danube frontier during the preceding years, but
early in this period there was a most important campaign against the
Sarmatians, in which they were defeated and their king taken prisoner.
(5) In honor of this victory coins were struck (Eckhel, Doct. Num. Vet.
8 (1827) 87). But this was only skirmishing; afterwards came the tug of
war. Nine years of peace proved the utmost limit of mutual patience,
and Constantine and Licinius came to words, and from words to blows.
For a long time Constantine had been vexed at the persecution of the
Christians by Licinius (cf. Euseb. H. E. 10. 8, 9), persecutions waged
perhaps with the express purpose of aggravating him. (6) Licinius, on
the other hand, naturally chagrined over the previous loss of
territory, knowing of Constantine's indignation over his persecutions,
and perhaps suspecting him of further designs, was naturally suspicious
when Constantine passed within his boundaries in pursuing the
Sarmatians (Anon. Vales. p. 474). Mutual recriminations and
aggravations followed. Licinius would not let the Sarmatian coins pass
current and had them melted down (Anon. Contin. Dio. Cass., in
Müller, Fragm. Hist. Gr. 4 [1868] 199). Altogether they soon came
to blows. The steps were short, sharp, decisive. Constantine defeated
Licinius by land (July 3, 323), and through Crispus, by sea (Soz. 1. 7;
Anon. Vales. p. 474-5; Zos. 2. 22-3). After the defeat at Adrianople,
Licinius retreated to Byzantium (Zos. 2. 23-5; Vict.
419
Epit. p. 50), and then to Chalcedon (Anon. Vales. p. 475, Zos. 2.
25-6). Two months after the first victory (Sept. 18) a final and
decisive battle was fought at Chrysopolis (1) (Anon. Vales.
p. 475; Socr. 1. 4). Licinius surrendered on condition that his life
should be spared (Zos.
28), or rather Constantia secured from her brother the promise that his
life should be spared (Anon. Vales. p. 475; Vict. Epit. p. 50;
Pseudo-Leo, p. 85, &c.). He retired to Nicomedia, residing at
Thessalonica (Soz. 1. 7; Pseudo-Leo, &c.), but was put to death the
following year. (2) Constantine was now sole emperor. His first act
(Soz. 1. 8) was to issue a proclamation-in favor of the Christians
(Soz. l.c.; F. C. 2. 24- , and 48- ). This was followed by many other
acts in their favor, --building of churches, &c. (cf. Euseb. V. C.,
and notes). From this time on he was much identified with Christian
affairs, and the main events are given in extenso by Eusebius (see
various notes). In 325 (June 19-Aug. 25) the Council of Nicaea was held
(cf. Euseb. V. C. 3. 6, and notes), and Constantine took an active part
in its proceedings. The same year his Vicennalia were celebrated at
Nicomedia (Euseb. V. C. 1. 1; Hieron.; Cassiod.) and the following year
at Rome also (Hieron., Cassiod., Prosper, Idat.), Constantine being
present at both celebrations, (3) being thus at Rome in July, and
passing during the year as far as Arles, apparently spending some time
at Milan (cf. the various laws in Clinton, v.
§ 7. Fifth Five Years.
The beginning of this period was the beginning of
the series of acts which have taken most from the reputation of
Constantine. Sometime in 326, perhaps while at Rome, he ordered the
death of his son Crispus. (4) The same year (Hieron. Chron.) the Caesar
Licinius, his sister's son, was put to death (Eutrop. 10. 6; Hieron.;
Prosper.), and shortly after (5) his wife Fausta died or was put to
death. (6) But apart from this shadow, the period was hardly less
brilliant, in its way, than preceding ones. It was a time of gigantic
and, as some said, extravagant internal improvements. Among various
enterprises was the refounding, in 327, of Drepanum, his mother's city,
as Helenopolis (Hieron. An. 2343; Chron. Pasch. p. 283(?); Socr. H. E.
1. 18; Soz. 2. 2; Theoph. p. 41), and greatest of all, the
transformation of the insignificant Byzantium into the magnificent
Constantinople, (7) which was dedicated in 330 (Idatius; Chron. Pasch.
p. 285; Hesych. § 42; Hieron.; cf. Clinton). (8) It was probably
during this period, too, that the work of improvement in Jerusalem was
undertaken, and Helena made her famous visit thither (Euseb. V. C. 3.
42; Soz. 21; Socr. 1. 17; Ephraem. p. 24: Theoph. 37-8, &c.).
§ 8. Sixth Five Years.
The main event of the last full five-year period of
this reign was the Gothic war (Hieron. An. 2347; Idat.; Oros. c. 28;
Anon. Vales. p. 476; Eutrop. 10. 7; Vict. Caes. p. 352; cf. Soz. 1.
26), undertaken in behalf of the Sarmatians (Anon. Vales. l.c.),
carried on by Constantine II., and brought to an end April 20, 332 (cf.
Clinton). The following year (333) Constans was
420
made consul (Idat.; Hieron.; Prosper has 332; cf. Zos. 2. 35; Vict.
Caes. p. 161, &c.), and in
334 the remarkable (Anon. Vales.) incorporation of 300,000 Sarmatians
into the empire (Anon. Vales. p. 476; Idat.; Hieron.; cf. Ammian. 17.
12, 18; 17. 13; 19. 12; V. C. 4. 6). This same year Calocaerus revolted
in Crete and was defeated (Anon. Vales. p. 476; Vict. Caes. p. 161;
Oros. c. 28; Hieron.). The following year (335) Constantine celebrated
his tricennalia, and Dalmatius was made Caesar (Idat.; Hieron. An. 340;
Vict. Caes. p. 161; Anon. Vales. p. 476; Chron. Pasch. p. 532; Vict.
Epit. p. 51; Oros. c. 28), making now four Caesars and a nondescript
(cf. Anon. Vales. p. 476),-- Constantine II., Constantius, Constans,
Dalmatius, and Hannibalianus, among whom the world was now partitioned
(Anon. Vales. p. 476; Zos. 2. 39; Vict. Epit. p. 52).
§ 9. Last Years.
Later in this year, Constantine is known to have
been at Jerusalem, where he dedicated a church (V. C. 4. 40; Chron.
Pasch., but wrong year). It was also the year of the Synods of Tyre
(Athanas. c. Ar. 1. p. 788; V. C. 4.41; Theod. 1. 28). The same year,
or early in the following one, Eusebius pronounced his tricennial
oration (see Special Prolegomena). In 337 the Great Emperor died at
Ancyrona, near Nicomedia, just as he was preparing for an expedition
against the Persians, and was buffed in the Church of the Apostles, at
Constantinople (cf. notes on Eusebius' Life of Constantine). (1)
CHAPTER II. CHARACTER. § 1. Introduction.
A man's character consists of an inherited
personality enlarged, modified, or disfigured by his own repeated
voluntary acts. A sufficiently exhaustive survey of such character may
be made under the rubrics of: 1. Inherited characteristics. 2. Physical
characteristics. 3. Mental characteristics. 4. Moral characteristics.
5. Religious characteristics.
The character of Constantine has been so endlessly
treated, with such utter lack of agreement, that it seems hopeless to
try to reach any dear results in a study of it. "Who shall decide when
doctors disagree?" "How shall I go about it to find what sort of a man
Constantine really was ?" Certainly nothing can be gained by that
method which chooses a few acts or characteristics to which shifting
tests of various philosophies are applied. Nor can any haphazard
selection and stringing together of traits give what is by its nature a
synthesis of them all. Like any other scientific study, the first
condition of method is that it be systematic. Then, a character
generalization is worth just so much, no more, as the grounds on which
it is based. To get a man's character from secondary sources, from
other men's generalizations, is a hopelessly will-of-the-wisp effort.
Again, another vice of characterization as usually practised is the
interpretation of the whole by a part rather than the part by the
whole. The individual act is thus made the standard of character. To
get at what this personality called Constantine was therefore requires
a systematic survey of the primary sources with a view to getting the
ensemble that the eccentric may be judged by the normal. In such survey
the main thing is the body of analyzed and grouped facts. The editor's
summary, like any summary, is worth only what the facts are worth. This
method, however imperfectly carried out, is at least better than
rambling observations of incoherent phenomena; and has therefore been
adopted in this attempt to find out what sort of a man this Constantine
was; Physically, Mentally, Morally, Spiritually.
421
§ 2. Inherited Characteristics.
The fact of the inheritance of character, virtues or
vices as the case may be, curiously recognized in various nations and
ancient philosophies (cf. Ribot. Heredity, N.Y. 1875, p. 375-6), and
even in the ten commandments, has received the clearer exposition of
modern science. In view of it, a scientific study of character
considers antecedent generations. Biography rests properly on
genealogy. Constantine's father, Constantius Chlorus, was a man of
great mildness, self-possession, and philosophic virtue, just, and a
Neo-Platonist of the best type, a monotheist and philanthropist (cf.
Sinclair, in Smith & W. 1. 661-2). Constantine is said to have
inherited his father's strength, courage, personal appearance (Eumen.
Paneg. c. 4), piety (Pseud.Leo, p. 83; cf. Const. and Euseb. in V. C.
2. 49), and general virtues. The slur of Zosimus on the character of
Constantine's mother seems to have been quite gratuitous. Her relation
to Constantius was in nowise incompatible with virtue, and the honor
afterwards paid her, along with the indisputable good early training of
Constantine which was with her, indicate a woman of unusual character.
The later enterprise and activity with the honors and responsibilities
given her show her to have been of very considerable energy and ability.
§ 3. Physical Characteristics.
A graphic picture of his personal appearance is
drawn by Cedrenus (p. 472-3). "Constantinus Magnus was of medium
height, broad-shouldered, thick-necked, whence his epithet Bull-necked.
His complexion was ruddy, his hair neither thick nor crisp curling, his
beard scanty and not growing in many places, his nose slightly hooked,
and his eyes like the eyes of a lion. He was joyous of heart and most
cheery of countenance." (1) Many points in this description are
confirmed by others, some apparently contradicted. Taken in detail, his
Height was probably above medium. Over against this statement of
Cedrenus (p. 472) that he was of middle height is that of the earlier
Malalas (13. 1 ), who, while confirming the ruddiness of complexion,
characterizes him as tall, and the explicit testimony of Eusebius, that
among those with Diocletian "there was no one comparable with him for
height" (V. C. 1. 19), and likewise among those present at Nicaea ( V.
C. 3- 10). But a "thick-necked" form hardly belongs to the strictly
"tall" man, and a thick neck and broad shoulders would hardly belong to
a form of "distinguished comeliness," if it were short (Lact. c. 18).
It may be supposed therefore that he can be described as above medium
height. Moreover, there would naturally have been more mention of
height by Lactantius and Panegyrists if it had been very extraordinary.
In respect of Countenance he was undoubtedly handsome. The "majestic
beauty of his face" mentioned by Theophanes (p. 29; cf. V. C. 1. 19; 3.
10) is confirmed by suggestions in the Panegyrists (e.g. Eumen. c. 17;
Naz. c. 24), and all general testimony, and not belied by the coins.
His Complexion was ruddy; "reddish" in the expression of Cedrenus (p.
272), "fiery" in that of Malalas (13. 1). His Hair, rather thin and
straight, scanty Beard, and "slightly hooked" Nose are shown also by
the coins, where the nose varies from a pronounced Roman or ungraceful
eagle's beak to a very proportionate, slightly aquiline member. His
Eyes were lion-like (Cedren.), piercingly bright (Paneg. 313, c. 19;
also Eumen.). His Expression was bright and joyous (Cedren.),
characterized by "noble gravity mingled with hilarity" (Naz. Paneg. c.
24), by "serenity" and "cheerfulness" (cf. Euseb. V. C. 3. 11 ). In
brief, he seems to have been a type of the sanguine temperament.
Added to his beauty of face was an unquestioned
beauty of form. His distinguished comeliness of Figure (Lact. c. 18) is
a favorite theme with his enthusiastic friend Eusebius, who says, "No
one was comparable with him for grace and beauty of person" (cf. Eumen.
c. 17; V. C. 1.
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19; 3. 10), and that his figure was "manly and vigorous" (1. 20). The
broad Shoulders and thick Neck prepare one for the testimony to his
great bodily Strength. The feats of personal valor in combat with the
Sarmatian champions and the wild beasts (cf. above), his personal
energy in battle (e.g. before Verona; cf. above), much special
testimony (e.g. Eumen. Paneg. c. 4) and all the general testimony, show
that the superlative language of Eusebius is well grounded, and
interpreted with conservative imagination is to be taken as fact.
According to him, "he so far surpassed his compeers in personal
strength as to be a terror to them" (V. C. 1. 19), and in respect of
Vigor of body was such that at the Council of Nicaea his very beating
showed that he surpassed all present in "invincible strength and
vigor"; while at the age of sixty or upwards, "he still possessed a
sound and vigorous body, free from all blemish and of more than
youthful vivacity; a noble mien and strength equal to any exertion, so
that he was able to join in martial exercises, to ride, endure the
fatigues of travel, engage in battle," &c. (Vict. 4. 53). In
Bearing he was "manly" (V. C. 1. 20), self-possessed, calm (V. C. 3.
11), dignified ("noble gravity," Naz. c. 24; of. Eumen. &c.), with
"majestic dignity of mien" ( V. C. 3. 10) and serenity ( V. C.
3. 10). In Manners he was "suave" (<greek>epieikhd</greek>)
( V. C. 3. 10) and "affable to all" ( V. C. 3. 13). This singular
affability was such, according to Lactantius (c. 18), as to endear him
greatly to his soldiers. Over against this, however, must be set the
statement of Victor, Epit. that he was "a scoffer [irrisor] rather than
suave [blandus]" (Vict. Epit. 51). But this seems rounded on a false
exegesis (cf. above) and withal there is no absolute contradiction.
Moreover, all his intercourse with bishops, deputies, soldiers,
citizens, barbarians, seems to have generally made a favorable
impression, and such success without affability of manner would have
been marvelous. In Dress his taste, late in life at least, became
somewhat gorgeous. If he were reigning to-day, the comic papers would
undoubtedly represent him, like some other good and great men, with
exaggerated red neckties and figured waistcoats. He "always wore a
diadem," according to Victor, Epit. (p. 51), and according to many
(Malal. 13. 7-8; Cedren.; Pseudo-Leo, &c.) "none of the emperors
before him" wore the diadem at all. Eusebius' description of his
appearance at the Council of Nicaea would do credit to a Washington
reporter on wedding-toilets; he was "clothed in raiment which
glittered, as it were, with rays of light, reflecting the glowing
radiance of a purple robe, and adorned with the brilliant splendor of
gold and precious stones" (V. C. 3. 10).
§ 4. Mental Characteristics.
According to his biographer-friend, Constantine was
even more conspicuous for the excellence of his psychical qualities
than his physical ( V. C. 1. 19). Among these qualities are natural
intelligence ( V. C. 1. 19), sound judgment ( V. C. 1. 19),
well-disciplined power of thought (Theoph. p. 29), and peculiarly, as
might be expected from his eye and general energy, penetration (Theoph.
p. 29). In respect of Education, it is said on the one hand that he
"reaped the advantages of a liberal education" (V. C. 1. 19), and
particularly that he was thoroughly trained in the art of reasoning (V.
C.); but according to Anonymous Vales. (p. 471), and also Cedrenus (p.
473), his literary education was scanty. If there was early lack, he
made up for it afterwards with characteristic energy, for he attained
very considerable erudition (of a sort) for an emperor, as is shown in
his Oration. According to Eutropius he was devoted to liberal studies.
According to Lydus he was skilled both in the science of letters and
the science of arms; for "if he had not excelled in both sciences, he
would not have been made emperor of the Romans" (Lydus, de Magist.
3.33), --a somewhat subjective ground. Such was his devotion to study
that, according to Eusebius (V. C. 4. 20), "he sometimes passed
sleepless nights in furnishing his mind with divine knowledge." The
measure of his thoroughness may be gathered from the fact that his
knowledge of Greek even, does not seem to have been very extensive --"
with which he was not altogether unacquainted" ( V. C. 3. 13). His
learning, as shown in his orations, is the learning of a man of
affairs, and has many elements of crudity and
423
consequent pretentiousness; but he is no worse than many authors--much
better than most royal authors.
His learning had at least the excellent quality that
it was radiated with reference to expression, as all sound learning
must be. According to Eusebius, much of his time was spent in composing
discourses, many of which he delivered in public (K C. 4. 29), and he
continued to the last to compose discourses and to deliver frequent
orations in public.
The description by Eusebius of the character of his
orations (V. C. 4. 24) seems to forbid any assumption of pure vanity as
his motive. It is the most natural thing in the world that an emperor
should make speeches, and that he should speak on scholastic or
religious themes, and with the use of classical philosophy, mythology,
and literature, should be no surprise in the days of President
Harrison, Mr. Gladstone, and the Emperor William. There is no doubt he
wrote and spoke vigorously and effectively to hi soldiers, and on
political and judicial matters (witness his laws), and his learned
literary production is very fair amateur work, considering. In the
Delivery of his speeches he seems to have had self-possession and
modesty of manner, as e.g. at the Council of Nicaea, where "he looked
serenely around on the assembly with a cheerful aspect, and having
collected his thoughts in a calm and gentle tone . . . proceeded to
speak" (V. C. 3. 11). His Literary style was somewhat inflated and
verbose, but for this, compare Special Prolegamena. His Patronage of
learning showed his interest in it. Following his father's example and
continuing his work, he encouraged the schools in Gaul (cf. above).
Hosius and Eusebius were his friends and counselors. He made Lactantius
tutor to Crispus (Hieron. Chron.). He had copies of the Scriptures made
and distributed (V. C. 3. 1). In short, he especially "encouraged the
study of letters" (Vict. Epit. 51) in every way.
§ 5. Moral Characteristics.
(a) In relations with events, things, or persons.
First of all, Constantine excelled in Energy, that fundamental of all
developed character. He was pre-eminent for masculine strength of
character (Theoph. p. 29), a man of energy (vir ingens, Eutrop. 10. 1).
This was manifested at every turn, in his successful military activity
under Diocletian, in the decisive acts at the time of leaving him, in
the prosecution of campaigns against Maximian, Maxentius, Licinius, in
the wholesale way in which he pushed internal improve merits, the
building of Constantinople, the multiplication of Christian houses of
worship, in his studies, in his law-making; in short, in everything he
touched there was the same teeming, resistless energy of the man. His
Determination was "bent on effecting whatever he had settled in his
mind" (Eutrop. 10. 5). His Rapidity of action when he rejoined his
father is described by Lactantius as incredible (Lact. c. 24). He
showed the same alacrity in his quick return and surprise of Maximian,
in his first entry into Italy, and in his campaign against Licinius.
This energy and activity rose to positive Impetuosity, which led him at
Verona, before Rome, and at Cibalis to plunge into the midst of battle,
communicating his own resistless, indomitable, alert will to do, to his
soldiers. Closely linked with these qualities was that personal Courage
and Valor, inherited from his father (Paneg. 307, c. 3), mentioned by
Eusebius ( K C. 1. 11), and explicitly or implicitly by almost every
one. This most indubitable of all his qualities was witnessed to even
by the scoffing Julian as "inexpressibly" great (Oral. p. 13), and
mentioned even in the work whose chief aim seems, almost, to detract
from Constantine (Caes. p. 23). United with all these characteristics
of greatness was a far-reaching Ambition. This on the one hand is
represented to be an ambition for power and glory. He was "exceedingly
ambitious of military glory" (Eutrop. 10. 7); "aspiring to the
sovereignty of the whole world" (Eutrop. 10. 5). According to Zosimus,
at the time of the appointment of Severus and Maximin, already having
his mind set on attaining royalty he was roused to a greater desire by
the honor conferred on Severus and Maximin, and this eager desire of
power was already well known to many. On the other hand, this ambition
is represented to be a burning zeal for righting wrongs; his
424
wars against Maxentius and Licinius real crusades, and his actual
objective in all things the reform to be effected. If the fruit proves
the motive, this was so; for he consistently used or tried to use his
power for what he thought public good. This he did in Gaul, after his
victories, in his legislation, and in his internal improvements.
In view of all this powerfulness of personality, it
may be said of all successes of this "man of power" (Eutrop. 10. 5)
what Eutropius says of his success in war, that it was great, "but not
more than proportioned to his exertions" (Eutrop.). With all this
energy of personality, however, he was far from being headstrong. On
the contrary, he showed marked Prudence, resembling his father in this
also (Paneg. 307, c. 3). Sustaining so long the delicate position at
the court of Diocletian, all his provision for guarding the frontiers,
his long-suffering in waiting to be confirmed Caesar, in waiting his
opportunity to meet Maxentius, in waiting and getting everything in
hand before meeting Licinius, his wise moderation in demand on the
conquered, and the not pressing forward until he had everything well
arranged, show this, and a high degree of Patience withal. This latter
virtue was peculiarly characteristic whether exercised in respect of
things or plans or people, and his great patience in listening to
complaints (Naz. c. 24) is only a part of the whole. As he was patient,
so he was distinguished for Perseverance, and "firm and unshaken"
(Theoph. p. 29) Steadfastness. So great energy united with these other
qualities barely needs testimony to suggest great Faithfulness to his
tasks in hand, as in that "strict attention to his military duties"
which Lactantius says (c. 18) characterized him as a young man. In
brief, his whole personality was a marked example of that balance of
power and the measuring of remote ends which is included under the word
Self-control, in the use of the philosophy of which he, as well as his
father, was a disciple. In this exercise of his great energy towards
himself he was recognized to be remarkable. This self-control was
manifested especially in his unusual Chastity. As a young man he was
marked by correct moral habits (probis moribus, Lact. c. 18). The
specific testimony of Eusebius to this (V. C.) would have comparatively
little weight on a point like this, and the same might be said, in a
measure, of the testimony of the Panegyrists (Naz. c. 24; 207, c. 4;
313, c. 4), who mention this virtue. But panegyrical art would forbid
the laudation of what was conspicuously lacking; rather it would not be
mentioned, and the general testimony goes to show at least a
contemporary reputation for extraordinary continence, considering his
time and environment. His relationship with Minervina hardly touches
this reputation, whether she was wife or only legitimate concubine. The
accusations and innuendoes of Julian, Caesars, have, in any fairly
critical estimate, hardly more than the weight of some malignant gossip
whose backbiting is from his own heart. "Honi soit qui mat y pense."
Like Licinius, he seems to have been unable to understand that purity
of heart which permitted the free companionship of women in social or
religious life. Julian's general charge of luxuriousness and
sensuousness
(P. 43, 306, 25, 38, 42, &c.) must be regarded largely in the same
light; for this delight in soft garments, precious gems, games, and
festivities was, if we can judge aright, in no sense "enervating
pleasure and voluptuous indulgence": for he was indefatigable in
studies and works of all sorts, although it is perhaps to be referred
to the vanity and love of display of which he is accused, and of which
more later.
(b) In relations with people. In general he was
Amiable,--popular with the soldiers, popular even with his subdued
enemies (Eutrop. 10. 7). Diocletian reminded Galerius (Lact. c. 18)
that he was "amiable," and he must have been so; for he was "loved by
soldiers" (Eumen. c. 16), and so "endeared to the troops" that in the
appointment of Caesar he was "the choice of every individual" (Lact. c.
18). This popularity he indeed "sought by every kind of liberality and
obligingness" (Eutr. 10. 7.), but what he sought he found.
A very large element in this popularity was the
universal Mildness, Mercifulness, and Forbear-once which he showed. In
these is found a class of characteristics which stand alongside his
energy of character as peculiarly characteristic and great. "He whose
familiar habit it was to save men's lives" (V. C. 4. 6), as a young man
promised, in the opinion of Diocletian
425
(Lact. c. 18), to be "milder and more merciful than his father." Even
in the opinion of Julian he was "far more humane
(<greek>praoUerou</greek>), and in very many other respects
superior to others, as I would demonstrate if there were opportunity"
(Julian, Orat. p. 15); and he again (p. 96) speaks of him in laudatory
terms as contrasted with the other emperors. Eusebius, as might be
expected, is still stronger in expression, and sets Constantine "in
contrast with tyrants who were stained with blood of countless
numbers," saying that in Constantine's reign "the sword of justice lay
idle," and men were "rather constrained by a paternal authority than
governed by the stringent power of the laws" ( K C. 3. 1). This
mercifulness he manifested on every occasion. "When Sigusium was on
fire," he directed greater effort towards saving it than he had to
capturing it (Naz. Paneg. c. 21). At the taking of Rome he punished a
certain few only of those most intimate with Maxentius (Zos.), and even
Zosimus notes the great joy and relief of people at the exchange of
Constantine for Maxentius. It is noticeable that in the inscriptions
the epithet "clementissimus," most rare of other emperors, is found a
considerable number of times of him. So great was this mildness of
conduct that he was "generally blamed for his clemency" (V. C. 4. 31),
on the ground that crimes were not visited with their proper penalties.
The testimony to this humaneness of character is almost unlimited and
conclusive, but there is more or less evidence which is urged in
qualification or contradiction. It is rather a common thing to say that
he was at first mild, but later pride of prosperity caused him greatly
to depart from this former agreeable mildness of temper (Eutrop.). Then
the execution of the various members of his own family (cf. discussion
below), the exposure of prisoners to the wild beasts (Eumen. Paneg. c.
12), his severe decree against those who should conceal copies of the
works of Arius (Socr. 1. 9), his treatment of the Jews (Greg. Niceph.,
or at least his laws), and the severe penalties of some of his laws are
among the points brought against him. But the remark of Eutropius is to
be interpreted by the "former agreeable mildness of temper," to which
he himself witnesses, and the fact that this latter period was that
where the points of view of the two men had widely diverged. The
exposure of prisoners to wild beasts was no evidence of cruelty in
itself; for under the customs then prevailing it might have been
cruelty to his subjects not to have done this, and his treatment of the
barbarian enemies is rather to be interpreted in the light of the
testimony of Eutropius that he "left on the minds of the barbarians
[Goths] a strong remembrance of his kindness" (10. 7). His treatment of
his family is discussed elsewhere, but whatever its bearings may be,
there is no just historico-psychological ground whatever for the use of
the word which is so freely bandied,-cruelty. Cruel he was not in any
sense. Even the extreme of the Panegyrist who says to him, "you are
such by inheritance and destiny that you cannot be cruel" (Eumen.
Paneg. c. 14), is nearer the truth. The penalties of his laws lay him
open in a degree to a charge of growing severity; but it was great, if
sometimes mistaken and overzealous, regard for what he deemed the
public welfare, and on quite a different plane from anything which we
express as cruelty. Though with the growing conservatism of a man who
finds his purposes of mercy continually perverted and his indulgences
abused, he yet remained to the end of his life most merciful and mild
compared with those who went before and who followed.
This fact becomes more clear in seeing how he
excelled in kindred virtues. The Patience already mentioned,
distinguished forbearance, and undoubted benevolence, or at least
generosity, are traits which group with mercy and have no fellowship
with cruelty. And these he had. He showed distinguished Forbearance,
and that oftentimes, as in a disturbance at Antioch, where he "applied
with much forbearance the remedy of persuasion" (V. C. 3. 59). The
outrageous conduct of those who, in the Arian disturbances, dared "even
to insult the statues of the emperor . . . had little power to excite
his anger, but rather caused in him sorrow of spirit" (V. C.
3' 4), "and he endured with patience men who were exasperated against
himself." These words are by Eusebius, to be sure.; but his conduct
with Donatists, Arians, Maximinianus, and Licinius, in individual and
on the whole, show that in fact he did habitually exercise great
forbearance. 'To this was added much activity of positive Kindness. On
first accession he "visited with much
426
considerate kindness all those provinces" (V. C. p. 23). This kindness
was shown throughout his reign, and brightly illustrated in his
treatment of the persecuted Christians from the beginning,--in his acts
in Gaul, in his famous toleration edict, in his letter to Maximin, and
in his acts throughout. After his victory over Maxentius came the edict
that those wrongfully deprived of their estates should be permitted to
enjoy them again, . . . unjustly exiled were recalled and freed from
imprisonment (Euseb. V. C. 1. 41). After the victory over Licinius he
recalled Christian exiles, ordered restitution of property, released
from labor in mines, from the solitude of islands, from toil in public
works, &c., those who had been oppressed in these ways (V. C. p.
70-71). There is strong concensus of testimony to a very lovable
habitual exercise of this trait in his "readiness to grant hearing,"
"patience in listening," and "kindness of response" to those whose
complaints he had patiently listened to (Naz. 24). He was most
excellent (commadissimus) to hear embassies and complaints of provinces
(Vict. Epit. p. 51),--a testimony which is borne out by the facts. His
Generosity is equally undoubted. His magnificent gifts and largesses to
the army were still remembered in the time of Julian (Oral. p. 13). His
constant and lavish giving to the Christians is Eusebius' unending
theme: but it was not to the churches alone; for we read of his
munificence to heathen tribes (V. C. 2. 22), his liberality to the poor
(V. C. 1. 43) in giving money for clothing, provision for orphans and
widows, marriage portions for virgins, compensation to losers in law
suits (V. C. 4. 4). It was "scarcely possible to be near him without
benefit" (V. C. I. 43; cf. V. C. 3. 16; 3. 22; 4. 44).
Though slow to serve some friends through suspicion
(i.e. dubius thus explained), he was" exceedingly generous towards
others, neglecting no opportunity to add to their riches and honors"
(Eutrop. 10. 7). "With royal magnificence he unlocked all his treasures
and distributed his gifts with rich and high-souled liberality" (V. C.
3. I). He seems to have carried it rather to excess, even on the
showing of Eusebius. "No one could request a favor of the emperor, and
fail of obtaining what he sought. . . . He devised new dignities, that
he might invest a larger number with the tokens of his favor" (V. C. 4.
2). It is worth giving the account by Eusebius of this conduct in full
here. He says (V. C. 4. 54) that this "was a virtue, however, which
subjected him to censure from many, in consequence of the baseness of
wicked men, who ascribed their own crimes to the emperor's forbearance.
In truth, I can myself bear testimony to the grievous evils which
prevailed during those times: I mean the violence of rapacious and
unprincipled men, who preyed on all classes of society alike, and the
scandalous hypocrisy of those who crept into the church. . . . His own
benevolence and goodness of heart, the genuineness of his own faith,
and his truthfulness of character induced the emperor to credit the
professions of those reputed Christians who craftily preserved the
semblance of sincere affection for his person. The confidence he
reposed in such men sometimes forced him into conduct unworthy of
himself, of which envy took advantage to cloud in this respect the
luster of his character." There seems, therefore, some ground for the
charge of prodigality, that he "wasted public money in many useless
buildings, some of which he shortly after destroyed because they were
not built to stand" (Zos.), and (Zos. p. 104) "gave great largesses to
ill-deserving persons, mistaking profusion for munificence"
(<greek>Uhu</greek> <greek>gar</greek>
<greek>aswtian</greek> <greek>hUeito</greek>
<greek>filotimian</greek>). Zosimus adds that to do this,
he "imposed severe taxes on all, so severe that fathers were obliged to
prostitute their daughters to raise the money, that tortures were
employed, and in consequence whole villages depopulated." This
testimony is, however, by one bitterly prejudiced, who regarded money
spent on Christian houses of worship as worse than wasted, and
indicates only what appears from Eusebius as well, that expenditures
for cities, schools, and churches built, and for other matters, must
have been enormous. But so, too, they were enormous under other
emperors, and Constantine, at least, instead of spending on debauchery,
seems to have had something to show for it. As to taxes, Zosimus would
undoubtedly sympathize with the Kentucky moonshiners in their
"oppression" by revenue officers, if he were here now and Constantine
were President, and would fulminate in the dally papers against the
wicked party which by its wicked tariff compels men to marry
427
their daughters to rich husbands in order to get their taxes paid,--and
incidental luxuries supplied. But that does not say that an exorbitant
tariff, to supply "jobs" which shall furnish rich "spoils" for those
who have "pulls" out of the pockets of the many, is good; yet this, in
modern phrase, is about what Constantine did. Constantine's trust in
his friends and generosity to the unworthy, with its consequences on
the tax-payers, reminds strikingly of some of our own
soldier-presidents, whom we love and admire without approving all their
acts. And yet, on the other hand, much of the expenditure was for solid
improvement, and could only be criticised by those who now oppose
expenditures for navy, for improved postal service, public buildings,
subsidies, &c.; though yet, again, his wholesale way of doing
things also reminds one of the large generosity of some modern
politicians in their race for popularity, with their Pension,
Education, River and Harbor, and what not liberalities out of the
pockets of the people. But whatever unwisdom may have been mingled, all
this profusion shows in him a generosity of character which was at
least amiable, and in the main genuine. His generosity took also the
form of Hospitality, as shown by his entertainings at the Council of
Nicaea (V. C. 4. 49). With all these qualities of amiable popularity
there seems to have been joined a yet more fundamental element, of
permanent influence among men, in a spirit of Justice so marked that
the claim of the Panegyrist is hardly too sweeping when he says that
"all who took/refuge with him for whatever cause he treated justly and
liberally" (Paneg. 307. 5)--if there is added "up to his light and
ability." Closely linked with this again is that" Unbending
righteousness" of which Theophanes (p. 29) speaks. And to all these
qualities was added that synthesis of qualities,--a remarkable Tact in
his intercourse with men, a trait typically exemplified in his conduct
at the Council of Nicaea, where "the emperor gave patient audience to
all alike, and reviewed every proposition with steadfast attention, and
by occasionally assisting the arguments of each party in turn, he
gradually disposed even the most vehement disputants to a
reconciliation, . . . persuading some, convincing others by his
reasonings, praising those who spoke well, and urging all to unity of
sentiment, until at last he succeeded in bringing them to one mind and
judgment respecting every disputed question" (V. C. 3. 13).
But success with men and popularity seem to have
opened that pitfall of success,--Vanity,-and it is charged that he fell
thereinto, although there is testimony to the exact contrary. According
to Victor (Epit. p. 51) he was "immeasurably greedy of praise." This
agrees with, and is at the same time modified by Eutropius' testimony
to his ambition for glory and for honorable popularity (10. 7), and his
apparently complacent reception of the outrageous flattery of Optatian
(cf. his letter), seems at least to show some weakness in this
direction. So again his tendency toward Magnificence, as shown in his
assuming the diadem and his dress in general (cf. above), in the
splendor of banquets as witnessed by his approving friend (V. C. 3. 15
), his desire to do on a large scale whatever he did, whether in the
building of cities or splendid houses of worship, or in book-binding
ornamentations of pearls and gems. And yet again it is shown in what
seems at this distance his Conceit, sublime in its unconsciousness in
reckoning himself a sort of thirteenth, but, it would seem, a facile
princeps apostle, in the disposition for his burial, "anticipating with
extraordinary fervor of faith that his body would share their title
with the apostles themselves. . . . He accordingly caused twelve
coffins to be set up in this church, like sacred pillars, in honor and
memory of the apostolic number, in the centre of which his own was
placed, having six of theirs on either side of it" (V. C. 4. 60). One
can seem to read in this a whole history of unblushing flattery, and it
reminds that Eunapius (Vic. aedes. p. 41) has spoken of his pleasure in
the stimulant of "intoxicating flattery." Still it is not to be
supposed that this was a peculiarly weak vanity or an absorbing one.
The testimony to his Modesty (V. C. 3. 10), though by Eusebius, is too
circumstantial to be wholly unreal, and the testimony to his Humility
in his "indignation at excessive praise" (V. C. 4. 48), and the records
of Eusebius that he "was not rendered arrogant by these plaudits nor
uplifted by the praises" (Euseb. V. C. 1. 39), and of the Chronicon
Paschale (p. 521) that "he was not at all puffed up by the
acclamations," evidently represent a
428
genuine thing. This mixed character is too frequently met with to be
incomprehensible. Real power, recognizing its own success, glad of the
recognition of others, not at bottom because of cold vanity, but from
warm appreciation of human friendliness, became through success in
carrying out what seemed to him, and were, divine plans, fired with the
thought that he was the especial and necessary minister of God, that
his thoughts and will were directly touched by the Divine Will and thus
that whatever he thought or willed was infallible. He is not unlike
some modern rulers. The spirit, though one of real vanity, or egotism
at least, has an element of nobleness in it, and in most of its
manifestations commands respect along with the smile. The accusation of
Zosimus of Arrogance "when he had attained to the sole authority," and
that he "gave himself up to the unrestrained exercise of his power,"
must be interpreted like those of other un-Christian witnesses, in the
light of the fact that his actions worked relative hardships to the
non-Christians, and that very justice to the Christians would seem
injustice to them, and if Constantine was more than just, his
generosity was at some one's expense. His energy of execution and
constant success, with his dominating idea of a Divine mission, would
naturally engender this faith in his own infallibility; for what is
arrogance but this vanity joined with power? His action toward
schismatics--Donatists, Arians, or orthodox troublers of his peace--was
such as to suggest some degree of this vice. Yet his success in keeping
the followers of the old religion fairly mollified, and his generally
successful tact, showed that this was in no sense a dominating and
unrelieved characteristic. Two other weaknesses closely allied with
these are also imputed to Constantine: Jealousy, as illustrated by the
statement that "wishing to minimize the deeds of his predecessors, he
took pains to tarnish their virtues by giving them jocose epithets"
(Dion. Cont. 2 [Muller, p. 199]; cf. Vict. Epit. p. 51), and
Suspiciousness (Eutrop. 10. 7); for which latter, a man who had
survived as many plots as he had, might well be excused. Again and
again and again he trusted men, and they deceived him. His conduct with
Maximian shows that at least in the beginning, before he had had so
much experience of untrustworthiness, he was remarkably free from this.
A much more serious charge is that of Faithlessness preferred by
Zosimus, who says (2. 28), "in violation of his oaths (for this was
customary with him) "and twice repeats the charge. Eusebius, on the
other hand, tells what great pains Constantine took not to be the one
to break peace with Licinius (V. C.). One is worth as little as the
other. The charge seems to rest mainly or wholly on his conduct towards
Licinius, in beginning war and in putting him to death. A small boy
once held a smaller boy in a firm grip, but agreed to spare him the
cuffing he deserved because he was smaller. The smaller small boy
promptly set his teeth in the leg of the larger small boy, and was
properly cuffed for it. Thereupon the smaller small boy's big brother
was filled with indignation, which he manifested by seeking and finding
the same fate. The indignation in behalf of Licinius seems to be in
large measure big brother indignation--indignation with the wrong
party. He appears to have been one of those who held a compact to be
binding on the other party only. It wasn't in the bargain that he
should persecute the Christians, or in the other bargain that he should
plot his benefactor's overthrow. That king in Scripture who took back
his promise to forgive a debt of ten thousand talents was not faithless.
(c) In relations with his family. He was a filial
Son, having the confidence of his father, as shown in his wish of
succession, and showing his mother all honors when he came to power
(cf. coins showing her position as empress, and V.C.). "And well may
his character be styled blessed for his filial piety as well as on
other grounds" (V. C. 3. 47).
It is in this relation to his family, however, that
the most serious attacks on the character of Constantine have been
made. Eutropius says: "But the pride of prosperity caused Constantine
greatly to depart from his former agreeable mildness of temper. Falling
first upon his own relatives, he put to death his son, an excellent
man; his sister's son, a youth of amiable disposition; soon afterwards
his wife; and subsequently many of his friends." This has been a
battle-ground of accusation or excusation in all the centuries. The
testimony is very meagre and uncertain, but this much may be said: 1.
That any jury would regard the fact of deaths as evidenced. It is
429
witnessed by Eutrop. (10. 6), Zos., Vict., Hieron., &c. 2. That he
was unjustifiable is not proven. In respect to the death of Fausta, at
least, there was probably just cause; whether love intrigue or other
intrigue, there seems to have been some real occasion. The death of
Crispus, too, was from no mere suspicions, but on apparently definite
grounds of distrust. It is historical assumption to say that he had no
good grounds, whatever these may have been--illicit relationship with
Fausta or more probably political intrigue. At the worst, he was put to
death on false but, at the time, apparently true accusation: what has
been done by judges and juries of the best intention. (1) Of Licinius,
his sister's son, it can hardly be said that he had the same reason, as
he was still a boy. But remembering the inherited character of
Licinius, and noticing the curious fact that the cordiality between
Constantia and Constantine was peculiarly great to the end, it seems as
if there must have been some mitigating circumstance. (2) In all
historical candor it looks as if there had been some general intrigue
against Constantine which had been met in this way; but the fairest
verdict to enter is "causes unknown."
In estimating the characteristic value of the acts
it must be noted, (1). That it has in no sense the character of private
execution. The emperor was judge. Even if he mistook evidence and put
to death an innocent man, it was as when a judge does the same. 2. That
the relative moral character of punishments inflicted is conditioned by
the custom of punishment. An English judge of the past was not as cruel
in hanging a man for theft, as a modern one in applying the extreme
penalty of the law to an offense with mitigating circumstances, would
be. 3. That all law of evidence, all rhyme and reason, says that any
man's any act is to be interpreted in the light of his general
character. Where evidence is lacking or doubtful, such evidence of
general character has actual weight, and may be conclusive. In
application to these acts note (a) The peculiar forbearance which
Constantine exercised toward Maximian. (b) The conclusive universal
testimony to the general mildness of his character and his habitual
mercifulness. In view of this, it is to be judged that there was some
real, or appearing, great ground of judicial wrath. 4. That Constantine
had suffered from plots on the part of his own relatives over and over
again, and spared, and been plotted against again, as in the cases of
Maximian, Bassianus, and Licinius. 5. That they were not put to death
"in a gust of passion" at once, but in successive acts. In view of
these things it is fair and just to say that they were put to death on
grounds which seemed just and for the welfare of society, and their
deaths in no sense indicate cruelty or unnaturalness on the part of
Constantine. Even the death of Licinius must be interpreted by the
political ethics of the times and its circumstances. So long as
sentimentalists continue to send bouquets to murderers and erect
monuments to anarchists, they will regard execution, even legal
execution, as prima facie evidence of cruelty, and the killing of a
murderer in self-defense, or the hanging of a traitor, as crime.
Constantine's whole character ensures that if he thought he could have
spared them, or any one, with safety, he would have done so. (3)
In general he was a faithful husband as respects
marital virtue, and a good father. He took care that his children
should be well educated. Crispus was under Lactantius (Hieron.), and
the others perhaps under Arborius ("Auson. de Prof. Burdig. 16"); at
all events, he had the most accomplished teachers of secular learning
to instruct in the art of war, and in political and legal science (V.
C. 4. 51), and both by his own instruction and that of men of approved
piety, took special pains with their religious training. He early
appointed them to offices of authority, and distributed the empire
among them.
430
(d) In relations with friends. His general conduct
toward his friends was marked by very great liberality (cf. above).
Eutropius speaks emphatically of this even while he uses the expression
which has been such a puzzle to all, that "toward some of his friends
he was double" (or dangerous), a phrase which is interpreted by
Johannes Ant. as meaning "to some of friends false (unsound,
<greek>upoulwd</greek>) and unsafe (unwholesome,
<greek>ouk</greek> <greek>uUipd</greek>)" (ed.
Muller 4. p. 602-3). His uniform effort to please his friends has been
discussed above.
(e) In relations with society. 1. As General he
seems to have been popular with his own soldiers (cf. above), inspiring
them with enthusiasm and energy. Toward hostile soldiers he was
merciful (cf. above), not following up an advantage further than was
necessary, and toward conquered enemies unusually forbearing; e.g. at
Sigusium, at Rome, with Maximian, with Licinius, and with the Goths
(cf. above). His generalship is characterized by careful provision for
the guarding of his rear, and by rapidity of movement and dash in
actual conflict. 2. As Legislator he "enacted many laws, some good, but
most of them superfluous, and some severe" (Eutrop. 10. 8). He seems to
have had a weakness for law-making which, at all events, shows a
characteristic respect for law little shared by his early
contemporaries. Of course Eutropius would consider all laws in favor of
Christians superfluous. Laws for the abolition of idolatrous practices,
for the erection of Christian houses of worship, observance of the
Lord's Day (V. C. 4. 23), permitting cases to be tried before bishops
(Soz. 1. 9; Euseb. H. E. 10. 7; Cod. Theod. Tit. de episc. &c.,
would surely seem so. But even in other laws Constantine seems to have
had at times an abnormal zeal for law-making, when his energies were
not occupied in war or church-building. The laws were generally wise
and, at the least, benevolently or righteously meant. Such were the
abolition of crucifixion (Vict. Caes.) and of gladiatorial shows ( V.
C. 4. 25; Socr. 1. 8; C. Theod. 15. 12. 1), the law that the families
of slaves were not to be separated (C. Theod. 2.25), that forbidding
the scourging of debtors (C. Theod. 7.3), and that repressing calumny
(Vict. Epit. 51). Among the "severe" laws were such as punished certain
forms of illicit intercourse with death.
3. As Statesman his policy was broad and far-reaching. He fully
organized and carefully established one section of his territory before
he enlarged. He changed the whole constitution of the empire, both
civil and military (cf. Wordsworth, in Smith & W.). He inaugurated
reforms in finance, and especially was most assiduous in the matter of
internal improvements, restoring and building from one end of the
empire to the other. The great characteristic consummation of his reign
was the union of Church and State, over which men are still divided as
to whether it was a tremendous blessing or a tremendous curse.
Tremendous it surely was in its shaping power on world history.
(Compare numerous titles under Literature.) The general statement of
Eutropius that "in the beginning of his reign he might have been
compared to the best princes, in the latter part only to those of a
middling character," must be interpreted by the fact that during the
latter part of his reign he was so associated with Christianity, in
itself a falling away in the eyes of the old religionists. His reign
was one of order and justice such as few were, and an order out of
chaos, a reign in which it could be peculiarly said that "chastity was
safe and marriage protected" (Naz. c. 38), where a man's life and
property were secure as under few of the Roman emperors. It is idle to
refuse the title of Great to a man who, from the beginning, followed a
consistent, though developing policy, organized the interior, and
securely guarded the frontier of his empire at each enlargement, and
finally unified the whole on such a basis as to secure large internal
prosperity and development.
§ 6. Religious Characteristics.
Was Constantine a Christian? This vain question has to be considered,
hardly discussed. The interminable opinions, one way or the other, are
for the most part wise-seeming, meaningless generalizations. Like any
generalized statement, it is conditioned by the point of view of the
author. When ten men answered the question "What is a Christian?" in
ten different ways, who
431
shall say what any one is? This has been the difficulty. One does not
conceive of Christianity apart from baptismal regeneration. The
question has then narrowed to one of baptism. Constantine was not a
Christian until just before his death. Another has some other test.
Another is not a Christian himself, and so on. A good Biblical,
Protestant starting-point is to say he was a Christian as soon as he
believed in Christ, and that the evidence of faith is in confession and
action. Already, before his campaign into Italy, he seems to have been
in intimate contact with the Christians. Hosius was probably already
one of his advisers. The young emperor had inherited his father's piety
(Paneg. 307, c. 5), and was inclined to monotheism. The words of
advisers must have made him think at least, and he seems to have made a
sort of test of believing at the time of the famous "vision of the
cross," whatever that may have been. Judging from the way men think and
feel their way to faith, it seems psychologically probable that,
feeling his way along to that point, he tried faith and, having
success, he substantially believed from that time on. Certainly from a
very early period after this, the evidences begin to be clear and
increasingly so as presumably his faith itself became more clear and
fixed. The account in Eusebius of the process of thought by which he
inclined toward Christianity has the greatest plausibility. He says
that "considering the matter of Divine assistance, it occurred to him
that those who had relied on idols had been deceived and destroyed,
while his father . . . had honored the one Supreme God, had found him
Saviour, &c . . . . he judged it folly to join in the idle worship
of those who were no gods . . . and felt it incumbent on him to honor
no other than the God of his father." The nature of the vision of the
cross, whether a miracle, a natural phenomenon, or only a dream, does
not affect the probability of the account by Eusebius of what followed
it (V. C. 1. 32). "At the time above specified, being struck with
amazement at the extraordinary
vision, and resolving to worship no other God save him who had appeared
to him, he sent for those who were acquainted with the mysteries of his
doctrines, and inquired also what God was. . . . They affirmed that he
was God, the only begotten Son of the one and only God," and he
thereupon "made the priests of God his counsellors and deemed it
incumbent on him to honor the God who had appeared to him, with all
devotion." According to Sozomen, "it is universally admitted
Constantine embraced the religion of the Christians previous to his war
with Maxentius and prior to his return to Rome and Italy; and this is
evidenced by the dates of the laws which he enacted in favor of
religion" (Soz. 1. 5; cf. 1. 3). Philostorgius (1. 6), "in conformity
with all other writers," ascribes to the victory over Maxentius
(Photius. Epit.). This is confirmed, too, by the remark of the
Panegyrist (313, c. 4; cf. c. 2 and c. 11), that he conducted the war
by Divine instruction, and the famous inscription on the triumphal
arch, "instinctu Divinitatis." According to Augustine he was at the
time of the petition of the Donatists, "mindful of the hope which he
maintained in Christ" (August. contra litt. Petil. Bk. II. c. 92, p.
205).
The tales of his baptism at this time, or by
Sylvester at all, are pure fables (cf. under The Mythical Constantine),
but it appears from antecedent probability, from testimony, and from
his early subsequent identification with the Christians that he became
fairly convinced at this time. His letters concerning the council at
Aries, to be sure, have little direct evidence, but enough to show that
he regarded the Christian religion as the worship of that one supreme
God, and in them Hosius was already his trusted adviser. But in his
letters to Chrestus (314) he speaks of those who are "forgetful of
their own salvation and the reverence due to the most holy faith," and
if his letter to the bishops after the council at Aries--a letter full
of expressions like "Christ the Saviour," "brethren beloved," "I who
myself await the judgment of Christ," "our Saviour"1--be genuine,
Constantine was well advanced in his commitment in 314; but whether it
is or not,
432
the fact of his Christian advisers, of his laws in behalf of
Christians, and various substantial favors to them, his recognition of
their God as his one God, makes it almost idle to discuss the question.
Was Constantine a Christian in 314? What is a Christian? He seems to
have been. The type was that of many a business-man church-member of
to-day--Christians, but neither over-well-instructed, nor dangerously
zealous in the exercise of his faith. It must be remembered that during
these earlier years his confession of his faith and identification of
himself with the Christians was conditioned by his relation to the old
religion. Such a change was a radical novelty. His position was not yet
secure. He had to use his utmost tact to keep all elements in hand. He
was conditioned just as a modern Christian emperor or president, a
majority of whose political advisers and subjects or electors are
non-religious. He had great problems of political organization to
effect, and was immersed in these. The only matter of surprise is that
he grew so rapidly. There is no ground whatever for supposing that he
dissembled to the end, or even at all. To say that his retaining the
title of pontifex maximus, or making concessions respecting the old
worship, or allowing soothsayers to be consulted, or even the
postponement of his baptism, indicate this, is critical absurdity in
the face of evidence. (1) Testimony, both heathen and Christian, to the
openness of his action is complete, and the testimony of his
acts--such, e.g., as the law for the observance of Sunday--conclusive.
Later, at least, he "most openly destroyed temple worship and built
Christian houses of worship" (Eunap. Vita [?]des. 37, ed. Boiss. p.
20). From the defeat of Licinius on, edicts, letters, speeches, acts of
all sorts, testify to a most unequivocal adoption of the Christian
religion. Eusebius hardly overstates in saying that "he maintained a
continual testimony to his Christianity, with all boldness and before
all men, and so far was he from shrinking from an open profession of
the Christian name, that he rather desired to make it manifest to all
that he regarded this as his highest honor" (V. C. 3. 2). Really the
question whether he considered himself, or was considered, a Christian
at and after the time of the Council of Nicaea is too idle even to
mention, if it had not been gravely discussed. In the opinion of the
bishops there he was "most pious" and "dear to God" (E.P. synod. in
Socr. 1. 9; Theodoret, 1. 8). On his part, letters are full of pious
expression and usually begin or end or both with "beloved brethren." To
the council itself he describes himself as "fellow-servant" of "Him who
is our common Lord and Saviour." Another more considerable position is
that all that indisputable external connection with Christianity was
pure political expediency, that he was a shrewd politician who saw
which way the wind was blowing, and had skill to take advantage of it.
That Constantine was not a Christian in the strict sense even to the
end of his life was the position of Keim. Burckhardt regards him as a
pure politician, without a touch of Christian life. Brieger (1880) says
we have not grounds to decide either way, whether he was "a godless
egoistic fatalist or had a more or less warm religious or even
Christian interest," but that the fixed fact is, that it was not
because of his inner belief in the Christian religion that he showed
favor to the Christians. In a brief attempt to get some basis in the
sources, the enthusiastic testimony of Eusebius and other writers,
explicit as it is, may be quite disregarded, even the testimony to
facts, such as his practice of giving thanks (V. C. 1. 39), of invoking
Divine aid (Euseb. V. C. 2, 4, 6, 13; Soz. 2. 34), of his erecting a
place of prayer in his palace (Soz. 1. 8), of his fasting (K C. 2.41),
of his having a stated hour of prayer (V. C. 4. 22), although all these
are interesting. The documents, however, unless by supremely uncritical
rejection, can be regarded as fundamental sources. A brief analysis of
these, even though imperfect, will furnish grounds on the basis of
which those who apply various tests may apply them. Starting from his
faith in Christ, surely the center of Christianity, he believed Christ
to be Son of God, "God and the Son of God the author of every blessing"
(S.C.), the revealer of the Father, who has "revealed a pure light in
the person of Thy Son . . . and hast thus given testimony concerning
Thyself" (S.C. 1), proceeding from the Father (S.C.), and incarnate,
his incarnation having been pre-
433
dicted also by the prophets. He believed this Son of God to be his
Saviour (Ad Tyr., Ad Ant., Ad Euseb., &c.) "our common Lord and
Saviour" (Ad Euseb.), "our Saviour, our hope, and our life" (Ad eccl.
Al.). He believed in his miraculous birth (S.C.) and in his death for
our deliverance (Ad Nic.; cf. Ad Mac. &c.), "the path which leads
to everlasting life" (S.C. 1), "a precious and toilsome" work (Ad
Euseb.), and in his ascension into heaven (S.C. 1). He believed in "God
the Father" (Ad Euseb. 2), "Almighty" (Ad Euseb.), Lord of all (Ad
Euseb. 2), and the Holy Ghost (Ad eccl. Al.; cf. S. C.). He believed in
"Divine Providence" (Ad Eccl. Al.; Ad Alex. Ar.; Ad. Euseb. 1),
God the preserver of all men (Ad Alex. et Ar.), who sees all things (Ad
Syn. Nic.), who is near us and the observer of all our actions (S. C.),
and "under the guidance of whose Almighty hand" he is (Ad Prov. Pal.),
that all things are regulated by the determination of his will (Ad
Euseb.). He believed in the existence of a personal devil (Ad Eccl.
Al.). He believed in the future life (Ad Prov. Pal.), "the only true
life" (S.C. 12), the "strife for immortality" (Ad Euseb.), to which
those may aspire who know Him (S. C. 12). He believed in future rewards
and punishments (Ad Pray. Pal.; S. C. 23). He believed in the
inspiration of the Scriptures (Ad Eccl. Al.). He loved God (Ad Euseb.
2; V. C. 2.55), and considered it his chief work in life to glorify
Christ (S. C.). He loved his fellow-men, being disposed "to love you
with an enduring affection" (Ad Ant.; V. C. 3.60, &c.), and
recognized it as virtue in others (8, c. 11). To him, God, in general,
is the source of all blessings (Ad Pray. Pal.; S.C., &c.). "I am
most certainly persuaded," he says, "that I myself owe my life, my
every breath, in short, my very inmost and secret thoughts to the favor
of the Supreme God" (Ad Pray. Pal.). He recognizes contrition as a
requisite for pardon (Ad. Pray. Pal), and that it is the power of God
which removes guilt (Ad Euseb.). In the conduct of life. "Our Saviour's
words and precepts are a model, as it were, of what our life should be"
(Ad. Ant.; V. C. 3. 60).
Expositions of his doctrinal and ethical positions
might be multiplied almost without end from the many and fruitful
sources, but a few specimens in his own expression will best show the
spirit of his religious life. A most suggestive and beautiful sketch of
Christ's ministry on earth too long to quote here may be found in his
Oration (ch. 15), but the following selections will give the idea:
A description of the inner Christian life. "For the
only power in man which can be elevated to a comparison with that of
God is sincere and guiltless service and devotion of heart to Himself,
with the contemplation and study of whatever pleases Him, the raising
our affections above the things of earth, and directing our thoughts,
as far as we may, to high and heavenly objects" (S.C. 14).
A description of the outer Christian
life. "Compare our religion with your own. Is there
not with us genuine concord, and unwearied love of others? If we
reprove a fault, is not our object to admonish, not to destroy; our
correction for safety, not for cruelty? Do we not exercise not only
sincere faith toward God, but fidelity in the relations of social life?
Do we not pity the unfortunate? Is not ours a life of simplicity which
disdains to cover evil beneath the mask of fraud and hypocrisy?" (S.C.
23).
A prayer. "Not without cause, O holy God, do I
prefer this prayer to Thee, the Lord of all. Under Thy guidance have I
devised and accomplished measures fraught with blessing: preceded by
Thy sacred sign, I have led Thy armies to victory: and still on each
occasion of public danger, I follow the same symbol of Thy perfections
while advancing to meet the foe. Therefore have I dedicated to Thy
service a soul duly attempered by love and fear. For Thy name I truly
love, while I regard with reverence that power of which Thou hast given
abundant proofs, to the confirmation and increase of my faith" (Ad
prov. Or.).
A confession of faith in God and in Christ. "This
God I confess that I hold in unceasing honor and remembrance; this God
I delight to contemplate with pure and guileless thoughts in the height
of his glory." "His pleasure is in works of moderation and gentleness.
He loves the meek and hates the turbulent spirit, delighting in faith.
He chastises unbelief" (Ad Sap.).
434
"He is the supreme judge of all things, the prince of immortality, the
giver of everlasting life" (S.C. 36).
Was Constantine a Christian? Let each one apply his
own test.
§ 7. General Characterization.
Before trying to gather into continuous statement
the traits of character which have been examined, a few general
characterizations must be mentioned at least. Beginning at the bottom,
the unfriendly, or hostile, or at the least unsympathetic, heathen
testimonies generalize him as at least relatively and on the whole both
great and good. The general tendency of heathen testimony is to
represent him as admirable in the early part of his reign, but
execrable, or less admirable, in the latter part; that of Christian
writers is to represent a growth of excellence, which raises him to
saintship at the end. This is most natural. Favoring Christianity was
itself a moral fall to a heathen, and bestowing money on Christians
would be robbery. The turning of his character was with his changing
face towards Christianity, and culminated in the overthrow of Licinius.
Licinius fought really as the champion of heathenism. The adherents of
a lost cause are characterizing their victor. It is like an
ex-Confederate characterizing Lincoln or Grant. The point of view is
different. Honest and true men in the South thought Lincoln a curse,
and often in popular verdict his character was "black." The popular
proverb quoted by Victor (Epit. p. 51), "Bull-necked for ten years, for
twelve a freebooter, and for ten a spendthrift (immature child)," has
just the value of a Southern popular opinion of Lincoln, or a rural
Northerner's of "Jeff Davis." Indeed, the first might summarize at
times the Southern popular verdict of Grant; the second, a frequently
expressed estimate of Lincoln's conduct in the emancipation of slaves;
and the third, their view of the enormous expenditure for pensions of
Union soldiers, even as it was fifteen years ago. But even the rather
severe Victor, who reports this proverb, finds Constantine "most
excellent (commodissimus) in many respects,"--in respect of certain
laws, in his patronage of the arts, especially that of letters, as
scholar, as author, in the hearing of delegations and complaints (p.
51). Again, "Praxagoras, though a heathen, says that in all sorts of
virtue and personal excellence and good fortune, Constantine outshone
all the emperors who preceded him" (Photius, Cad. 62, ed. Muller, p.
1). And finally, the heathen Eutropius, who characterizes from his
standpoint so admirably, (1) though he naturally finds that "in the
beginning of his reign he might have been compared to the best princes;
in the latter part, only to those of middling character," nevertheless
records "that innumerable good qualities of mind and body were present
in him," and that he was "deservedly enrolled among the gods,"-using
the recruit which he uses also of Aurelian, but not generally, and not
even of Constantius. On purely heathen testimony, therefore,
Constantine, taken by and large, was comparatively remarkable and
admirable. A moderate Christian characterization is that of Theophanes
(p. 29): "Pre-eminent for masculine strength of character, penetration
of mind, well-disciplined power of thought; for unbending
righteousness, ready benevolence, thorough majestic beauty of
countenance, mighty and successful in war, great in wars with the
barbarians, invincible in domestic wars, and so firm and unshaken in
faith that through prayer he obtained the victory in all his battles."
435
Remembering, therefore, that in order to understand a character in past
centuries one must project himself into his time; remembering again the
circumstances of his time and its practice, we shall, without
forgetting any of the acts on which he has been judged, find him on
indisputable testimony superior to most of the other emperors in
character, and as much above the circumstances of his times as would
characterize a man of to-day as of peculiarly high moral character. In
view of this, it is uncritical, and a violence to historical evidence,
to approach one whom, at death, the heathen thought worthy to be
enrolled among the gods, and the Christians canonized as saint (in the
Greek calendar), as other than one who, taken all in all, was of
unusual excellence of character. As in any synthesis, any organization,
subordinate facts must be viewed in their relation to their center and
whole, as by any law of criminal procedure acts must be judged in the
light of general character, so any rational, legal, scientific,
historical estimate of Constantine must be in view of this fact.
§ 8. Summary.
With this as center of perspective, we have a
picture of Constantine with lights and shadows, to be sure, but in the
main true in its drawing and coloring. He was a man of rather more than
medium height, strongly built, with broad shoulders, thick neck, and
generally athletic and well-formed figure. His piercing eye, slightly
aquiline nose, scanty reddish beard, and florid complexion, together
with his bright expression, made a countenance striking and even
handsome. Of great physical strength and vigor, he carried himself in a
manly, self-possessed, dignified, and serene manner, uniting a dignity
which might rise at times even to hauteur, or even incipient arrogance,
with a general and customary affability. His dress, like his
complexion, was somewhat florid. His mind was active, alert, intense
without being somber, penetrating, sound, fairly cultivated, and well
exercised in expression by pen or word. He was animated, habile, and
attentive in conversation, self-possessed, steady, and calm in formal
address. He was pre-eminently a man of energy, intense and resistless,
with a determination to accomplish whatever he attempted, which rose
under opposition to irresistible impetuosity, and wrought a courage
which, in action, was absolutely fearless. His ambition was limitless,
but not wholly or even mainly selfish.
With his energy and ambition were united the ballast
of marked prudence, patience, perseverance, faithfulness to details,
steadfastness, and supreme self-control. He was amiable and tactful,
popular with his soldiers, and careful to please. Toward those who came
into his power he showed habitual mildness and forbearance, -- a
mildness so great that he was generally blamed for it; and toward all
he showed great kindness, justice, and a generosity which verged on the
lavish. He was open to the charge of over-generosity, almost of
prodigality, a good measure of real vanity, some over-insistence on his
own will and thought as the final standard of right, and by no means
free from mistakes or human weaknesses. He was a good son, husband,
father, a remarkably successful general, a tolerable legislator, and a
clear-sighted, firm-willed statesman. In his religious life he abounded
in creed and confession- believing in the Trinity, the Divinity of
Christ, the Atonement, the Resurrection, and Eternal Life, in
Repentance and Faith, in love to God, and love to man. He preached his
faith on all occasions; he practiced thanksgiving and prayer
abundantly. He regarded everything that he had or was as from God. The
editor's brief judgment is that Constantine, for his time, made an
astonishingly temperate, wise, and, on the whole, benevolent use of
absolute power, and in morality, kindly qualities, and, at last, in
real Christian character, greatly surpassed most nineteenth century
politicians-- standing to modern statesmen as Athanasius to modern
theologians.
436
CHAPTER III.
WRITINGS.
§ I. Introduction.
Quite a number of works by this emperor-author are
extant. (1) They may be grouped under, I. Oratorical writings; 2.
Letters and decrees; 3. Laws; 4. Various.
§ 2. Oratorical Writings.
According to Eusebius (V. C. 4. 29; cf. 4. 55) these
were very numerous, and it may well be believed. He seems to have done
much of everything he undertook at all--fighting, or learning, or
building temples, or making laws, he was nothing if not incessant. He
had a habit of inflicting his orations on his court, and undoubtedly
had plenty of enthusiastic hearers, as any emperor would, and as
Eusebius says he did. They seem to have been generally philosophical
with as much religion as possible worked in (V. C. 4. 9). Not many are
extant, but we have some account of the few following:
1. Oration to the saints (Oratio ad sanctum caetum,
S. C.). For this see the following translation and Special Prolegomena.
2. Address to the Council of Nicaea in praise of
peace (Ad Syn. Nic.), in Euseb. V. C. 3. 12. Address of
welcome. He rejoices in the assembly, and exhorts them to be united,
that they may thereby please God and do a favor to their emperor.
3. Oration to the Council of Nicaea, in Gelasius,
Hist. Coun. Nic. 1. 7. Begins with rhetorical comparison of the Church
to a temple, and ends with injunctions to observe peace and to search
the Scriptures as the authority in all points of doctrine. Appears
dubiously authentic.
4. Address to the bishops on their departure from
Nicaea. Abstract in Euseb. V. C. 32. 1. Exhorts them to keep peace,
cautions against jealousy, &c.
5. Funeral oration. A description in Euseb. V. C. 4.
55. Dwells on the immortality of the soul, the blessings laid up for
those who love God, and the ruin of the ungodly.
His method of composition is spoken of by Eusebius
(V. C. 4. 29), and his manner of delivery may be gathered from
Eusebius' description of his speech at the opening of the Council of
Nicaeea (V. C. 3. 11). For the style of his oratorical discourses,
compare remarks on the Oration to the Saints in the Special Prolegomena.
§ 3. Letters and Edicts.
It is hard to separate between letters, edicts, and
laws. A substantial autocrat, the form of address was much the same,
and the force. The extant letters are quite numerous, and those of
which we have definite or general mention, many. He seems to have been
a most industrious letter-writer. Of the extant letters a majority are
undoubtedly or probably genuine. Some, however, need more critical
study than seems to have been given to them. (2) Following is the
roughly chronological list, the works being grouped by years. The
dating is taken mainly from
437
the Migne edition, Ceillier, and Valesius with slight original study.
The descriptions are of course from the documents themselves.
1. (313 A,D.) Edict of Constantine and Licinius for the restoration of
the Church. In
Lact. De M. P. c. 48, and also in Euseb. H. E. 10. 5 (Op. Const. ed.
Migne, 105-110). The second edict of toleration. The first edict
(Euseb. 8. 17; Lact. De M. P. 34) can hardly be classed among the
"writings" of Constantine. This famous second edict grants full
religious liberty to the Christians and restoration of their property.
Compare section on Acts of Toleration in Wordworth's Constatinus.
2. (313.) First letter of Constantine and Licinius
to Anulinus. In Euseb. H.E. 10. 5 (Op. Const. ed. Migne, 479-480).
Restores goods to the Catholic Christians; written about the same time
as the edict of toleration, according to Ceillier.
3. (313.) Second Letter of Constantine to Anulinus.
In Euseb. H. E. 10. 7 (Op. Const. 481-2). Ordering that the Catholic
clergy be free from public service, that they might not be disturbed in
their worship of God.
4. (313.) Letter of Constantine to Caecilianus. In
Euseb. H. E. 10. 6 (Op. Const. 481-4). Presents money--three thousand
purses (folles) -- to be distributed according to direction of Hosius.
5. (313.) Letter of Constantine to Melchiades (or
Miltiades). In Euseb. H. E. 10. 5 (Op. Const. 477- ). Having received
various letters from Anulinus regarding Caecilian and the Donatists, he
summons a council at Rome to consider the matter.
6. (314.) Letter of Constantine to Ablavius (or
AElafius). In Optat. Mon. vet. p. 283-4 (Op. Const. 483-6). The result
of the council at Rome not having proved final, he summons the Council
of Aries.
7. (314·) Letter of Constantine to Chrestus (
Crescentius), bishop of Syracuse. In Euseb. H. E. 10. 5 (Op. Const.
485-8). Invites to the Council of Arles.
8. (314.) Letter of Constantine to the Bishops after
the Council of Arles. In Optat. Mon. vet. p. 287-8 (Op. Const. 487-90).
Contains gratulations, reprobations of obstinate schismatists, and
exhortations to patience with such obstinateness. It is full of
religious expressions, and if genuine, is a most interesting exhibition
of Constantine's religious position at this time, but it looks
suspicious, and probably is not genuine.
9- (314·) Letter of Constantine and Licinius
to Probianus, the Proconsul of Africa. In Augustine, Ep. 88 (ed. Migne
33 [1865] 3045), and also in Contr. Crest. (43 [1861] 540, also
in Op. Const. and tr. Engl. in Schaff, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers,
1, p. 370). Orders that the Donatist Ingentius be brought to his court.
One text adds Maximianus or Maximus in place of Maximus as epithet of
Constantine.
10. (314 or 315.) Letter of Constantine to the
Donatist Bishops. In Optat. Mon. vet. p. 290 (Op. Const. ed. Migne
[1844] 490). As the Donatists were not yet satisfied, he summons them
to meet Caecilian, and promises if they convict him in one particular,
it shall be as if in all.
11. (315.) Letter of Constantine to Celsus. In
Optat. Mon. vet p. 291 (Op. Const. 489-90). In reply to letter
mentioning disturbances of the Donatists, he hints that he expects to
go shortly to Africa and settle things summarily.
12. (315.) Fragment of a Letter of Constantine to
Eumalius Vicarius. In Augustine's Contr. Crest. 3. 71 (ed. Migne 43
[1861] 541; also Op. Const. 491-2). An extract of six lines, in which
he says Caecilianus was entirely innocent.
13. ( 316 or 317. ) Letter of Constantine to the
bishops and people of Africa. Optat. Mon. vet. p. 294 (Op. Const.
491-2). He has tried every way to settle the Donatist disturbances in
vain, and now leaves them to God and advises patience.
14. (323.) First Letter of Constantine to Eusebius.
In Euseb. V. C. 2. 46; Theodoret, 1. 14; Socr. 1. 9 (Op. Const. 491-4).
Empowers the repairing, enlarging of old, and building of new churches.
438
15. (323 A.D.) Law of Constantine respecting piety
toward God and the Christian Religion (Ad prov. Pal.). In Euseb. V. C.
2. 24-42 ; abstr. in Soz. 1. 8 (Op. Const. 253-282). This long edict,
addressed to the inhabitants of Palestine, contains an exposition of
the prosperity which attends the righteous and the adversity which
comes to the wicked, followed by edict for the restitution of
confiscated property, the recall of exiles, and various other
rectifications of injustices. This is the copy, "or letter," sent to
the heathen population of the empire.
16. (324.) Constantine's edict to the people of the
eastern provinces concerning the error of polytheism, &c. (Ad.
prov. Or). In Euseb. V. C. 48-. This letter, written in Latin and
translated by Eusebius, begins with "some general remarks on virtue and
vice," touches on the persecutions and the fate of the persecutors,
expresses the wish that all would become Christians, praises God, and
exhorts concord.
17. (323 or 324.) Letter of Constantine to Alexander
the Bishop and Arius the Presbyter. In Euseb. V. C. 2. 64-72; Gelas.
2.4; Socr. 1. 7 (Op. Const. 493-502). Expresses his desire for
peace, his hope that they might have helped him in the Donatist
troubles, his distress at finding that they, too, were in a broil, his
opinion that the matters under discussion are of little moment, and
what he thinks they are. He exhorts to unanimity, repeats his opinion
that the matters are of little moment, mentions his "copious and
constant tears," and finally gets through.
18. (324-5.) Letter to Porphyrius (Optatian). In
Migne, Patrol. Lat. 19 [1846] 393-394 and in various editions of
Optatian. This letter to Porphyrius or Optatian was on the occasion of
the sending of a poem by the latter for his vicennalia. It expresses
his pleasure and his disposition to encourage the cultivation of belles
lettres. Compare note on Optatian under sources.
19. (325.) Letter of Constantine the King, summoning
the bishops to Nicaea. In Cowper, Syriac Misc., Lond. 1841, p. 5-6.
This is translated from a Syriac MS. in the British Museum, written in
501. Gives as reason for the choice of Nicaea the convenience for the
European bishops and "the excellent temperature of the air." This, if
genuine, is the letter mentioned by Eusebius, V. C., but it looks
suspicious.
20. (325.) Letter of Constantine to the churches
after the Council of Vicaea. In Euseb. V. C. 3. 17-20; Socr. 1. 9 (Op.
Const. 501-506). Dwells on the harmonious result, especially respecting
the Easter controversy, and commends to the bishops to observe what the
Council has decreed.
21. (325.) Letter of Constantine to the church of
Alexandria. In Socr. 1. 9 (Op. Const. 507-510). Expresses great horror
of the blasphemy of Arius, and admiration for the wisdom of the more
than three hundred bishops who condemned him.
22. (325.) Letter of Constantine to Arius and the
Arians. In "Conc. 2. 269." A long and rather railing address against
Arius.
23. (325.) Letter of Canstantine to the churches. In
Socr. H. E. 1. 9. A translation of a Syriac translation of this,
written in 501, in Cowper, Syriac Misc., Lond. 1861, p. 6-7. Against
Arius and the Porphyrians, and threatens that any one who conceals a
work of Arius shall be punished with death.
24. (325.) Letter of Constantine to the Nicomedians
against Eusebius and Theognis. In Gelas. 3. 2; Theodoret, 1. 20; Soz.
1. 21 (Op. Const. 519-524). A theological discussion partly of the
relation of Father and Son, and an attack on Eusebius of Nicomedia.
25. (325.) Letter to Theodotus. In Gelas. 3. 3 (Op.
Const. 523-524). Counsels him to take warning by what has happened to
Eusebius (of Nicomedia) and Theognis, i.e. banishment, and get rid of
such evil influence, if any, as they may have had on him.
26. (325.) Letter of Constantine to Macarius. In
Euseb. V. C. 3. 30-32; Theodoret, 1. 16. Directs the erection of a
peculiarly magnificent church at the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem.
27. (330.) Letter of Constantine to the Numidian
Bishops. In Optat. Mon. vet. p. 295 (Op. Const. 531-532). Concerns a
church taken possession of by schismatists.
28. (332.) Letter of Canstantine to the Antiochians.
In Euseb. V. C. 3. 60 (Op. Const. 533-). Exhorts them not to persist in
their effort to call Eusebius from Caesarea to Antioch.
439
29. (332 A.D.) Letter of Constantine to the Synod of
Tyre deprecating the removal of Eusebius from Caesarea. In Euseb. V. C.
362; Theodoret, 1. 27 (Op. Const. 543-546).
30. (332.) Second Letter of Constantine to Eusebius. In Euseb. V. C. 3.
61 (Op. Const.
537-540). Commends Eusebius for having declined the call to Antioch.
31. (332.) Second Letter of Constantine to Macarius
and the rest of the Bishops in Palestine (to Eusebius). In Euseb. V. C.
3. 52-53 (Op. Const. 539-544). Directs the suppression of idolatrous
worship at Mature.
32. (332.?) Edict against the heretics. In Euseb. V.
C. 3. 64-5. Against Novatians, Valentinians, Marcionites, Paulians,
Cataphrygians who are forbidden to assemble and whose houses of worship
are to be given to the Catholic party.
33. (333.) Letter of Constantine to Sapor, King of
the Persians. In Euseb. 4. 9-13; Theodoret, 1. 24 (Op. Const. 545-552).
Is mainly a confession of faith commending the Persian Christians to
the special care of their king.
34. (333.) Letters of Constantine to Antonius, the
monk, and of Antonius to him are mentioned in Athanasius, 1. 855 (Op.
Const. 551-552). Constantine and his sons write as to a father. Antony
grudgingly replies with some good advice for them to remember the day
of judgment, regard Christ as the only emperor, and have a care for
justice and the poor.
35. (333.) Letter of Constantine to Eusebius in
praise of his discourse concerning Easter. Eusebius, V. C. 4. 35 (Op.
Const. 551-554) praises the discourse and asks for more.
36. (333.) Letter of Constantine to Eusebius on the
preparation of the copies of the Scriptures. In Euseb. V. C. 4. 36;
Theod. 1. 15; Socr. 1. 9 (Op. Const. 553-554). Orders fifty copies with
directions as to style.
37. (335.) Fragment of the first letter of
Constantine to Athanasius. In Athan. Apol.; Socr. 1. 27 (Op. Const.
553-556; Tr. Engl. in Athan. Hist. Tracts, Oxf. 1843, p. 89). The
letter summoning to the Council of Tyre, but only a half-dozen lines
remain. This bids him admit all who wish to enter the church.
38. (335.) Letter of Constantine to the people of
the Alexandrian Church. In Athan. Apol. c. Ar. c. 61 (Op. Const.
559-562; abstract in Soz. 2. 31; Tr. Engl. in Athan. Hist. Tracts,
Oxf. 1850, p. 90-92). Is a general lamentation over the dissensions of
the Church, with expression of confidence in Athanasius.
39. (335.) Second Letter of Constantine to
Athanasius. Athan. Apol. (Op. Const. 555-558). Expresses his
reprobation of the false accusations of the Meletians against
Athanasius.
40. (335.) Letter of Constantine to Joannes the
Meletian. Athan. Apol. (Op. Const. 557-560). Congratulates on his
reconciliation with Athanasius.
41. (335.) Letter of Constantine to Arius. In Socr.
1. 25 (Op. Const. 561-562). Invites Arius to visit him-- the famous
visit where he presented a confession of faith claimed to be in
conformity with that of Nicaea.
42. (335.) A Letter to Dalmatius is mentioned by
Athanasius, Apol. 5. 13, but not preserved (Op. Const.
563-564; Tr. Engl. in Athan. Hist. Tracts, Oxf. 1850, p. 94). It
required him to make judicial enquiry respecting the charge against
Athanasius of the murder of Arsenius.
43. (335.) Celebrated Letter of Constantine
concerning the Synod of Tyre. In Euseb. V. C. 3. 42 (Op. Const.
561-564). Exhorts the bishops to give zeal to fulfilling the purpose of
the synod in the restitution of peace to the Church.
44. (335.) Letter to the Bishops assembled at Tyre.
In Socr. H. E. 1. 34, and in Soz. H. E. 2. 28. Summons them to come to
him at Constantinople and give account of their proceedings.
Besides these there are the clearly spurious:
1. Letter of Helena to Constantine (Op. Const.
529-530).
2. Letter of Constantine in response to Helena (Op.
Const. 529-532).
3. Treaty of peace between Constantine, Sylvester and Tiridates (Op.
Const. 579-582). On
440
Tiridates compare various sources in Langlois Col. des historiens de .
. . l'Arménie, and for literature respecting their authenticity,
his note on p. 103.
4. Edict of Constantine to Pope Silvester (Op. Const. 567-578). The
famous Donation which first appeared in Pseudo-Isidore, and for which
see under The Mythical Constantine, p. 442-3.
There are also quite a large number of letters
mentioned with more or less description, and a "multitude of letters" (
V. C. 3. 24) of which there is no specific knowledge. Of the former may
be mentioned that to the inhabitants of Heliopolis, one to Valerius (or
Valerianus or Verinus) (Augustine, Ad Donat. p.c. c. 33); one to the
Council of Tyre, asking them to hasten to Jerusalem ( V. C. 4. 43; Soz.
2. 26); and one acknowledging the copies of the Scriptures prepared at
his order, through Eusebius ( V. C. 4. 37).
§ 4. Laws.
The numerous laws are collected in the edition of
Migne (Patrol. Lat. 8. p. 93-400), mainly from the Theodosian code.
They are in the opinion of Eutropius (10. 8) "many," "some good and
equitable, but most of them superfluous, and some severe" (cf. under
Character). Many of them show the author's tendency to declamation, but
taken all in all they are businesslike and do credit, in the main, to
their author's heart, and even, though less conspicuously, to his head.
For more specific account, compare the laws themselves as collected in
Migne, the relating passages in Wordsworth and Ceillier, standard and
annotated editions of the codes, and special treatises, such as
Balduin, De leg. eccl. et civ. 1737.
§ 5. Various.
Besides the more formal works mentioned above,
various conversations, sayings, bon mots, prayers, &c., are
preserved, among which may be mentioned:
1. Memoirs of himself, of which no portion is
extant. Writings of Constantine are mentioned by Lydus (p. 194, 226),
but whether the writings referred to deserve the title given by
Burckhardt it is hard to say.
2. A form of prayer given by Constantine to his
soldiers (V. C. 4. 20).
3. His address when the memorials of contendents, at
Council of Nicaea, were brought to him (Soz. 1. 17).
4. The conversation with Acesius, for which Socrates
vouches, closing, "0 Acesius, set up a ladder, and do you alone climb
up to heaven."
5. His rebuke to the courtier concerning
covetousness ( V. C. 4. 30).
6. His answer when told his statues had been stoned,
"Strange, but I feel no wound" (" Chrysost. Ad Pop. Ant.").
7. His appeal to the bishops, requesting them to confer upon him the
rite of baptism (V. C.
4. 62).
8. His Thanksgiving after baptism and testimony (V.
C. 4. 63).
In general, his writings were composed in Latin, and
translated into Greek by those appointed for this special purpose ( V.
C. 4. 32). His general style is rhetorical, rather profuse, and
declamatory, abounding in pious allusion and exhortation, as well as
philosophical quotation and reflection. His works are interesting to
study and not without a touch here and there of genuine literary
interest. A remark on friendship, for example, unless it be a product
of his habit of borrowing the thoughts of other men more or less
directly, is delightful and most quotable. "For it often happens," he
says, "that when a reconciliation is effected by the removal of the
causes of enmity, friendship becomes even sweeter than it was before"
(Const. to Alex. and At. in V. C. 2. 71).
441
CHAPTER IV.
THE MYTHICAL CONSTANTINE.
The many legends which have attached themselves to
the name of Constantine are valuable chiefly as curiosities, and can be
treated here only in specimens. A few of the more interesting and
important are the following:
1. Constantine and his Mother Helena.
A little anonymous work of some thirty pages, edited
by Heydenreich from a fourteenth-century manuscript, was published
under this title in 1879, and has drawn forth an astonishing amount of
literature for so slight a thing. It has little value except as an
illustration of mediaeval romance, though Coen seems to think the honor
of having introduced it into literature enough to warrant the
expenditure of a good deal of pains in vindicating his claim to it. The
story is written with tolerable art, and runs, abbreviated, something
as follows:
Helena, daughter of a noble family of Treves, came
on a pious journey to Rome. The Emperor Constantius, crossing a bridge
of the Tiber, saw Helena among other pilgrims. Struck with her beauty,
he arranged that she should be detained by force at the inn where she
stayed, when her fellow-pilgrims returned to Gaul. The emperor then
constrained her by force, but, seeing the great grief which his act had
caused, gave her a certain ornament of precious stones and his ring, as
a sort of pledge, and went away. She did not venture to return to her
country, but remained at Rome with the son who was born to her,
representing that her Gallic husband was dead. This son, Constantine,
grew up pleasing, handsome, and versatile. Certain merchants, seeing
his excellent quality, formed a scheme of making money by palming him
off on the emperor of the Greeks as a son-in-law, representing him to
be a son of the Roman emperor.
The scheme was carried out, and the merchants after
some time embarked again for Rome, · with the Constantine and
the princess, and much treasure. Toward the end of their journey they
stopped over night at a little island. In the morning the young people
awoke to find they had been deserted by the merchants, and Constantine
in great grief confessed the deception which had been practiced. To
this the princess replied that she cared little who he was or his
family, since he was himself and her husband. After a few days of short
rations they were taken by passing voyagers to Rome, where they joined
Helena, and having purchased a house with the proceeds from the sale of
certain valuables which the princess had kept with her, they went to
hotel-keeping. Constantine took naturally to military life, and at
tournaments surpassed every · one else so far as to arouse
astonishment and inquiry. The emperor would not believe him a poor and
friendless man, and had his mother called. After much vigorous evasion
the truth came out, confirmed by the ring which the emperor had given
Helena. Constantius first had the merchants put to death, and gave all
their property to Constantine. Then a treaty was made with the emperor
of the East, and Constantine was recognized as heir to the empire.
A more wildly unhistorical historical novel could
hardly have been written even by a Muhlbach. For further account, see
under Literature especially articles by Heydenreich and by Coen.
2. Constantine the Son of a British Princess.
Duke Coel of Colchester, say the old chronicles, by
an insurrection became king. The Senate, rejoiced at the overthrow of
an enemy, sent Constantius to Britain. Coel, fearing, sent ambassadors
to meet him, gave hostages, and shortly died. Constantius was crowned,
married Helena, daughter of Coel, the most beautiful, cultivated, and
educated woman of her time. By her he had a son, Constantine,
afterwards called the Great. This is in substance the account of
Geoffrey of Monmouth (5.6) and Pierre de Langloft (1, p. 66-7). The
story is mentioned by
442
Henry of Huntington (Bk. I. 37), who perhaps wrote before Geoffrey (in
1137 [?]), and Richard of Cirencester (2. 1. 33). Waurin (Vol. I. Bk.
2. 43) makes "Choel" Count of Leicester, but in general is identical
with Geoffrey. The famous Brut of Layamon (ed. Madden, 2 [1847] p. 35)
is translated with amplifications from Wace's Brut, and this in turn
from Geoffrey. This makes Coel Earl of Gloucester. The Eulogium Hist.
calls Helena (1. 337) daughter of a British king, but also concubine,
though elsewhere (2, p. 267) she is wife according to the conventional
story. It is also mentioned by many others; e.g. Voragine, Golden
Legend. It is interesting that this. legendary father of Helena is
supposed (Hayden, Index to Eulogium, p. 45, and Giles, note on
Geoffrey, p. 162) tO be the same as "Old King Cole, the merry old
soul," making Constantine thus the grandson of the Mother Goose hero.
3. Constantine's Leprosy; Healing
and Baptism by Silvester.
This tale is one of the most frequently found. The
earliest account is said to be that of the Acts of Silvester. Some of
the many who repeat it are Ephraem, Cedrenus, Zonaras. The following
account is mainly froth Glycas, p. 461-462.
When Constantine was fighting against Maxentius,
after he had seen the sign of the cross, he was victorious. Then,
forgetting, he was conquered, and grieving, he fell asleep and had a
vision in which the blow of a switch on his nostrils brought blood
which flowed down on his linen tunic. in the form of a cross. Seeing
this, he was filled with penitence, and became again victorious. Being
led away a second time into idolatry through his wife Fausta, he was
divinely afflicted with leprosy. The priests prescribed a bath in the
blood of infants, and it was ordered; but when he heard the
lamentations of the mothers, he said it was better to suffer than that
so many infants should perish. Therefore the apostles, Peter and Paul
as some say, appeared to him and told him Silvester would cure him, as
he did. There are many varieties of the story and various details. as
to baptism, but in general the whole series of stories regarding his
baptism at Rome centers in this story, and gratitude for this cure is
the supposed occasion of the famous donation of Constantine. In this
the circumstances of the miracle are given at length,-- the words of
the apostles, Silvester's identification of them as apostles by
portraits, the immersion, and subsequent instruction.
4. Donation of Constantine.
This most remarkable of forgeries for its practical
effect on world-history has been the subject of endless discussion. It
is, in brief, a supposed grant to the Pope of Rome, Silvester, of
certain sweeping privileges in recognition of the miracle he has
wrought. The edict gives a long confession of faith followed by an
account of the miracle and mention of the churches he has built. Then
follow the grants to Silvester, sovereign Pontiff and Pope of Rome, and
all his successors until the end of the world, -- the Lateran palace,
the diadem, phryginus, the purple mantle and scarlet robe, imperial
scepters, insignia, banners and the whole imperial paraphernalia, as
well as various clerical privileges and pretty much the whole world to
govern. It is impossible here even to represent in outline the history
of this extraordinary fiction. Composed not earlier than the latter
part of the eighth century (Martens et alt. 9 cent.; Grauert, 840-850;
Hauck, Bonneau, 752-757; Langen, 778, &c.; Friedrich acc. to
Seeberg, divides into an earlier [653] and a later
[753] portion), it early came to be general, though not unquestioned,
authority. In 1229-1230 a couple of unfortunates who ventured to doubt
its authenticity were burned alive at Strasburg (Documents communicated
by Ristelhuber to Bonneau p. 57-58)· Not many years after, Dante
seems (Inf. 19. 115) to have taken its authenticity for granted; and
although there is a possible doubting (De Monarch. 4. 10), he does not
venture to dispute this. He denies, however, Constantine's power or
right to give, if he did give. In modern times the fictitious character
of the document is recognized by Protestants and Catholics alike, and
the discussion, so vigorous for-
443
merly, over this authenticity has narrowed itself chiefly to a
discussion of the place (France or Rome) and date (653-753, ninth
century) and possible author. The discussion over these points has been
lately renewed and is being carried on with animation. Among the later
monographs are those of Martens (1889) and Friedrich (1889, not at
hand). The latest treatise at hand is that of Seeberg in the Theol.
Literaturbl. of Jan. 17. 24. 31 of the current year. For farther select
literature, compare Verzeichniss in Martens; for sources, the chapters
of Martens and Preface of Bonneau; for older literature, Muensch. p.
96-97, and in general the Literature of Constantine, in this volume,
although no attempt has been made to exhaust the literature of this
sub-topic there. Treatises on the Donation will be found under the
names of Albani, Altus, Arrhenius, Bachmann, Bayet, Bonneau, Brunner,
Chaulnes, Colombier, Cusa, Friedrich, Genelin, Grauert, Hauck,
Hildebrand, Jacobatius, Kaufman, Kruger, Martens, Muench, Rallaye,
Scheffer-Boichorst, Seeberg. Steuchus, Tacut, Valla, Walther, Wieland,
Zeumer.
5. Dream
concerning the Founding of Constantinople.
"As Constantine was sleeping in this city
[Byzantium], he imagined that there stood before him an old woman whose
forehead was furrowed with age; but that presently, clad in an imperial
robe, she became transformed into a beautiful girl, and so fascinated
his eyes by the elegance of her youthful charms that he could not
refrain from kissing her; that Helena, his mother, being present, then
said, 'She shall be yours forever; nor shall she die till the end of
time.' The solution of this dream, when he awoke, the emperor extorted
from heaven, by fasting and alms-giving. And behold, within eight days,
being cast again into a deep sleep, he thought he saw Pope Silvester,
who died some little time before, regarding his convert with
complacency, and saying, 'You have acted with your customary prudence
in waiting for a solution from God of that enigma which was beyond the
comprehension of man. The old woman you saw is this city, worn down by
age, whose time-struck walls, menacing approaching ruin, require a
restorer. But you, renewing its walls, and its affluence, shall
signalize it also with your name; and here shall the imperial progeny
reign forever' " (William of Malmesbury, Chronicle., tr. English. Lond.
1847, p. 372---3. The final section, which instructs Constantine how to
lay out the city, is omitted). This is taken by the Chronicler from
Aldhelm's (d. 709) de laudibus virginitatis (c. 52, ed. Giles, 1844, p.
28-29), where, however, instead of kissing her, he much more
appropriately "clothes her with his mantle, and puts his diadem adorned
with pure gold and brilliant gems on her head." It is given also by
Ralph de Diceto (ed. Stubbs, Lond. 1876), 74-75, and probably by many
others.
6. Voyage of Helena.
A matter-of-fact account of things which are not so, given in Hakluyt's
Voyages, 2 (1810),
P. 34, is worth giving in the words of the translator:
"Helena Flavia Augusta, the heire and onely daughter
of Coelus, sometime the most excellent king of Britaine, by reason of
her singular beautie, faith, religion, goodnesse, and godly Maiestie
(according to the testimonie of Eusebius) was famous in all the world.
Amongst all the women of her time there was none either in the liberall
arts more learned, or in the instruments of musike more skilfull, or in
the divers languages of nations more abundant than herselfe. She had a
naturall quicknesse of wit, eloquence of speech, and a most notable
grace in all her behaviour. She was seene in the Hebrew, Greeke, and
Latin tongues. Her father (as Virumnius reporteth) had no other childe,
... had by her a sonne called Constantine the great, while hee remained
in Britaine ... peace was granted to the Christian churches by her good
meanes. After the light and knowledge of the Gospel, she grew so
skilfull in divinity that she wrote and composed divers bookes and
certaine Greeke verses also, which (as Ponticus reporteth) are yet
extant ... went to Jerusalem ... lived to the age of fourscore years,
and then died at Rome the
444
fifteenth day of August, in the yeere of oure redemption 337. ...Her
body is to this day very
carefully preserved at Venice."
7. The Finding of the Cross.
It is said in a certain "tolerably authentic
chronicle," according to Voragine, that Constantine sent his mother
Helena to Jerusalem to try to find the cross on which our Lord was
crucified. When she arrived, she bade all the Jewish Rabbis of the
whole land gather to meet her. Great was their fear. They suspected
that she sought the wood of the cross, a secret which they had promised
not to reveal even under torture, because it would mean the end of
Jewish supremacy. When they met her, sure enough, she asked for the
place of the crucifixion. When they would not tell, she ordered them
all to be burned. Frightened, they delivered up Judas, their leader and
instigator, saying that he could tell. She gave him his choice of
telling or dying by starvation. At first he was obstinate, but six days
of total abstinence from food brought him to terms, and on the seventh
he promised. He was conducted to the place indicated, and in response
to prayer. there was a sort of earthquake, and a perfume filled the air
which converted Judas. There was a temple of Venus on the spot. This
the queen had destroyed. Then Judas set to digging vigorously, and at
the depth of twenty feet, found three crosses, which he brought to
Helena. The true cross was tested by its causing a man to rise from the
dead, or according to others, by healing a woman, or according to
others, by finding the inscription of Pilate. After an exceedingly
vigorous conversation between the devil and Judas, the latter was
baptized and became Bishop Cyriacus. Then Helena set him hunting for
the nails of the cross. He found them shining like gold and brought
them to the queen, who departed, taking them and a portion of the wood
of the cross. She brought the nails to Constantine, who put them on his
bridle and helmet, or according to another account, two were used in
this way, and one was thrown into the Adriatic Sea.
It is interesting to trace the melancholy
consequences of this particular enterprise of Constantine's in the sad
death of St. Cyriacus nee Judas. The Emperor Julian, the apostate,
"invited" him to sacrifice to idols. When he refused, melted lead was
poured into his mouth; then an iron bedstead was brought, on which he
was stretched, while a fire was built underneath and the body of the
martyr larded with salt and fat. The saint did not budge, and Julian
had a deep well dug, which was filled with venomous serpents. But
contact with the saint killed the serpents, and a cauldron of boiling
oil succeeded. Julian was so angry at the alacrity and cheerfulness of
the saint's preparations for this bath, that he killed him with a blow
of his sword. There is some consolation in the thought of this
premature death, in the fact that, unless his claim that he was nephew
to Stephen, the Proto-martyr, be disallowed, he had reached a ripe old
age of two hundred and fifty years or thereabouts.
The literature on this legend is very great. The
finding of the cross is mentioned as early as Cyril of Jerusalem (ab.
347-350), within twenty-five years of the visit of Helena recorded by
Eusebius (V. C. 3. 26), and with great frequency afterwards. The
failure of any mention by Eusebius seems, however, conclusive against
any finding, or pretended finding, at the time of Helena's famous
visit, though the contrary is acutely argued by Newman. The finding and
use of the nails is often separated from the other, and is found in
many of the sources on Constantine. But even those who believe in the
miracle of the finding of the cross will hardly vouch for the story in
the above form, which is substantially that of Voragine.
Compare Sinker's article, Cross, Finding, in Smith
and Cheetham, Dict. 1 (1880), 503-506; Jameson, Hist. of Our Lord, 2
(1872) 385-391; Newman, Essays an Miracles (Land. 1875) 287-326; and
especially Voragine, whom see under Sources. Under the article Helena,
in Smith & W. is a sub-article by Argles on the Invention of the
Crass, which gives an admirable abstract of the sources in order.
These examples of the Stories which have gathered
around the name of Constantine do not
445
begin to exhaust the list. The interesting tales of the sword of
Constantine presented to Athelstan (Reg. Malms. 1, 1879, p. 55, 468;
Eul. Hist. 3, 1863, P. 12), his conversion through remorse, and the
whole series of allusions and stories in mediaeval fiction and poetry
must be passed here. If any one has the curiosity to follow them up, he
will find the references in the articles of Heydenreich a good guide to
literature. A few stories, like that of Constantine and Tiridates, one
hesitates to class among the wholly fictitious (compare, under Sources,
Agathangelos, Zenobius, and Faustus).
CHAPTER V.
SOURCES AND LITERATURE.
§ I. Introduction.
THE insertion in such a work as this of what seems
almost technical in its character has this twofold purpose: first, to
give a glimpse of the grounds of our knowledge of Constantine, with a
view of how far and in what directions it has been worked out through
literature; second, to serve the expressed purpose of this series, of
encouraging farther study in its lines. The very knowledge of what the
sources are, and their character, apart from any special study of them,
gives a width of horizon and definiteness of conception to the general
student, which can hardly be gotten in any other way; while for any one
who plans farther study in any line, it is of first importance to find
the what and where of his material.
§ 2. Sources.
Remembering the class of students for which the
series is chiefly intended, effort has been made to refer to
translations of sources where they are at hand, and to refer to the
best accessible English authorities on them. But the plan has been to
refer to the source itself in the edition actually used, and for
literature on them to choose the best for ready reference. Both
editions and authorities on sources are therefore selections, usually
from many, of such as seem most directly useful. The intention has been
to guide to all frequently mentioned sources, whether they were of
great value or not, since a useless one costs often quite as much
trouble to hunt up and find useless, as a good one to use. It is hardly
to be hoped that all the sources often referred to have been gathered,
but the following list represents pretty much all that are worth
mentioning, and some which are not.
I. Inscriptions, coins, medals, &c.
In some sense these are the most reliable of
sources, in spite of counterfeits. A large number will be found
collected in Clinton. For farther critical study, compare the
collections, great and small; for which, with the matter of
inscriptions in general, see Hicks, E. L., and Hubner, E., in the
Encyclopedia Britannica, 13 (1881)
133; and Babington, in Smith and Cheetham, 1 (1880) 841-862. Monographs
on those relating to Constantine will be found under the names,
Cavedoni, Cigola, Eltz, Freherus, Garucci, Harduin, Penon, Revellot,
Valois, Westphalen, Werveke, in the Literature of this volume.
These, with their dates, their official nature,
their fullness and variety, are primary, and are the only sources
recognized by some. They are embodied in the Theodosian and Justinian
Codes, and collected from these are edited in Migne, Patrol. Latina,
Vol. 8. See under Writings of Constantine, above.
3. Other Writings by Constantine.
See under Writings, above, p. 436.
With this might perhaps be included also writings to Constantine,
like that
of Anulinus in Augustinus, Ep. 88.
4. General Literary Sources.
Taking in general chronological order, without
attempting the impossibility of fixing the exact chronological place,
the first group of contemporary sources is that of the Panegyrists (for
collected editions, see Engelmann).
446
It was a serious mistake, now recognized, to pass them by as worthless.
Like all authentic documents, they have a minimum residuum of undoubted
material, which is larger or smaller according to the critical acumen
of the investigator. In the case of these, however inflated or
eulogistic they may be, the circumstances under which they were spoken
give a considerable value.
(I) Incerti auctoris Panegyricus Maximiano et
Constantino dictus (Paneg. 307). In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 8 (1844),
609-620. Pronounced at celebration of marriage of Constantine and
Fausta, A.D. 307. Besides having the great value of being contemporary
evidence, the author shows a certain ingenuity in enlarging on the
virtues of the young Constantine, who had few deeds to show, and on the
deeds of Maximian, who had few virtues, and has therefore a certain
discernible modicum of truth.
Compare the Monitum in Migne, Ramsay's article
on Drepanius, in Smith, Dict. 1073-4, and references under
Eumenius.
(2) EUMENIUS (310-311). (a) Panegyric (Panegyricus
Constantino Augusto). In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 8 (1884), 619-640. (b)
Thanksgiving Oration (Gratiarum Actio Constantino Augusto). In Migne,
Patrol. Lat. 8 (1844), 641-654. Eumenius flourished during the reigns
of Constantius, with whom he was in high favor, and Constantine. He was
head of the school at Autun. The Panegyric was delivered at Treves, in
310. The authorship of Eumenius has been unwarrantably questioned, on
the ground that the flattery and exaggeration of the work are not
consistent with his taste and sense; but it would seem that both his
exaggeration and his taste have been themselves exaggerated. His praise
is hardly more "outrageous" than panegyrics were wont to be, -- or are,
for that matter; and so far from being "worthless," there is a peculiar
deal of interesting, unquestionable, and primary historical evidence.
Still, his taste and veracity are not much above that of modern
eulogists of living or dead emperors and politicians. The Gratiarum
Actio is the official oration of thanks to Constantine in behalf
of the citizens of Autun, on account of favors shown them. It was
pronounced at Treves in 311.
Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 92;
the Prooemium, in ed. Migne, 619-622; also for editions, Ramsay,
article Drepanius, in Smith, Dict. 1. 1073-4; and for literature,
Chevalier. For general account of the Panegyrists, see this article on
Drepanius.
(3) Incerti Panegyricus Constantino Augusto
(Paneg. 313). In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 8 (1844), 653-This is usually
ascribed to Nazarius, on the ground of style. It was spoken at Treves
in 313, and relates mainly to the war with Maxentius. Various details
relating to this are of such nature and form as to suggest again that
the author is the same as that of the 321 Paneg., --Nazarius.
Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 1145; the
Prooemium in ed. Migne, &c., and literature as under EUMENIUS,
above.
(4) NAZARIUS. (321) Panegyric (Panegyricus
Constantino Augusto dictus). In ed. Migne, Patrol. Lat. 8 (1844),
581-608. Nazarius is mentioned by Jerome as a distinguished
rhetorician. This oration was delivered at Rome in 321. Constantine was
not present. It is superlatively eulogistic, but like the related
panegyrics contains many historical facts of greatest value.
Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859),
1145, the Monitum, in Migne, and references under MENIUS.
In the midst of the period which these cover comes
one of the two great Christian sources, and he is followed by a
considerable row of great and small Christians during the century.
(5) LACTANTIUS (ab. 313-314). On the Deaths of the
Persecutors (De M. P.). Ed. Fritsche (Lips. 248-286; ed. Migne, Patrol.
Lat. 7 (Par. 1844), 157-276; tr. in T. & T. Clark Library, 22
(Edinb. 1871), 164-211, and in Ante-Nicene Fathers (Buffalo and N.Y.),
300-326 [Lord Hailes translation]. There are many editions in collected
works, and about a dozen separate, and many translations, -- in all a
hundred or more editions and translations. There has been much
controversy regarding the author of this work, but there is little
doubt that it was Lactantius. Ebert (Gesch. chr. Lat. Lit. 1. 83)
claims to have demonstrated the fact, and most of the later writers
agree. The work was composed after the edict of Constantine and
Licinius, and before the break between the two, i.e. 313-314. It was
written thus in the midst of things, and has the peculiar historical
value of a contemporary document, unprejudiced by later events. It is a
sort of psalm of triumph, colored by the passionate rejoicing of one
persecuted over the Divine vengeance which has come upon the
persecutors. "In the use of the work the historian must employ great
critical discernment" (Ebert, in Herzog, 8 [1881], 365). But granted
all his prejudice, the facts he witnesses are of first value.
Compare Ffoulkes, in Smith and Wace, 3 (1882),
613-617; Teuffel, Hist. Rom. Lit. 2 (1873), 334; Ebert, in Herzog,
Encyk. 8 (1881), 364-366, and Gesch. chr. Lat. Lit. 1 (1874), 83; and
for farther literature, Bibliog, Synops. in Ante-Nicene Fathers Suppl.
(1887), 77-81.
(6) EUSEBIUS (ab. 260-340). I. Ecclesiastical
History. 2. Constantine. 3. Chronicle.
For 1 and 3 compare Prolegomena of Dr. McGiffert at
the beginning of this volume, and for 2, Special Prolegomena, p. 466.
(7) OPTATIAN (fl. ab. 326). Panegyric, in Migne, Patrol. Lat. 19
(1846), 395-432; Letter to Constantine,
do. 391-392. Optatian, Porfirius, or Porphyrius, as he is variously
called, is dubiously Christian, composed this
447
poem, or series of poems, while in exile, on the occasion of the
Vicennalia of Constantine. It dates, therefore, from 325 or 326. It is
a most extraordinary aggregation of acrostics, pattern poems, and every
possible device of useless, mechanical variety of form, of little
value, excepting as a sort of dime-museum exhibition of patience and
ingenuity. It consists mainly in calling Constantine flattering names,
but contains here and there an historical suggestion. It was
accompanied by a letter to Constantine, and drew one from him, and a
pardon as well (Hieronymus, Chron.).
Compare Wilson, article Porfirius, in Smith & W.
4 (1887), 440; article Porphyrius, in Smith, Dict. 3 (1859), 502; and
for editions and literature, Engelmann.
(8) ATHANASIUS (296-373). Apology against the
Arians, and various works, ed. Migne, Patrol. Gr. 25--28 (I857), 4 v.;
translated in part in Newman, Library of the Fathers, and in
Schaff-Wace, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers (announced). The works of
Athanasius contain various letters of Constantine (see under Works) and
much of primary historical value for the latter part of Constantine's
reign. So far as it goes, the matter is almost equal to official
documents as source.
Compare Bright, in Smith & W. 1 (1877), 179-203;
Schaff, Hist. of Church, 23 (1884), 884-893; and for extensive
literature and editions, Chevalier and Graesse.
(9) CYRIL OF JERUSALEM (ab. 315-386). Catechetical
Lectures. In Migne, Patrol Gr. 33 (1857), especially 830. English
translations in Newman, Library of Fathers, 2 (1838), one ref. p. 178.
Letter to Constantine II. concerning the sign of the cross seen at
Jerusalem, c 3. In Migne, Patrol. Gr. 33 (1857), 1165-1176, ref. on
1167-1168. Two or three references only to excavation of the cross and
building of churches, &c., at Jerusalem. They take significance
only in the fact that Cyril is so near the time (the letter was 351
[?], or not many years later), and delivered his lectures in the very
church which Constantine had built (sect. 14, 22).
Compare Schaff, Hist. of Church, 3 (1884), 923-925;
Venables, in Smith & W. 1 (1877), 760-763; and literature in
Chevalier Schaff, &c.; also editions in Graesse, Hoffmann,
&c.(10) AMBROSIUS OF MILAN (ab. 340-397). Oration on the Death of
Theodosius. In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 16 (1866), portion relating to
Constantine especially, 1462-1465. Relates chiefly to the Finding of
the Cross. Compare Davies, in Smith & W. 1 (1877), 91-99; also
Chevalier, Engelmann, Schoenemann, &c.
(II) HIERONYMUS (JEROME) (331--420). Chronicle. In
Migne, Patrol. Lat. 27 (1866). Part relating to Constantine, 493
(497)-500. A translation and continuation of the Chronicle of Eusebius,
who ends with the death of Licinius. An indispensable but aggravating
authority. Compare Salmon, Eusebius, Chronicle of, in Smith & W. 2
(1880), 348-355.
(12) Augustinus (354-430). Ep. 43, ed. Migne, 33
(1865), 159- , §§ 4, 5, 20, &c. He gives account of the
various Donatist hearings, and speaks of having read aloud from various
original documents, including the petition to Constantine, the
proconsular acts, the proceedings of the court at Rome, and the letters
of Constantine. He speaks of the heating at Milan. Ep. 88, ed. Migne,
Patrol. Lat. 33 (1865), 302-309. This has the text of letter of
Anulinus to Constantine and Constantine to Probianus. Eps. 76. 2; 93.
13-14, 16 (which contains account of decree of Constantine that
property of obstinate Donatists should be confiscated); 105. 9, 10 (not
translated); 141. 8-10 (not translated), in ed. Migne, and tr. English
ed. Schaff, contain various matter on the Donatist acts of Constantine.
Ad Donatistas post collationem, c. 33, § 56; ed. Migne, 43 (1861),
687 (important for dates given). Contra litt. Petil. Bk. II. ch. 92,
§ 205; ed. Migne, 45 (1861), 326. Tr. in Schaff, Nicene and
Post-Nicene Fathers, 4 (1887), 580-581. Contr. Epist. Parmen. Bk. I.
chs. 5-6,§ 10-11; ed. Migne, 43 (1861), 40-41. Augustine as a
source is of primary value, because of the otherwise unknown sources
which he uses and quotes.
Compare Schaff, Hist. of Church, 3 (1884), 988-1028;
Maclear, in Smith & W. Dict. 1 (1877), 216-228. For literature see
Schaff, Chevalier Engelmann, and for particular literature of the
Donatist portions, Hartranft, in Schaff, Nicene and Post-Nicene
Fathers, 4 (1887), 369-372; and for editions, see Schoenemann, Graesse,
Brunet, Engelmann, Schaff, Hartranft, &c.
The equally numerous series of non-Christian writers
is headed, in value at least, though not in time, by Constantine's
secretary.
(13) EUTROPIUS (4th cent.). Abridgment of Roman
History, Bk. 10. Multitudes of editions and translations; the ones used
are: (Paris, 1539), 63-68; transl. by Watson, (Bohn, 1853),
527-535. Eutropius was secretary to Constantine, and afterwards the
intimate of Julian. His testimony though brief, is of peculiar weight
from his position for knowing and from a certain flavor of fairness. It
was early remarked (Nicephorus Gregoras) that his praise of Constantine
had peculiar force, coming from a heathen and friend of Julian. His
dispraise, on the other hand, is conditioned by the fact that he
applies it only to the period after Constantine began peculiarly to
favor the Christians. He seems to be a cool, level-headed man of the
world, unsympathetic with Constantine's religion and, writing from this
standpoint, presents a just, candid, reliable account of him.
Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 126-127;
Wagon, Notice, in his translation; also for multitudinous editions and
translations, and relatively scanty though considerable literature,
Chevalier, Engelmann, Graesse.
448
(14) SCRIPTORES HISTORIAE AUGUSTAE (? 2-324). Ed. Jordan and
Eyssenhardt, Berol. 1864, 2 v. Contains a few dedications to and
mentions of Constantine, for which see Index.
Compare Teuffel, Hist. of Rom. Lit. tr. Wagner, 2 (Lond. 1873), 320-324.
(I5) VICTOR, SEXTUS AURELIUS (fl. 350-400). Caesars. In
ed. Schottius, Antv. Plantin, 1579, p. 97-I67. Section on Constantine
chiefly, 157-162. Epitome, Antv. 1579. Section on Constantine, p.
49-52. These works, by different author, have been associated since the
time of the above edition with the name of Victor. The former is by
him, the latter probably by a slightly later Victor. They use the same
sources with Zosimus, but supplement him (Wordsworth). Both are
interesting and important, and in Manso's judgment, final where they
agree.
Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 3 (1859), 1256-1257;
Thomas, article Aurelius, in Biog. Dict. (1886), 228; Manso, Leben
Const. p. 215; and scanty references in Chevalier. For editions and
farther literature, see Engelmann.
(16) Praxagoras Atheniensis (4th cent). In Photius, Cod. 62; Ed.
Bekker, p. 20; ed. Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 2-3. Lived in reign of
Constantine (Müller, p. 2). Although a heathen (Photius, Cod, 62),
he lauds Constantine above all his predecessors. He wrote various works
in the Ionic dialect, among, others a "history of the deeds of
Constantine the Great, in two books," composed at the age of
twenty-two. The fragments or resumé are preserved by Photius, as
above. Though brief (thee columns), it is a concise mass of testimony.
Compare Smith, Did. 3. 517; also for literature,
Chevalier; and for editions, the various editions of Photius in
Graesse, Hofmann, Engelmann, &c.
(17) CALENDARIUM ROMANUM CONSTANTINI MAGNI (350). In
Petavius, Uranologium (1630), 112-119. Written after 337, and in
or before 355, probably in 355. It is authority for the birthday of
Constantine, Constantius, &c.
Compare Greswell, Origines Kalendariae Italicae, 4 (Oxf. 1854), 388-392.
(18) Julian the Apostate (331-363). Caesars,
Orations an Constantius and Constantinus, et pass. Ed. Paris, 1630, p.
12-96, 422; Vol. 2, 1-54, passim. Compare also ed. Hertlein, Lips.
1875-76, 2 v. 8vo. Editions and translations are very numerous.
(Compare arts. of Wordsworth and Graves; also Engelmann, Graesse,
&c. The orations which are panegyrical were delivered (Wordsworth)
355 and 358, and the Caesars dates from shortly after his accession (in
361). The latter is a satire which has found literary favor, the
substantial purpose of which is thought to be a suggestion that he
(Julian) is much superior to all the great emperor; but which if one
were to venture a guess at its real motive is quite as much a
systematic effort to minimize by ridicule the landed Constantine. The
laudatory words of Julian himself in his orations are quite
overshadowed by the bitter sarcasms of the Caesars. As a matter of
estimate of the value of this source, there is to be remembered the
bitterness of Julian's hostility to Christianity. What to Eusebius was
a virtue would to Julian be a vice. In view of his prejudice,
everything which he concedes is of primary weight, while his
ill-natured gossip carries a presumption of slanderousness.
Compare Schaff, Hist. of Church, 2. 40-59;
Wordsworth, in Smith & W. 3. 484-525; Graves, in Smith, Dict.
644-655. Compare for endless literature, Wordsworth, Chevalier,
Engelmann, 1 (1880), 476-477.
(19) LIBANIUS, (314 or 316-391 +). Orations. Ed. Morellus, Par.
1606-1627. Contain a few allusions of more or less interest and
historical value, for which, see ed. Morellus, Index volume 2, fol.
Compare Schmitz, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 774-776;
and for editions and literature, Chevalier, Engelmann, &c.
(21) AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS (d. ab. 395). Histories.
There are many editions, for which compare Engelmann, Graesse, and
Wordsworth. Among editions are ed. Valesius (1636) and ed. Eyssenhardt,
Berol. 1871. The work was a continuation of Tacitus, but the first
thirteen hooks (including Constantine's period) are best. He says (Bk.
I5, ed. Valesius, 1636, p. 56-57) that Constantine investigated the
Manichaeans and like sects through Musonius, and gives account of the
bringing of his obelisk to Rome, perhaps by Constantine (Bk. 17, p.
92-93; compare Parker, Twelve Egypt. Obelisks in Rome, Oxf. 1879, p.
1), and makes other mention, for which see Index to ed. Eyssenhardt, p.
566.
Compare Wordsworth, in Smith & W. 1 (1879),
99-101, and for literature, Chevalier (scanty) and Engelmann, 2 (1882),
43-45 (Rich).
(22) EUNAPIUS (Anti-Christian) (ab. 347-414). Lives
of the Philosophers and Sophists; AEdesius. Ed. Boissonade (Amsi.
1822), 19-46 passim. Eunapius was born at Sardis about 347, and died
after 414 A.D. (cf. Müller, Fragm. 87). He was a teacher of
rhetoric, and besides this work wrote a continuation of the history of
Dexippaus, extending from 270-404 A.D. Fragments of this are preserved,
but none relating to Constantine. Photius (Cod. 77) says that he
calumniated the Christians, especially Constantine. With the fragments
in Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 11-56, is included also (14-15) a
fragment from the Vita Aedes., relating to Sopater. The death of
Sopater and the relation of Ablavius to it is given more fully in the
Vita Aedes. with various suggestive allusions. Much of his history is
supposed to be incorporated in Zosimus, and this gives importance to
his name, weight to Zosimus, and light on the hostile position of
Zosimus rewards Constantine.
449
Cf. Photius, Cod. 77; Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868),
7-9; Mozley, in Smith & W. 2 (1880), 285-286; Schmitz, in Smith,
Dict. 2 (1859), 93; also for further literature and editions, Chevalier
and Engelmann.
(23) BEMARCHIUS (4th cent.) was of Caesarea in Cappadocia; wrote the
Acts of Constantine in ten books (Suidas, s.v.
<greek>bhmarkiod</greek>; cf. Zonaras, p. 386). No portion
is preserved.Wrote under Constantius, on whom he is said (Libanius,
Orat. ed. Reiske, p. 24) to have delivered a panegyric.
Cf. Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 3; Smith, Dict. 1 (1859), 482, &c.
An early but as yet valueless group is that of
Syriac and Armenian sources on the (apocryphal) treaty of Constantine
with Tiridates
(24) ZENOBIUS OF KLAG (ft. ab. 324). History, of
Daron. French translation from Armenian in Langlois, Call. Hist. Arm. 1
(1867), 353-355. Like the works of the other Armenian historians, the
text of this writer has suffered more or less from corruption. He has
two mentions (p. 344 and 351) of Constantine, the latter being an
account of the treaty with Tiridates. Compare introduction of Langlois,
and literature in Chevalier.
(25) AGATHANGELUS (ab. 330). History of the Reign of
Tiridates and of the Preaching of St. Gregory the Illuminator, c.
125-127, § 163-169; in Acta SS. Boll. Sept. VIII. 320- ; also with
French translation from Armenian in Langlois Coll. d hist. de l'Arm. p.
97-. The work extends for 226-330 A.D. The author was secretary to
Tiridates, but the work as we have it is a reduction made, however, not
long after, as it was used by Moses of Khorene. This was in turn later
(seventh century?) retouched by some Greek hagiographer. This Greek
form is extant in MSS. at Florence and Paris (cf. editions above), and
there is reason to suppose that the extant Armenian is a version from
this Greek form. But with its additions of errantly apocryphal matter,
it is hard to tell what is what, and so all considerable mention of the
relation of Constantine and Tiridates has been left out of the account
of Constantine's life. Yet we must hesitate to put it all down under
the mythical; for Tiridates certainly had intercourse with the Romans,
and the original form of this life was certainly by a competent hand,
and the matter relating to Constantine is in part soberly historical
enough.
For farther information, compare Davidson on
Gregorius Illuminator, in Smith & W., Dict. 2. 737-739;
Introduction, Langlois, p. 99-103.
(26) FAUSTUS OF BYZANTIUM (320-392). Historical
Library. French translation from the Armenian in Langlois Coll. d.
hist. Arm. 1. 201-310. There are mentions of Constantine and Tiridates
in Bk. 3, chaps. 10 and 21. The work is open to some suspicions of
having been tampered with, but Langlois inclines to give it a fairly
good character. If genuine, the mention of the treaty with Tiridates
would nearly establish it as historical fact.
Compare Beauvois Nouv. biog. gén. 17 (1856),
203, and Introduction of Langlois; also, literature in Chevalier.
The writers of the following centuries are for the
most part Christian, uncertain or religiously unknown, excepting the
very pronounced non-Christian who heads the list.
(27) ZOSIMUS (ft. ab. 400-450). History. Ed. Bekker
(Bonn, 1837), 8vo. Section on Constantine occupying Bk. 2. 8-- , p.
72-106. The date of this writer has been put as easy as the fourth
century and as late as the end of the fifth. It will be safe to divide
extremes. He is a heathen who, on the period of Constantine, draws from
an anti-Christian and anti-Constantinian source, and who regards the
introduction of Christianity as a chief cause of the decline of the
Roman Empire (cf. various passages cited by Milligan). He is prejudiced
against Christianity with the bitter prejudice of one who finds himself
in a steadily narrowing minority, and he is occasionally credulous. But
he wrote in a clear, interesting style, without intentional
falsifications, and was quite as moderate as the Christian writer
(Evagrius 3. 41) who calls Zosimus himself a "fiend of hell." His
extended account is therefore of great value among the sources, and
especially as it is probably drawn in large measure from the earlier
lost work of Eunapius.
Compare Milligan, in Smith & W. 4 (1887),
1225-1227: Mason, in Smith, Dict. 3 (1859), 1334-1335; also, for
literature, Chevalier and Engelmann, and for editions, Engelmann.
ANONYMUS VALESIANUS (fifth century). Ed. Valesius
(Paris, 1636), p. 471-476. This fragment, first published by Valesius
in the above editions of Ammianus, is of the highest value for the life
of Constantine. It is evidently drawn from various sources, many of
which are now lost. The compiler or writer shows a judiciousness and
soberness which commends his statements as peculiarly
trustworthy.Compare the exhaustive examination by Ohnesorge, Der
Anonymus Valesii de Constantino. Kiel, 1885. 8vo.
(27) STEPHEN OF BYZANTIUM (ab. 400). Greek Cities.
Venet. Aldus, 1502, fol. H. iii. s.v.
N<greek>aisssd</greek>. The work is a dictionary of
geography, and the fact in these few lines is of first value. Compare
Smith, in Smith, Dict. 3 (1859), 904-906. Chevalier Hoffmann, etc.
(28) SOZOMEN (b. ab. 400). Ecclesiastical History.
Ed. Hussey, English translation, London. Bohn, 1855; newly edited
by Hartranft in Schaff, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 2 (1890)
[in press]. This history covers the period 323-423 (not 439). He draws
largely from Eusebius. He has been described rightly (Dowling,
450
Study of Eccl. Hist. p. 31) as relatively inaccurate, rhetorical and
credulous. But he works from sources, though mainly from exact ones.
For father discussion, compare Hartranft in volume 2 of this series.
Compare also Milligan, in Smith & W. 4 (1887), 722-723, and
literature in Chevalier.
(29) SOCRATES (b. ab. 408). Ecclesiastical History.
Ed. Hussey, reprinted with Introduction by Bright, Oxf. 1878. English
translation London, Bohn, newly edited by Zenos in volume 2 of this
series [in press]. This history covers the period 306-439. It is
written with general good judgment, but for Constantine adds little to
Eusebius of which it professes to be a continuation.
For farther description and discussion, compare
Zenos, Milligan, in Smith & W. 4 (1887), 709-711, and literature in
Chevalier.
(30) THEODORET (h. ab. 393?-457?). Ecclesiastical
History. In Migne, Patrol. Gr. 82 (1859), 879-1280. English translation
London, Bohn, 1854. The birth of Theodoret has been placed at various
dates, 386, 387, 393, &c., and the exact time of his death
(453-458) is equally uncertain. This work reaches from 324 to 429, and
is generally regarded as learned and impartial. It gives much
concerning Constantine's relations to the Arian controversy and
incorporates many documents, which appear to be taken mainly from
Eusebius' Life of Constantine. A chief value is, it would seem, for the
text of Eusebius. But his very use of documents shows care and gives
value.
Compare Venables, in Smith & W. 4 (1887),
904-919; Newman, Hist. Sketches, 2 (I876), 303-362; Schaff, Hist. of
Church, 3 (1884), 881-882; and literature in Chevalier; also for
editions, Graesse and Hoffmann.
(31) OROSIUS, PAULUS (ab. 417). Histories, Bk. 7,
chaps. 26-28. Ed. Migne Patrol. Lat. 31 (1846), 6351174; section
relying to Constantine occupies 1128-1137. For many editions and MSS.
compare Schoenemann, Bibl. Patr. Lat. 2 (1794), 481-507, and Engelmann,
2 (1882), 441-. It is said (Manso) that Orosius adds nothing to
existing material. This is only in part true. At all events, his value
as corroboratory evidence is considerable, brief as the work is.
Compare Phillott, in Smith & W, 4 (1887),
157-158; Ebert, Gesch. d. chr. Lat. Lit. 1 (1874), 323-330, and
literature in Chevalier and Engelmann.
(32) PROSPER AQUITANUS (403--463 +). Chronicle. Ed.
Migne, Patrol Lat. 51 (1861), 535-606 (8). Portion relating to
Constantine, 574-576. The Chronicle extends to 444 or 455. To 326 he
depends mainly on Eusebius' Chronicle, and for the rest of our period
on the continuation of Hieronymus.
Compare Phillott, in Smith & W. 3 (1882),
492-497; Teuffel, Hist. of Rom. Lit. 2 (Lond. 1873), 482-484; and for
literature, editions, &c., Chevalier, Engelmann, &c.
(33) IDATIUS (468+). List Consuls (Fasti Idatiani).
In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 51 (1861), 891-914; portion relating to
Constantine, 907-908. Idatius lived until after 469. This work, which
is net generally acknowledged to be his, although quoted under his
name, ends in 468. It contains brief statements of some events under
the most significant years.Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859),
and literature under "Idace de Lamego," in Chevalier.
(34) GELASIUS OF CYZICUS (ab. 450-). History of the
Council of Nicaea. In Labbe, Concilia, 2 (1671), 103-286. There is also
an abstract in Photius, Bibl. Cod. 88, ed. Migne, Patrol. Gr. 103
(1860), 293-296. Venables is probably just when he says: "His work is
little more than a compilation from the ecclesiastical histories of
Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret, to which he has added
little but what is very doubtful or manifestly untrue." There is a
little on Constantine not in those sources, but to try to fix on any of
it as authoritative quite battles one. Still, it is not wholly clear
that he did not use sources, as well as his own imagination, in adding
to the other sources. It may be said to be "of doubtful value," as
source. It is not easy to see what Venables means in saying that the
third hook, as we have it, gives only three letters of Constantine.This
is true; but the second book, "as we have it," gives several more.
Compare Venables, in Smith & W. 2 (1880), 621-623.
(35) JACOBUS OF SARUG (452-521). Homily on the
Baptism of Constantine, Ed. Frothingham, Roma, 1882. For further
information consult the extended study of Frothingham.
(25) PHILOSTORGIUS (b. ab. 468). English translation
by Walford (Lond. Bohn, 1855), 425-528. The original work covered the
period between 300 and 425. The fragments preserved contain several
interesting facts, or fictions, relating to Constantine, some not found
elsewhere. Photius and all the orthodox have always called him
untrustworthy or worse, and a very unorthodox critic (Gibbon) finds him
passionate, prejudiced and ignorant; but it seems to be agreed that he
used some sources not availed of by others.
Compare Milligan, in Smith & W. 4 (1587), 390;
Dowling, Study of Eccl. Hist. p. 26-27; and literature in Chevalier.
(26) HESYCHIUS MILESIUS (ab. 500?--). Origins of Constantinople. In
Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 146-155; also in ed. Orelli (Lips. 1820).
59-73. Hesychius, surnamed Illustris, of Miletus lived in the early
part of the sixth century. This work contains several allusions to the
founding of the city of Constantine. It seems to have been taken almost
word for word in parts by Codinus.
Compare Venables, in Smith & W. 3 (1882), 12-13;
Means, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 447-448; Miller, Fragm. 4 (1868),
143-145; also literature in Chevalier, and editions and literature in
Engelmann.
451
(27) CASSlODORUS (ab. 468-561 +). Tripartite History. In
Opera, ed. Garetius, (1) (Rotom. 1679, fol.), b I-b 372. On
Constantine, especially p. 207-243. (Same ed. in Migne, Patrol Lat. 69
[1865], 879-1214.) Cassiodorus was born about 468 and lived to be more
than ninety-three years old. This work is an epitome of Socrates,
Sozomen, and Theodoret, and has no additional value as source. A work
on the Goths has been preserved to us only in an epitome by Jordanes.
See Jordanes.
Compare Young, in Smith & W. I (1877), 416-418,
or (better for this work) Ramsay, in Smith, I (1859), 623-625; and for
literature and editions, Chevalier, Engelmann, Graesse, etc.
(28) LYDUS, JOANNES (LAURENTIUS) (490--550+). De
Mensibus ; De Magistratibus; De Ostentis, passim. Ed. Bekker, in Corp.
Hist. Byz. (1837). Other editions of the various works may be found
noticed in Graesse, Trésor, 4 (1863), 122; Brunet, Manuel, 3
(1862), 880; Engelmann, Bibl. scr. class. I (1880), 478-479; Hoffmann,
Lex. He was born at Philadelphia in 490, and lived some time after 550.
He was a heathen, but respects toward Christianity (Photius, Cod. 180).
He mentions Constantine ten or a dozen times; e.g. his foundation of
Constantinople (De O. 21. 5), Constantine's learning and military skill
(De mag. 3. 53), and quotes (De magister. 3. 33, ed. Bonn., p. 226),
Constantine's own writings.
Compare Photius, Cod. 180; Means, in Smith, Dict. 2
(1859), 600; Hase, Pref. and in ed. Bekker; Joubert, in Nouv. biog.
gén. (Hoefer), 32 (1860), 388-391; and for farther literature,
Chevalier and the article of Joubert, and Engelmann, Bibl. scr. class.
1 (1880), 479.
(29) JORDANES (or JORNANDES) (-551 ?). History of
the Goths, (De Getarum origine et rebus gestis). In Cassiodorus, Opera,
ed. Garetius, 1 (Rotom. 1679), 397-425; same ed. in Migne, Patrol. Lat.
69 (1865), 12511296. This work on the Goths is said by its author to be
an epitome of the work of Cassiodorus. It says (p. 406-407) that
Constantine employed Goths in his campaign against Licinius, and also
in the building of Constantinople. It was composed in 551 or 552 (cf.
Wattenbach, Deutschland's Geschichtsq. 1 [1877], 66).
Compare Hodgkin, in Encycl. Brit. 13 (1881),
747-749; Acland, in Smith & W. 3 (1882), 431-438 (exhaustive); and
abundant literature in Chevalier, Engelmann, Wattenbach, &c.; also
editions in Engelmann, "Potthast. Bibl. hist. med. rev. 1862, p. 102,"
&c.
(30) ANONYMOUS, QUI DIONIS CASSII HISTORIAS
CONTINUAVIT (sixth century ?). 14. Licinius (18 lines); 15-Constantinus
(9 lines). In MüIIer, Fragm. 4 (1868), 199; of especially Introd.
in MüIIer, p. 191-192. These were first published by Ang. Mai in
Script. Vet. Nov. Call. 2, 135-, 527-, and are found also in various
editions of Dion Cassius; e.g. ed. Sturz. 9 (Spz. 1843). Mai strongly
inclines to suspect that Johannes Antiochenus is the author. but this
Müller (p. 191) argues to be impossible. They are sometimes
referred to as Excerpta Vaticana. Petrus Patricius and various others
have been suggested as authors, but all that is affirmed with any
assurance is that the author was a Christian. This is on the ground of
Diocletianus, 1 (p. 198). The fragments are very brief, but contain
several little facts and turns not found elsewhere.
(31) EVAGRIUS (536?-594+). Ecclesiastical History,
3. 40-41. English translation (1709), 472-474. A violent invective
against and disproval of the charges of Zosimus against Constantine and
adds nothing to historical facts. Compare Milligan, in Smith & W. 2
(1880), 423-424.
(32) PROCOPIUS CAESARIENSIS (fl. 547--565).
Histories. Ed. Dindorf Bonn, 1833-1838 3 v. Two or three slight
mentions, of which the nearest to any account is the division of the
empire by Constantine, and the founding of Constantinople (De bel.
Vand, I. I). He flourished from about 547 to 565. Whether he was
Christian or heathen is uncertain. He is characterized by peculiar
truthfulness (cf. his De aedif. 1; Praf. ed. Bonn, v. 3, 170--, and
Milligan).
Compare Milligian in Smith & W. 4 (1887),
487-488; Plate, in Smith, Dict. 3, 538-540; also for literature,
Chevalier and Engelmann, 1. 655; and for editions, Milligan, Plate, and
the various bibliographies. (33) PETRUS PATRICIUS (fl. 550--562).
Fragments. In Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 189.Gives account of an
embassy of Licinius to Constantine.
Compare Means, in Smith, Dict. 3 (1859), 226--227; also
Chevalier and Hoffmann.(34) GREGORY OF TOURS (ab. 573-594). History of
the Franks, 1. 34. Ed. Ruinart (Paris, 1699), 27, &c. (?) History
of the Seven Sleepers, do. 1272-1273, &c. Liber miraculorum, do.
725-729. The edition of Ruinart is reprinted in Migne, Patrol. Lat.
vol. 71 (1867).In the first of these he quotes as authorities, Eusebius
and Junius; the latter are full of legendary matter. Compare Buchanan,
in Smith & W. 2 (1880), 771-776;also for editions and literature,
Engelmann, Chevalier,
and Graesse.
(35) CHRONICON PASCHALE (ab. 630 A.D.) Ed. Dindorf,
Bonn, 1832, 2 v.; section relating to Constantine occupies vol. 1, p.
516-533. Ed. Migne, Patrol. Gr. 92 (Paris, 1865). The work is a
chronicle of the world from the creation until 630. It has been
thought, but on insufficient grounds (cf. Salmon), that the first part
ended with A.D. 354 and was written about that time. It is really a
homogeneous work and written probably not long after 630 A.D. (Salmon).
It is frequently quoted, unfortunately as Alexandrian Chronicle (e.g.
M'Clintock and Strong Cycl.). The chief value is the chronological, but
the author has used good sources and presumably some not now extant. It
has something the value of a primary source of second rate.
452
Compare Salmon, In Smith & W. I. (1877),
509-513; Clinton Fasti. Rom. 2 (1850), 169; Ideler, Handb. d. Chron. 2
(1826), 350-351, 462-463; and for literature and editions Salmon.
(36) Anonymous Acts of Metrophanes and Alexander
seventh century ?), "in which is contorted also a life of the emperor
Constantine the Great." In Photius, Cod. 256; ed. Migne, Patrol Gr. 104
(1860), 105-120. A more complete recession of this anonymous piece was
edited by Combefis, who regards it as the work of a contemporary,
written therefore in the middle of the fourth century (cf. his Hist.
Mon. p. 573, taste Fabricius). The authentic details can be traced word
for word, according to Tillemont, in other historians, while impossible
statements show it to be not the work of a contemporary. It seems to
fall under the class of works where "What is true is not new, and what
is new is not true," but it can hardly be regarded as sufficiently
determined whether or no it is worthless.Compare Tillemont, Mem. 7
(1732), 657; Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. 9 (1737), 124 and 498; Acta. SS. Nov,
I.
(37) JOHANNES ANTIOCHENUS (ft. 61O--650).
Chronological History. Fragments in Müller, 4 (1868), 535(8)-622;
Fragm. 168-169, on Constantius and Galerius and 170-171a, on
Constantine, p. 602-603. This writer is to be distinguished from
Johannes Malalas, also known as Johannes Antiochenus. He flourished
somewhere between 610-650 (Müller, p. 536). The sections relating
to Constantine are in the main exactly correspondent to Eutropius. It
has been conjectured (Müller, p. 1538) that Eutropius and Johannes
copied from a common Greek source; but the curious error in the section
on Constantine (p. 603), by which "commodae" is converted into a proper
name, and becomes the name of the sister whose son Constantine put to
death, shows it to have been translated from the Latin. The work of
Johannes has, however, some interesting suggestions and additions; e.g.
its paraphrase of the word "dubius" in the characterization of
Constantine's conduct towards his friends.
Compare Müller, p. 535-538; Means, in Smith,
Dict. 2 (1859), 587; also article of Stokes, and other literature under
Malalas.
(38) MALALAS (=JOHN of Antioch)(ab. 700).
Chronography, Bk. 13, 1-11. Ed. Dindorf (Bonnae, 1831); in Corp. ser.
hist. Byz. (section on Constantine, p. 316-324); also in Migne, Patrol.
Gr. 97 (Par. 1865), 1-70. Earlier editions are, Oxf. 1691, 80; Venice,
1733, fol. [reprint of 1691, "quite useless"]. Lived about 700
(Müller, Fragm. 4 [1868], 536), or about 650 (Chevalier, 1205). He
has been placed as late as ninth century (Hody), and as early as 601
(Cave). Noting is known of his personal history. He is to be
distinguished from the John of Antioch in Müller's Fragm. who is
earlier than Malalas. He is very credulous and inaccurate and the
section on Constantine is no exception to the rule.
Compare Prolegomena of Hody and Dindorf; Stokes, in
Smith & W. 3 (1882), 787-788, &c.; and farther literature in
Chevalier, Rép. 1205; Hoefer, Nouv. biog. gén. 32 (1060),
1007, and the article of Stokes.
(39) PSEUDO-ISIDORE (eighth cent.?). Decretals. In Migne, Patrol. Lat.
130 (1853), 245-252. The famous "Donation of Constantion," which
appears here for the first time. See under The Mythical Constantine.
Compare Schaff, Hist. of Church, 4 (1885), 268-733; and for literature,
Chevailer under Isidore Mercator; also the literature of the Danation.
(40) THEOPHANES (758-818). Chronography. Ed.
Classen, Bonn. 1839-41, 2 v. Section on Constantine occupying vol. 1,
p. 10-51; also in Migne, Patrol. Gr. 108 (186). This work "is justly
regarded as one of the most important in the what series of Byzantine
historians" (Dowling, p. 69). Theophanes was friend of Georgius
Syncellus; and at his request (Proem. p. 5) took up the latter work at
the point where he left off (Diocletian), extending it to 811. He is an
authority of judgment and wright for matters relating to his own times,
and on quite a different level of historical character from Cedrenus
and Zonaras. Although of very much less value for Constantine, he shows
even here a certain historical judgment and discrimination. His book is
an intelligent work from various sources, one of which is Eusebius He
says that he has diligently examined many works, and reports nothing on
his own authority, but on the authority of ancient historiographers and
"logographers" (Proem. p. 5).
Compare Dowling lntrod. (Loud. 1838), 69-70; Smith,
in Smith, Dict. 3. 1082-1083; Gass, in Herzog, Real Enc. 15 (1885),
536-537; Acta sanctorum Boll. March 12; and for (extensive) literature,
Chevalier. (41) ANASTASIUS BIBLIOTHECARIUS (d. 879). Lives of the Roman
Pontiffs. In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 127-128
(1852).34. S. Silvester, vol. 127, 1511-1527. Small use.
Compare Schaff, Hist. of the Church, 4 (1885),
774-776; and for literature and editions, Chevalier and Graesse.
(42) PHOTIUS (ninth cent.). Bibliotheca. In Migne,
Patrol. Gr. vols. 103-104 (1860). Contains excerpts from and comments
on Praxagoras, Eunapius, Gelasius, Anon. Metroph., and Eusebius which
see. Compare Schaff, Hist. of Church, 4 (1885), 636-642; Means, in
Smith, Diet. 3 (1859), 347-355,
(43) CONSTANTINUS PORPHYROGENITUS (c. VII.) (ft.
911-959). De thematibus. Ed. Bekker (Bonn. 1840), 1-64, in Corp. ser.
hist. Byz.; and in ed. Migne, Patrol. Gr. 113 (1864), 63-140. Gives (2.
8, ed. Bonn. p. 57-58) account of division of the empire among his sons
by Constantine. He also mentions in his De cer. aul. Byz. (ed. Reiske,
Bonn. 1829; ed. Migne, Patrol. Gr. 112); e.g. the "cross of
Constantine" several times mentioned, and gives a few facts of
archaeological interest. Constantinus VII was emperor 911-959.
THE LIFE
OF THE
BLESSED EMPEROR CONSTANTINE,
BY
EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS.
BOOK I.
CHAPTER I.
Preface.-- Of the Death of Constantine.
ALREADY (1) have all mankind united in celebrating
with joyous festivities the completion of the second and third
decennial period of this great emperor's reign; already have we
ourselves received him as a triumphant conqueror in the assembly of
God's ministers, and greeted him with the due meed of praise on the
twentieth anniversary of his reign: (2) and still more recently we have
woven, as it were, garlands of words, wherewith we encircled his sacred
head in his own palace on his thirtieth anniversary. (3)
But now, while I desire (4) to give utterance to
some of the customary sentiments, I stand perplexed and doubtful which
way to turn, being wholly lost in wonder at the extraordinary spectacle
before me. For to whatever quarter I direct my view, whether to the
east, or to the west, or over the whole world, or toward heaven itself,
everywhere and always I see the blessed one yet administering the
self-same empire. On earth I behold his sons, like some new reflectors
of his brightness, diffusing everywhere the luster of their father's
character, (5) and himself still living and powerful, and governing all
the affairs of men more completely than ever before, being multiplied
in the succession of his children. They had indeed had previously the
dignity of Caesars; (6) but now, being invested with his very self, and
graced by his accomplishments, for the excellence of their piety they
are proclaimed by the titles of Sovereign, Augustus, Worshipful, and
Emperor.
CHAPTER II.
The Preface continued.
And I am indeed amazed, when I consider that he who
was but lately visible and present with us in his mortal body, is
still, even after death, when the natural thought disclaims everything
superfluous as unsuitable, most marvelously endowed with the same
imperial dwellings, and honors, and praises as heretofore. (1) But
farther,
482
when I raise my thoughts even to the arch of heaven, and there
contemplate his thrice-blessed soul in communion with God himself,
freed from every mortal and earthly vesture, and shining in a refulgent
robe of light, and when I perceive that it is no more connected with
the fleeting periods and occupations of mortal life, but honored with
an ever-blooming crown, and an immortality of endless and blessed
existence, I stand as it were without power of speech or thought
(2) and unable to utter a single phrase, but condemning my own
weakness, and imposing silence on myself, I resign the task of speaking
his praises worthily to one who is better able, even to him who, being
the immortal God and veritable Word, alone has power to confirm his own
saying. (3)
CHAPTER III.
How God honors Pious Princes, but destroys
Tyrants.
Having given assurance that those who glorify and
honor him will meet with an abundant recompense at his hands, while
those who set themselves against him as enemies and adversaries will
compass the ruin of their own souls, he has already established the
truth of these his own declarations, having shown on the one hand the
fearful end of those tyrants who denied and opposed him, (1) and at the
same time having made it manifest that even the death of his servant,
as well as his life, is worthy of admiration and praise, and justly
claims the memorial, not merely of perishable, but of immortal
monuments.
Mankind, devising some consolation for the frail and
precarious duration of human life, have thought by the erection of
monuments to glorify the memories of their ancestors with immortal
honors. Some have employed the vivid delineations and colors of
painting (2) ; some have carved statues from lifeless blocks of wood;
while others, by engraving their inscriptions deep on tablets (3) and
monuments, have thought to transmit the virtues of those whom they
honored to perpetual remembrance. All these indeed are perishable, and
consumed by the lapse of time, being representations of the corruptible
body, and not expressing the image of the immortal soul. And yet these
seemed sufficient to those who had no well-grounded hope of happiness
after the termination of this mortal life. But God, that God, I say,
who is the common Saviour of all, having treasured up with himself, for
those who love godliness, greater blessings than human thought has
conceived, gives the earnest and first-fruits of future rewards even
here, assuring in some sort immortal hopes to mortal eyes. The ancient
oracles of the prophets, delivered to us in the Scripture, declare
this; the lives of pious men, who shone in old time with every virtue,
bear witness to posterity of the same; and our own days prove it to be
true, wherein Constantine, who alone of all that ever wielded the Roman
power was the friend of God the Sovereign of all, has appeared to all
mankind so clear an example of a godly life.
CHAPTER IV.
That God honored Constantine.
And God himself, whom Constantine worshiped, has
confirmed this truth by the clearest manifestations of his will, being
present to aid him (1) at the commencement, during the course, and at
the end of his reign, and holding him up to the human race as an
instructive example of godliness. Accordingly, by the manifold
blessings he has conferred on him, he has distinguished him alone of
all the sovereigns of whom we have ever heard as at once a mighty
luminary and most clear-voiced herald of genuine piety.
CHAPTER V.
That he reigned above Thirty Years, and lived
above Sixty.
With respect to the duration of his reign, God
honored him with three complete periods of ten years, and something
more, extending the whole term of his mortal life to twice this number
of years. (1) And being pleased to make him a representative of his own
sovereign power, he displayed him as the conqueror of the whole race of
tyrants, and the destroyer of those God-defying giants (2) of the earth
who madly raised
483
their impious arms against him, the supreme King of all. They appeared,
so to speak, for an instant, and then disappeared: while the one and
only true God, when he had enabled his servant, clad in heavenly
panoply, to stand singly against many foes, and by his means had
relieved mankind from the multitude of the ungodly, constituted him a
teacher of his worship to all nations, to testify with a loud voice in
the hearing of all that he acknowledged the true God, and turned with
abhorrence from the error of them that are no gods.
CHAFFER VI.
That he was the Servant of God, and the Conqueror of Nations.
Thus, like a faithful and good servant, did he act
and testify, openly declaring and confessing himself the obedient
minister of the supreme King. And God forthwith rewarded him, by making
him ruler and sovereign, and victorious to such a degree that he alone
of all rulers pursued a continual course of conquest, unsubdued and
invincible, and through his trophies a greater ruler than tradition
records ever to have been before. So dear was he to God, and so
blessed; so pious and so fortunate in all that he undertook, that with
the greatest facility he obtained the authority over more nations than
any who had preceded him, (1) and yet retained his power, undisturbed,
to the very close of his life.
CHAFFER VII.
Comparison with Cyrus, King of the Persians and with Alexander of
Macedon.
Ancient history describes Cyrus, king of the
Persians, as by far the most illustrious of all kings up to his time.
And yet if we regard the end of his days, (1) we find it but little
corresponded with his past prosperity, since he met with an inglorious
and dishonorable death at the hands of a woman. (2)
Again, the sons of Greece celebrate Alexander the
Macedonian as the conqueror of many and diverse nations; yet we find
that he was removed by an early death, before he had reached maturity,
being carried off by the effects of revelry and drunkenness. (3) His
whole life embraced but the space of thirty-two years, and his reign
extended to no more than a third part of that period. Unsparing as the
thunderbolt, he advanced through streams of blood and reduced entire
nations and cities, young and old, to utter slavery. But when he had
scarcely arrived at the maturity of life, and was lamenting the loss of
youthful pleasures, death fell upon him with terrible stroke, and, that
he might not longer outrage the human race, cut him off in a foreign
and hostile land, childless, without successor, and homeless. His
kingdom too was instantly dismembered, each of his officers taking away
and appropriating a portion for himself. And yet this man is extolled
for such deeds as these. (4)
CHAPTER VIII.
That he conquered nearly the Whale World.
But our emperor began his reign at the time of life
at which the Macedonian died, yet doubled the length of his life, and
trebled the length of his reign. And instructing his army in the mild
and sober precepts of godliness, he carried his arms as far as the
Britons, and the nations that dwell in the very bosom of the Western
ocean. He subdued likewise all Scythia, though situated in the remotest
North, and divided into numberless diverse and barbarous tribes. He
even pushed his conquests to the Blemmyans and Ethiopians, on the very
confines of the South nor did he think the acquisition of the Eastern
nations unworthy his care. In short, diffusing the effulgence of his
holy light to the ends of the whole world, even to the most distant
Indians, the nations dwelling on the extreme circumference of the
inhabited earth, he received the submission of all the rulers, (1)
governors, (2) and satraps of barbarous nations, who cheerfully
welcomed and saluted him, sending embassies and presents, and setting
the highest value on his acquaintance and friendship; insomuch that
they honored him with pictures and statues in their respective
countries, and Constantine alone of all emperors was acknowledged and
celebrated by all. Notwithstanding, even among these distant
484
tions, he proclaimed the name of his God in his royal edicts with all
boldness.
CHAPTER IX.
Thathe was the San of a Pious Emperor, and bequeathed the Power to
Royal Sons.
Nor did he give this testimony in words merely,
while exhibiting failure in his own practice, but pursued every path of
virtue, and was rich in the varied fruits of godliness. He ensured the
affection of his friends by magnificent proofs of liberality; and
inasmuch as he governed on principles of humanity, he caused his rule
to be but lightly felt and acceptable to all classes of his subjects;
until at last, after a long course of years, and when he was wearied by
his divine labors, the God whom he honored crowned him with an immortal
reward, and translated him from a transitory kingdom to that endless
life which he has laid up in store for the souls of his saints, after
he had raised him up three sons to succeed him in his power. As then
the imperial throne had descended to him from his father, so, by the
law of nature, was it reserved for his children and their descendants,
and perpetuated, like some paternal inheritance, to endless
generations. And indeed God himself, who distinguished this blessed
prince with divine honors while yet present with us, and who has
adorned his death with choice blessings from his own hand, should be
the writer of his actions; since he has recorded his labors and
successes on heavenly monuments. (1)
CHAPTER X.
Of the Need for this History, and its Value for
Edification.
HOWEVER, hard as it is to speak worthily of this
blessed character, and though silence were the safer and less perilous
course, nevertheless it is incumbent on me, if I would escape the
charge of negligence and sloth, to trace as it were a verbal
portraiture, by way of memorial of the pious prince, in imitation of
the delineations of human art. For I should be ashamed of myself were I
not to employ my best efforts, feeble though they be and of little
value, in praise of one who honored God with such surpassing devotion.
I think too that my work will be on other grounds both instructive and
necessary, since it will contain a description of those royal and noble
actions which are pleasing to God, the Sovereign of all. For would it
not be disgraceful that the memory of Nero, and other impious and
godless tyrants far worse than he, should meet with diligent writers to
embellish the relation of their worthless deeds with elegant language,
and record them in voluminous histories, and that I should be silent,
to whom God himself has vouchsafed such an emperor as all history
records not, and has permitted me to come into his presence, and enjoy
his acquaintance and society ? (1)
Wherefore, if it is the duty of any one, it
certainly is mine, to make an ample proclamation of his virtues to all
in whom the example of noble actions is capable of inspiring the love
of God. For some who have written the lives of worthless characters,
and the history of actions but little tending to the improvement of
morals, from private motives, either love or enmity, and possibly in
some cases with no better object than the display of their own
learning, have exaggerated unduly their description of actions
intrinsically base, by a refinement and elegance of diction. (2) And
thus they have become to those who by the Divine favor had been kept
apart from evil, teachers not of good, but of what should be silenced
in oblivion and darkness. But my narrative, however unequal to the
greatness of the deeds it has to describe, will yet derive luster even
from the bare relation of noble actions. And surely the record of
conduct that has been pleasing to God will afford a far from
unprofitable, indeed a most instructive study, to persons of
well-disposed minds.
CHAPTER XI.
That his Present Object is to record only the Pious Actions of
Constantine.
IT is my intention, therefore, to pass over the
greater part of the royal deeds of this thrice-blessed prince; as, for
example, his conflicts and engagements in the field, his personal
valor, his victories and successes against the enemy, and the many
triumphs he obtained: likewise his provisions for the interests of
individuals, his legislative enactments for the social advantage of his
subjects, and a multitude of other imperial labors which are fresh in
the memory of all; the design of my present undertaking being to speak
and write of those circumstances only which have reference to his
religious character.
And since these are themselves of almost infinite
variety, I shall select from the facts
485
which have come to my knowledge such as are most suitable, and worthy
of lasting record, and endeavor to narrate them as briefly as possible.
Henceforward, indeed, there is a full and opportunity for celebrating
in every way the praises of this truly blessed prince, which hitherto
we have been unable to do, oh the ground that we are forbidden to judge
any one blessed before his death, (1) because of the uncertain
vicissitudes of life. Let me implore then the help of God, and may the
inspiring aid of the heavenly Word be with me, while I commence my
history from the very earliest period of his life.
CHAPTER XII.
That like Moses, he was reared in the Palaces
of Kings.
ANCIENT history relates that a cruel race of tyrants oppressed the
Hebrew nation; and that God, who graciously regarded them in their
affliction, provided that the prophet Moses, who was then an infant,
should be brought up in the very palaces and bosoms of the oppressors,
and instructed in all the wisdom they possessed. And when in the course
of time he had arrived at manhood, and the time was come for Divine
justice to avenge the wrongs of the afflicted people, then the prophet
of God, in obedience to the will of a more powerful Lord, forsook the
royal household, and, estranging himself in word and deed from the
tyrants by whom he had been brought up, openly acknowledging his true
brethren and kinsfolk. Then God, exalting him to be the leader of the
whole nation, delivered the Hebrews from the bondage of their enemies,
and inflicted Divine vengeance through his means on the tyrant race.
This ancient story, though rejected by most as fabulous, has. reached
the ears of all. But now the same God has given to us to be
eye-witnesses of miracles more wonderful than fables, and, from their
recent appearance, more authentic than any report. For the tyrants of
our day have ventured to war against the Supreme God, and have sorely
afflicted His Church. (1) And in the midst of these, Constantine, who
was shortly to become their destroyer, but at that time of tender age,
and blooming with the down of early s youth, dwelt, as that other
servant of God had done, in the very home of the tyrants, (2) but
t young as he was did not share the manner of life of the ungodly: for
from that early period his noble nature, under the leading of the
Divine Spirit, inclined him to piety and a life acceptable to God. A
desire, moreover, to emulate the example of his father had its
influence in stimulating the son to a virtuous course of conduct His
father was Constantius (3) (and we ought to revive his memory at this
time), the most illustrious emperor of our age; of whose life it is
necessary briefly to relate a few particulars, which tell to the honor
of his son.
CHAPTER XIII.
Of Constantius his Father, who refused to imitate Diocletian, Maximian,
and Maxentius, (1) in their Persecution of the Christians.
At a time when four emperors (2) shared the
administration of the Roman empire, Constantius alone, following a
course of conduct different from that pursued by his colleagues,
entered into the friendship of the Supreme God.
For while they besieged and wasted the churches of
God, leveling them to the ground, and obliterating the very foundations
of the houses of prayer, (3) he kept his hands pure from their
abominable impiety, and never in any respect resembled them. They
polluted their provinces by the indiscriminate slaughter of godly men
and women; but he kept his soul free from the stain of this crime.
(4)The involved in the mazes of impious idolatry, enthralled first
themselves, and then all under their authority, in bondage to the
errors of evil demons, while he at the same time originated the
profoundest peace throughout his dominions, and secured to his
subjects the privilege of celebrating without hindrance the worship of
God. In short, while his colleagues oppressed all men by the most
grievous exactions, and rendered their lives intolerable, and even
worse than death, Constantius alone governed his people with a mild and
tranquil sway, and exhibited towards them a truly parental and
fostering care. Numberless, indeed, are the other virtues of this
man, which are the theme of praise to all; of these I will record one
or two instances, as specimens of the quality of those which I must
pass by in silence, and then I will proceed to the appointed order of
my narrative.
486
CHAPTER XIV.
How Constantius his Rather, being reproached with Poverty by,
Diocletian, filled his Treasury, and afterwards restored the Money to
those by whom it had been contributed.
In consequence of the many reports in circulation
respecting this prince, describing his kindness and gentleness of
character, and the extraordinary elevation of his piety, alleging too,
that by reason of his extreme indulgence to his subjects, he had not
even a supply of money laid up in his treasury; the emperor who at that
time occupied the place of supreme power sent to reprehend his neglect
of the public weal, at the same time reproaching him with poverty, and
alleging in proof of the charge the empty state of his treasury. On
this he desired the messengers of the emperor to remain with him
awhile, and, calling together the wealthiest of his subjects of all
nations under his dominion, he informed them that he was in want of
money, and that this was the time for them all to give a voluntary
proof of their affection for their prince.
As soon as they heard this (as though they had long
been desirous of an opportunity for showing the sincerity of their good
will), with zealous alacrity they filled the treasury with gold and
silver and other wealth; each eager to surpass the rest in the amount
of his contribution: and this they did with cheerful and joyous
countenances. And now Constantius desired the messengers of the great
emperor (1) personally to inspect his treasures, and directed them to
give a faithful report of what they had seen; adding, that on the
present occasion he had taken this money into his own hands, but that
it had long been kept for his use in the custody of the owners, as
securely as if under the charge of faithful treasurers. The ambassadors
were overwhelmed with astonishment at what they had witnessed: and on
their departure it is said that the truly generous prince sent for the
owners of the property, and, after commending them severally for their
obedience and true loyalty, restored it all, and bade them return to
their homes.
This one circumstance, then, conveys a proof of the
generosity of him whose character we are attempting to illustrate:
another will contain the clearest testimony to his piety.
CHAPTER XV.
Of the Persecution raised by his Colleagues.
By command of the supreme authorities of the empire,
the governors of the several provinces had set on foot a general
persecution of the godly. Indeed, it was from the imperial courts
themselves that the very first of the pious martyrs proceeded, who
passed through those conflicts for the faith, and most readily endured
both fire and sword, and the depths of the sea; every form of death, in
short, so that in a brief time all the royal palaces were bereft of
pious men. (1) The result was, that the authors of this wickedness were
entirely deprived of the protecting care of God, since by their
persecution of his worshipers they at the same time silenced the
prayers that were wont to be made on their own behalf.
CHAPTER XVI.
How Constantius, reigning Idolatry, expelled
those who consented to offer Sacrifice, but retained in his Palace all
who were willing to confess Christ.
On the other hand, Constantius conceived an
expedient full of sagacity, and did a thing which sounds paradoxical,
but in fact was most admirable.
He made a proposal to all the officers of his court,
including even those in the highest stations of authority, offering
them the following alternative: either that they should offer sacrifice
to demons, and thus be permitted to remain with him, and enjoy their
usual honors; or, in case of refusal, that they should be shut out from
all access to his person, and entirely disqualified from acquaintance
and association with him. Accordingly, when they had individually made
their choice, some one way and some the other; and the choice of each
had been ascertained, then this admirable prince disclosed the secret
meaning of his expedient, and condemned the cowardice and selfishness
of the one party, while he highly commended the other for their
conscientious devotion to God. He declared, too, that those who had
been false to their God must be unworthy of the confidence of their
prince; for how was it possible that they should preserve their
fidelity to him, who had proved themselves faithless to a higher power?
He determined, therefore, that such persons should be removed
altogether from the imperial court, while, on the other hand, declaring
that those men who, in bearing witness for the truth, had proved them-
487
selves to be worthy servants of God, would manifest the same fidelity
to their king, he en-trusted them with the guardianship of his person
and empire, saying that he was bound to treat such persons with special
regard as his nearest and most valued friends, and to esteem them far
more highly than the richest treasures.
CHAPTER XVII.
Of his Christian Manner of Life.
The father of Constantine, then, is said to have
possessed such a character as we have briefly described. And what kind
of death was vouchsafed to him in consequence of such devotion to God,
and how far he whom he honored made his lot to differ from that of his
colleagues in the empire, may be known to any one who will give his
attention to the circumstances of the case. For after he had for a long
time given many proofs of royal virtue, in acknowledging the Supreme
God alone, and condemning the polytheism of the ungodly, and had
fortified his household by the prayers of holy men, (1) he passed the
remainder of his life in remarkable repose and tranquillity, in the
enjoyment of what is counted blessedness, --neither molesting others
nor being molested ourselves.
Accordingly, during the whole course of his quiet
and peaceful reign, he dedicated his entire household, his children,
his wife, and domestic attendants, to the One Supreme God: so that the
company assembled within the walls of his palace differed in no respect
from a church of God; wherein were also to be found his ministers, who
offered continual supplications on behalf of their prince, and this at
a time when, with most,(2) it was not allowable to have any dealings
with the worshipers of God, even so far as to exchange a word with them.
CHAPTER XVIII.
That after the Abdication of Diocletian and Maximian, Constantius
became Chief Augustus, and was blessed with a Numerous Offspring.
The immediate consequence of this conduct was a
recompense from the hand of God, insomuch that he came into the supreme
authority of the empire. For the older emperors, for some unknown
reason, resigned their power; and this sudden change took place in the
first year after their persecution of the churches. (1)
From that time Constantius alone received the honors
of chief Augustus, having been previously, indeed, distinguished by the
diadem of the imperial Caesars, (2) among whom he held the first rank;
but after his worth had been proved in this capacity, he was invested
with the highest dignity of the Roman empire, being named chief
Augustus of the four who were afterwards elected to that honor.
Moreover, he surpassed most of the emperors in regard to the number of
his family, having gathered around him a very large circle of children
both male and female. And, lastly, when he had attained to a happy old
age, and was about to pay the common debt of nature, and exchange this
life for another, God once more manifested His power in a special
manner on his behalf, by providing that his eldest son Constantine
should be present during his last moments, and ready to receive the
imperial power from his hands. (3)
CHAPTER XIX.
Of his Son Constantine, who in his Youth accompanied Diocletian into
Palestine.
The latter had been with his father's imperial
colleagues, (1) and had passed his life among them, as we have said,
like God's ancient prophet. And even in the very earliest period of his
youth he was judged by them to be worthy of the highest honor. An
instance of this we have ourselves seen, when he passed through
Palestine with the senior emperor, (2) at whose right hand he
stood, and commanded the admiration of all who beheld him by the
indications he gave even then of royal greatness. For no one was
comparable to him for grace and beauty of person, or height of stature;
and he so far surpassed his compeers in personal strength as to be a
terror to them. He was, however, even more conspicuous for the
excellence of his mental (3) qualities than for his superior physical
endowments; being gifted in the first place with a sound judgment, (4)
and having also reaped the advantages of a liberal education. He was
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also distinguished in no ordinary degree both by natural intelligence
and divinely imparted wisdom.
CHAPTER XX.
Flight of Constantine to his Father because of
the Plots of Diocletian. (1)
The emperors then in power, observing his manly and vigorous figure and
superior mind, were moved with feelings of jealousy and fear, and
thenceforward carefully watched for an opportunity of inflicting some
brand of disgrace on his character. But the young man, being aware of
their designs, the details of which, through the providence of God,
more than once came to him, sought safety in flight; (2) in this
respect again keeping up his resemblance to the great prophet Moses.
Indeed, in every sense God was his helper; and he had before ordained
that he should be present in readiness to succeed his father.
CHAPTER XXI.
Death of Constantius, who leaves his Son Constantine Emperor. (1)
IMMEDIATELY, therefore, on his escape from the plots
which had been thus insidiously laid for him, he made his way with all
haste to his father, and arrived at length at the very time that he was
lying at the point of death. (2) As soon as Constantius saw his son
thus unexpectedly in his presence, he leaped from his couch, embraced
him tenderly, and, declaring that the only anxiety which had troubled
him in the prospect of death, namely, that caused by the absence of his
son, was now removed, he rendered thanks to God, saying that he now
thought death better than the longest life, (3) and at once completed
the arrangement of his private affairs. Then, taking a final leave of
the circle of sons and daughters by whom he was surrounded, in his own
palace, and on the imperial couch, he bequeathed the empire, according
to the law of nature, (4) to his eldest son, and breathed his last.
CHAPTER XXII.
How, after the Burial of Constantius, Constantine was proclaimed
Augustus by the Army.
Nor did the imperial throne remain long unoccupied:
for Constantine invested himself with his father's purple, and
proceeded from his father's palace, presenting to all a renewal, as it
were, in his own person, of his father's life and reign. He then
conducted the funeral procession in company with his father's friends,
some preceding, others following the train, and performed the last
offices for the pious deceased with an extraordinary degree of
magnificence, and all united in honoring this thrice blessed prince
with acclamations and praises, and while with one mind and voice, they
glorified the rule of the son as a living again of him who was dead,
they hastened at once to hail their new sovereign by the titles of
Imperial and Worshipful Augustus, with joyful shouts. (1) Thus the
memory of the deceased emperor received honor from the praises bestowed
upon his son, while the latter was pronounced blessed in being the
successor of such a father. All the nations also under his dominion
were filled with joy and inexpressible gladness at not being even for a
moment deprived of the benefits of a well ordered government.
In the instance of the Emperor Constantius, God has
made manifest to our generation what the end of those is who in their
lives have honored and loved him.
CHAPTER XXIII.
A Brief Notice of the Destruction of the Tyrants.
With respect to the other princes, who made war
against the churches of God, I have not thought it fit in the present
work to give any account of their downfall, (1) nor to stain the memory
of the good by mentioning them in connection with those of an opposite
character. The knowledge of the facts themselves will of itself suffice
for the wholesome admonition of those who have witnessed or heard of
the evils which severally befell them.
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CHAPTER XXIV.
It was by the Will of God that Constantine became possessed of the
Empire.
Trays then the God of all, the Supreme Governor of
the whole universe, by his own will appointed Constantine, the
descendant of so renowned a parent, to be prince and sovereign
so that, while others have been raised to this distinction by the
election of their fellow-men, he is the only one to whose elevation no
mortal may boast of having contributed.
CHAPTER XXV.
Victories of Constantine over the Barbarians
and the Britons.
As soon then as he was established on the throne, he
began to care for the interests of his paternal inheritance, and
visited with much considerate kindness all those provinces which had
previously been under his father's government. Some tribes of the
barbarians who dwelt on the banks of the Rhine, and the shores of the
Western ocean, having ventured to revolt, he reduced them all to
obedience, and brought them from their savage state to one of
gentleness. He contented himself with checking the inroads of others,
and drove from his dominions, like untamed and savage beasts, those
whom he perceived to be altogether incapable of the settled order of
civilized life. (1) Having disposed of these affairs to his
satisfaction, he directed his attention to other quarters of the world,
and first passed over to the British nations, (2) which lie in the very
bosom of the ocean. These he reduced to submission, and then proceeded
to consider the state of the remaining portions of the empire, that he
might be ready to tender his aid wherever circumstances might require
it.
CHAPTER XXVI.
How he resolved to deliver Rome from
Maxentius.
While, therefore, he regarded the entire world as
one immense body, and perceived that the head of it all, the royal city
of the Roman empire, was bowed down by the weight of a tyrannous
oppression; at first he had left the task of liberation to those who
governed the other divisions of the empire, as being his superiors in
point of age. But when none of these proved able to afford relief, and
those who had attempted it had experienced a disastrous termination of
their enterprise, (1) he said that life was without enjoyment to him as
long as he saw the imperial city thus afflicted, and prepared
himself for the overthrowal of the tyranny.
CHAPTER XXVII.
That after reflecting on the Dawn fall of those who had worshiped
Idols, he made Choice of Christianity.
Being convinced, however, that he needed some more
powerful aid than his military forces could afford him, on account of
the wicked and magical enchantments which were so diligently practiced
by the tyrant, (1) he sought Divine assistance, deeming the possession
of arms and a numerous soldiery of secondary importance, but believing
the co-operating power of Deity invincible and not to be shaken. He
considered, therefore, on what God he might rely for protection and
assistance. While engaged in this enquiry, the thought occurred to him,
that, of the many emperors who had preceded him, those who had rested
their hopes in a multitude of gods, and served them with sacrifices and
offerings, had in the first place been deceived by flattering
predictions, and oracles which promised them all prosperity, and at
last had met with an unhappy end, while not one of their gods had stood
by to warn them of the impending wrath of heaven; while one alone who
had pursued an entirely opposite course, who had condemned their error,
and honored the one Supreme God during his whole life, had formal
I him to be the Saviour and Protector of his empire, and the Giver of
every good thing. Reflecting on this, and well weighing the fact that
they who had trusted in many gods had also fallen by manifold forms of
death, without leaving behind them either family or offspring, stock,
name, or memorial among men: while the God of his father had given to
him, on the other hand, manifestations of his power and very many
tokens: and considering farther that those who had already taken arms
against the tyrant, and had marched to the battle-field under the
protection of a multitude of gods, had met with a dishonorable end (for
one of them (2) had shamefully retreated from the contest without a
blow, and the other, (3) being slain in the midst of
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his own troops, became, as it were, the mere sport of death (4) );
reviewing, I say, all these considerations, he judged it to be folly
indeed to join in the idle worship of those who were no gods, and,
after such convincing evidence, to err from the truth; and therefore
felt it incumbent on him to honor his father's God alone.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
How, while he was praying, God sent him a Vision of a Cross of Light in
the Heavens at Mid-day, with an Inscription admonishing him to conquer
by that.
ACCORDINGLY he called on him with earnest prayer and
supplications that he would reveal to him who he was, and stretch forth
his right hand to help him in his present difficulties. And while he
was thus praying with fervent entreaty, a most marvelous sign appeared
to him from heaven, the account of which it might have been hard to
believe had it been related by any other person. But since the
victorious emperor himself long afterwards declared it to the writer of
this history, (1) when he was honored with his acquaintance and
society, and confirmed his statement by an oath, who could hesitate to
accredit the relation, especially since the testimony of after-time has
established its truth? He said that about noon, when the day was
already beginning to decline, he saw with his own eyes the trophy of a
cross of light in the heavens, above the sun, and bearing the
inscription, CONQUER BY THIS. At this sight he himself was struck with
amazement, and his whole army also, which followed him on this
expedition, and witnessed the miracle. (2)
CHAFFER XXIX.
How the Christ of God appeared to him in his Sleep, and commanded him
to use in his Wars a Standard made in the Form of the Cross.
He said, moreover, that he doubted within himself
what the import of this apparition could be. And while he continued to
ponder and reason on its meaning, night suddenly came on ; then in his
sleep the Christ of God appeared to him with the same sign which he had
seen in the heavens, and commanded him to make a likeness of that sign
which he had seen in the heavens, and to use it as a safeguard in all
engagements with his enemies.
CHAPTER XXX.
The Making of the Standard of the Cross.
AT dawn of day he arose, and communicated the marvel
to his friends: and then, calling together the workers in gold and
precious stones, he sat in the midst of them, and described to them the
figure of the sign he had seen, bidding them represent it in gold and
precious stones. And this representation I myself have had an
opportunity of seeing.
CHAPTER XXXI.
A Description of the Standard of the Cross, which the Romans now call
the Labarum. (1)
Now it was made in the following manner. A long
spear, overlaid with gold, formed the
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figure of the cross by means of a transverse bar laid over it. On the
top of the whole was fixed a wreath of gold and precious stones; and
within this, (2) the symbol of the Saviour's name, two letters
indicating the name of Christ by means of its initial characters, the
letter P being intersected by X in its centre: (3) and these letters
the emperor was in the habit of wearing on his helmet at a later
period. From the cross-bar of the spear was suspended a cloth, (4) a
royal piece, covered with a profuse embroidery of most brilliant
precious stones; and which, being also richly interlaced with gold,
presented an indescribable degree of beauty to the beholder. This
banner was of a square form, and the upright staff, whose lower section
was of great length,(5) bore a golden half-length portrait (6) of the
pious emperor and his children on its upper part, beneath the trophy of
the cross, and immediately above the embroidered banner.
The emperor constantly made use of this sign
of salvation as a safeguard against every adverse and hostile power,
and commanded that others similar to it should be carried at the head
of all his armies.
CHAPTER XXXII.
How Constantine received Instruction, and read
the Sacred Scriptures.
These things were done shortly afterwards. But at
the time above specified, being struck with amazement at the
extraordinary vision, and resolving to worship no other God save Him
who had appeared to him, he sent for those who were acquainted with the
mysteries of His doctrines, and enquired who that God was, and what was
intended by the sign of the vision he had seen. They affirmed that He
was God, the only begotten Son of the one and only God: that the sign
which had appeared was the symbol of immortality, (1) and the trophy of
that victory over death which He had gained in time past when
sojourning on earth. They taught him also the causes of His advent, and
explained to him the true account of His incarnation. Thus he was
instructed in these matters, and was impressed with wonder at the
divine manifestation which had been presented to his sight. Comparing,
therefore, the heavenly vision with the interpretation given, he found
his judgment confirmed; and, in the persuasion that the knowledge of
these things had been imparted to him by Divine teaching, he determined
thenceforth to devote himself to the reading of the Inspired writings.
Moreover, he made the priests of God his counselors,
and deemed it incumbent on him to honor the God who had appeared to him
with all devotion. And after this, being fortified by well-grounded
hopes in Him, he hastened to quench the threatening fire of tyranny.
CHAPTER XXXIII
Of the Adulterous Conduct of Maxentius at
Rome. (1)
For the who had tyrannically possessed himself of
the imperial city, (2) had proceeded to great lengths in impiety and
wickedness, so as to venture without hesitation on every vile and
impure action.
For example: he would separate women from their
husbands, and after a time send them back to them again, and these
insults he offered not to men of mean or obscure condition, but
to those who held the first places in the Roman senate. Moreover,
though he shamefully dishonored almost numberless free women, he was
unable to satisfy his ungoverned and intemperate desires. But (3) when
he assayed to corrupt Christian women also, he could no longer secure
success to his designs, since they chose rather to submit their lives
(4) to death than yield their persons to be defiled by him.
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CHAPTER XXXIV.
How the Wife of a Prefect slew herself for
Chastity's Sake. (1)
Now a certain woman, wife of one of the senators who
held the authority of prefect, when she understood that those who
ministered to the tyrant in such matters were standing before her house
(she was a Christian), and knew that her husband through fear had
bidden them take her and lead her away, begged a short space of time
for arraying herself in her usual dress, and entered her chamber.
There, being left alone, she sheathed a sword in her own breast, and
immediately expired, leaving indeed her dead body to the procurers, but
declaring to all mankind, both to present and future generations, by an
act which spoke louder than any words, that the chastity for which
Christians are famed is the only thing which is invincible and
indestructible. Such was the conduct displayed by this Woman.
CHAPTER XXXV.
Massacre of the Roman People by Maxentius.
All men, therefore, both people and magistrates,
whether of high or low degree, trembled through fear of him whose
daring wickedness was such as I have described, and were oppressed by
his grievous tyranny. Nay, though they submitted quietly, and endured
this bitter servitude, still there was no escape from the tyrant's
sanguinary cruelty. For at one time, on some trifling pretense, he
exposed the populace to be slaughtered by his own body-guard; and
countless multitudes of the Roman people were slain in the very midst
of the city by the lances and weapons, not of Scythians or barbarians,
but of their own fellow-citizens. And besides this, it is impossible to
calculate the number of senators whose blood was shed with a view to
the seizure of their respective estates, for at different times and on
various fictitious charges, multitudes of them suffered death.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
Magic Arts of Maxentius against Constantine;
and Famine at Rome.
BUT the crowning point of the tyrant's wickedness
was his having recourse to sorcery: sometimes for magic purposes
ripping up women with child, at other times searching into the
bowels of new-born infants. He slew lions also. and practiced certain
horrid arts for evoking demons, and averting the approaching war,
hoping by these means to get the victory. In short, it is impossible to
describe the manifold acts of oppression by which this tyrant of Rome
enslaved his subjects: so that by this time they were reduced to the
most extreme penury and want of necessary food, a scarcity such as our
contemporaries do not remember ever before to have existed at Rome. (1)
CHAPTER XXXVII.
Defeat of Maxentius's Armies in Italy.
Constantine, however, filled with compassion on
account of all these miseries, began to arm himself with all warlike
preparation against the tyranny. Assuming therefore the Supreme God as
his patron, and invoking His Christ to be his preserver and aid, and
setting the victorious trophy, the salutary symbol, in front of his
soldiers and body-guard, he marched with his whole forces, trying to
obtain again for the Romans the freedom they had inherited from their
ancestors.
And whereas, Maxentius, trusting more in his magic
arts than in the affection of his subjects, dared not even advance
outside the city gates, (1) but had guarded every place and district
and city subject to his tyranny, with large bodies of soldiers, (2) the
emperor, confiding in the help of God, advanced against the first and
second and third divisions of the tyrant's forces, defeated them all
with ease at the first assault, (3) and made his way into the very
interior of Italy.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
Death of Maxentius on the Bridge of the Tiber. (1)
And already he was approaching very near-Rome
itself, when, to save him from the necessity of fighting with all the
Romans for the tyrant's sake, God himself drew the tyrant, as it were
by secret cords, a long way outside the gates. (2) And now those
miracles recorded in
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Holy Writ, which God of old wrought against the ungodly (discredited by
most as fables, yet believed by the faithful), did he in every deed
confirm to all alike, believers and unbelievers, who were eye-witnesses
of the wonders. For as once in the days of Moses and the Hebrew nation,
who were worshipers of God, "Pharaoh's chariots and his host hath he
cast into the sea and his chosen chariot-captains are drowned in the
Red Sea," (3) --so at this time Maxentius, and the soldiers and guards
(4) with him, "went down into the depths like stone," (5) when, in his
flight before the divinely-aided forces of Constantine, he essayed to
cross the river which lay in his way, over which, making a strong
bridge of boats, he had framed an engine of destruction, really against
himself, but in the hope of ca-snaring thereby him who was beloved by
God. For his God stood by the one to protect him, while the other,
godless, (6) proved to be the miserable contriver of these secret
devices to his own ruin. So that one might well say, "He hath made a
pit, and digged it, and is fallen into the ditch which he made. His
mischief shall return upon his own head, and his violence shall. come
down upon his own pate." (7) Thus, in the present instance, under
divine direction, the machine erected on the bridge, with the ambuscade
concealed therein, giving way unexpectedly before the appointed time,
the bridge began to sink, and the boats with the men in them went
bodily to the bottom. (8) And first the wretch himself, then his armed
attendants and guards, even as the sacred oracles had before described,
"sank as lead in the mighty waters." (9) So that they who thus obtained
victory from God might well, if not in the same words, yet in fact in
the same spirit as the people of his great servant Moses, sing and
speak as they did concerning the impious tyrant of old: "Let us sing
unto the Lord, for he hath been glorified exceedingly: the horse and
his rider hath he thrown into the sea. He is become my helper and my
shield unto salvation." And again, "Who is like unto thee, O Lord,
among the gods? who is like thee, glorious in holiness, marvelous in
praises, doing wonders?" (10)
CHAPTER XXXIX.
Constantine's Entry into Rome.
HAVING then at this time sung these and suchlike
praises to God, the Ruler of all and the Author of victory, after the
example of his great servant Moses, Constantine entered the imperial
city in triumph. And here the whole body of the senate, and others of
rank and distinction in the city, freed as it were from the restraint
of a prison, along with the whole Roman populace, their countenances
expressive of the gladness of their hearts, received him with
acclamations and abounding joy; men, women, and children, with
countless multitudes of servants, greeting him as deliverer, preserver,
and benefactor, with incessant shouts. But he, being possessed of
inward piety toward God, was neither rendered arrogant by these
plaudits, nor uplifted by the praises he heard: (1) but, being sensible
that he had received help from God, he immediately rendered a
thanksgiving to him as the Author of his victory.
CHAPTER XL.
Of the Statue of Constantine holding a Cross,
and its Inscription.
MOREOVER, by loud proclamation and monumental
inscriptions he made known to all men the salutary symbol, setting up
this great trophy of victory over his enemies in the midst of the
imperial city, and expressly causing it to be engraved in indelible
characters, that the salutary symbol was the safeguard of the
Roman government and of the entire empire. Accordingly, he
immediately ordered a lofty spear in the figure of a cross to be placed
beneath the hand of a statue representing himself, in the most
frequented part of Rome, and the following inscription to be engraved
on it in the Latin language: BY VIRTUE OF THIS SALUTARY SIGN, WHICH IS
THE TRUE TEST OF VALOR, I HAVE PRESERVED AND LIBERATED YOUR CITY FROM
THE YOKE OF TYRANNY. I HAVE ALSO SET AT LIBERTY THE ROMAN SENATE AND
PEOPLE, AND RESTORED THEM TO THEIR ANCIENT DISTINCTION AND SPLENDOR. (1)
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CHAPTER XLI.
Rejoicings throughout the Provinces; and Constantine's Acts of Grace.
Thus the pious emperor, glorying in the confession
of the victorious cross, proclaimed the Son of God to the Romans with
great boldness of testimony. And the inhabitants of the city, one and
all, senate and people, reviving, as it were, from the pressure of a
bitter and tyrannical domination, seemed to enjoy purer rays of light,
and to be born again into a fresh and new life. All the nations, too,
as far as the limit of the western ocean, being set free from the
calamities which had heretofore beset them, and gladdened by joyous
festivals, ceased not to praise him as the victorious, the pious, the
common benefactor: all, indeed, with one voice and one mouth,
declared that Constantine had appeared by the grace of God as a general
blessing to mankind. The imperial edict also was everywhere published,
whereby those who had been wrongfully deprived of their estates were
permitted again to enjoy their own, while those who had unjustly
suffered exile were recalled to their homes. Moreover, he freed from
imprisonment, and from every kind of danger and fear, those who, by
reason of the tyrant's cruelty, had been subject to these sufferings.
CHAPTER XLII.
The Honors conferred upon Bishops, and the
Building of Churches.
The emperor also personally inviting the society of
God's ministers, distinguished them with the highest possible respect
and honor, showing them favor in deed and word as persons consecrated
to the service of his God. Accordingly, they were admitted to his
table, though mean in their attire and outward appearance; yet not so
in his estimation, since he thought he saw not the man as seen by the
vulgar eye, but the God in him. He made them also his companions in
travel, believing that He whose servants they were would thus help him.
Besides this, he gave from his own private resources costly
benefactions to the churches of God, both enlarging and heightening the
sacred edifices, (1) and embellishing the august sanctuaries (2) of the
church with abundant offerings.
CHAPTER XLIII.
Canstantine's Liberality to the Poor.
He likewise distributed money largely to those who
were in need, and besides these showing himself philanthropist and
benefactor even to the heathen, who had no claim on him; (1) and even
for the beggars in the forum, miserable and shiftless, he provided, not
with money only, or necessary food, but also decent clothing. But in
the case of those who had once been prosperous, and had experienced a
reverse of circumstances, his aid was still more lavishly bestowed. On
such persons, in a truly royal spirit, he conferred magnificent
benefactions; giving grants of land to some, and honoring others with
various dignities. Orphans of the unfortunate he cared for as a father,
while he relieved the destitution of widows, and cared for them with
special solicitude. Nay, he even gave virgins, left unprotected by
their parents' death, in marriage to wealthy men with whom he was
personally acquainted. But this he did after first bestowing on the
brides such portions as it was fitting they should bring to the
communion of marriage. (2) In short, as the sun, when he rises upon the
earth, liberally imparts his rays of light to all, so did Constantine,
proceeding at early dawn from the imperial palace, and rising as it
were with the heavenly luminary, impart the rays of his own beneficence
to all who came into his presence. It was scarcely possible to be near
him without receiving some benefit, nor did it ever happen that any who
had expected to obtain his assistance were disappointed in their hope.
(3)
CHAPTER XLIV.
How he was present at the Synods of Bishops.
SUCH, then, was his general character towards all.
But he exercised a peculiar care over the church of God: and whereas,
in the several provinces there were some who differed from each other
in judgment, he, like some general bishop constituted by God, convened
synods of his ministers. Nor did he disdain to be present and sit with
them in their assembly, but bore a share in their deliberations,
ministering to all that pertained to the peace of God. He took
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his seat, too, in the midst of them, as an individual amongst many,
dismissing his guards and soldiers, and all whose duty it was to defend
his person; but protected by the fear of God, and surrounded by the
guardianship of his faithful friends. Those whom he saw inclined to a
sound judgment, and exhibiting a calm and conciliatory temper, received
his high approbation, for he evidently delighted in a general harmony
of sentiment; while he regarded the unyielding wills aversion. (1)
CHAPTER XLV.
His Forbearance with Unreasonable Men.
MOREOVER he endured with patience some who were
exasperated against himself, directing them in mild and gentle terms to
control themselves, and not be turbulent. And some of these respected
his admonitions, and desisted; but as to those who proved incapable of
sound judgment, he left them entirely at the disposal of God, and never
himself desired harsh measures against any one. Hence it naturally
happened that the disaffected in Africa reached such a pitch of
violence as even to venture on overt acts of audacity; (1) some evil
spirit, as it seems probable, being jealous of the present great
prosperity, and impelling these men to atrocious deeds, that he might
excite the emperor's anger against them. He gained nothing, however, by
this malicious conduct; for the emperor laughed at these proceedings,
and declared their origin to be from the evil one; inasmuch as these
were not the actions of sober persons, but of lunatics or demoniacs;
who should be pitied rather than punished; since to punish madmen is as
great folly as to sympathize with their condition is supreme
philanthropy. (2)
CHAPTER XLVI.
Victories aver the Barbarians.
THUS the emperor in all his actions honored God, the
Controller of all things, and exercised an unwearied (1) oversight over
His churches. And God requited him, by subduing all barbarous nations
under his feet, so that he was able everywhere to raise trophies over
his enemies: and He proclaimed him as conqueror to all mankind, and
made him a terror to his adversaries: not indeed that this was his
natural character, since he was rather the meekest, and gentlest, and
most benevolent of men.
CHAPTER XLVII.
Death of Maximin, (1) who had attempted a Conspiracy, and of Others
whom Constantine detected by Divine Revelation.
WHILE he was thus engaged, the second of those who
had resigned the throne, being detected in a treasonable conspiracy,
suffered a most ignominious death. He was the first whose pictures,
statues, and all similar marks of honor and distinction were everywhere
destroyed, on the ground of his crimes and impiety. After him others
also of the same family were discovered in the act of forming secret
plots against the emperor; all their intentions being miraculously
revealed by God through visions to His servant.
For he frequently vouchsafed to him manifestations
of himself, the Divine presence appearing to him in a most marvelous
manner, and according to him manifold intimations of future events.
Indeed, it is impossible to express in words the indescribable wonders
of Divine grace which God was pleased to vouchsafe to His servant.
Surrounded by these, he passed the rest of his life in security,
rejoicing in the affection of his subjects, rejoicing too because he
saw all beneath his government leading contented lives; but above all
delighted at the flourishing condition of the churches of God.
CHAPTER XLVIII.
Celebration of Canstantine's Decennalia.
WHILE he was thus circumstanced, he completed the
tenth year of his reign. On this occasion he ordered the celebration of
general festivals, and offered prayers of thanksgiving to God, the King
of all, as sacrifices without flame or smoke. (1) And from this
employment he derived much pleasure: not so from the tidings he
received of the ravages committed in the Eastern provinces.
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CHAPTER XLIX.
How Licinius oppressed the East.
FOR he was informed that in that quarter a certain
savage beast was besetting both the church of God and the other
inhabitants of the provinces, owing, as it were, to the efforts of the
evil spirit to produce effects quite contrary to the deeds of the pious
emperor: so that the Roman empire, divided into two parts, seemed to
all men to resemble night and day; since darkness overspread the
provinces of the East, while the brightest day illumined the
inhabitants of the other portion. And whereas the latter were receiving
manifold blessings at the hand of God, the sight of these blessings
proved intolerable to that envy which hates all good, as well as to the
tyrant who afflicted the other division of the empire; and who,
notwithstanding that his government was prospering, and he had been
honored by a marriage connection (1) with so great an emperor as
Constantine, yet cared not to follow the steps of that pious prince,
but strove rather to imitate the evil purposes and practice of the
impious; and chose to adopt the course of those whose ignominious end
he had seen with his own eyes, rather than to maintain amicable
relations with him who was his superior. (2)
CHAPTER L.
How Licinius attempted a Conspiracy against
Constantine.
ACCORDINGLY he engaged in an implacable war against
his benefactor, altogether regardless of the laws of friendship, the
obligation of oaths, the ties of kindred, and already existing
treaties. For the most benignant emperor had given him a proof of
sincere affection in bestowing on him the hand of his sister, thus
granting him the privilege of a place in family relationship and his
own ancient imperial descent, and investing him also with the rank and
dignity of his colleague in the empire. (1) But the other took the very
opposite course, employing himself in machinations against his
superior, and devising various means to repay his benefactor with
injuries. At first, pretending friendship, he did all things by guile
and treachery, expecting thus to succeed in concealing his designs; but
God enabled his servant to detect the schemes thus devised in darkness.
Being discovered, however, in his first attempts, he had recourse to
fresh frauds; at one time pretending friendship, at another claiming
the protection of solemn treaties. Then suddenly violating every
engagement, and again beseeching pardon by embassies, yet after all
shamefully violating his word, he at last declared open war, and with
desperate infatuation resolved thenceforward to carry arms against God
himself, whose worshiper he knew the emperor to be.
CHAPTER LI.
Intrigues of Licinius against the Bishops, and
his Prohibition of Synods.
AND at first he made secret enquiry respecting the
ministers of God subject to his dominion, who had never, indeed, in any
respect offended against his government, in order to bring false
accusations against them. And when he found no ground of accusation,
and had no real ground of objection against them, he next enacted a
law, to the effect that the bishops should never on any account hold
communication with each other, nor should any one of them absent
himself on a visit to a neighboring church; nor, lastly, should the
holding of synods, or councils for the consideration of affairs of
common interest, (1) be permitted. Now this was clearly a pretext for
displaying his malice against us. For we were compelled either to
violate the law, and thus be amenable to punishment, or else, by
compliance with its injunctions, to nullify the statutes of the Church;
inasmuch as it is impossible to bring important questions to a
satisfactory adjustment, except by means of synods. In other cases also
this God-hater, being determined to act contrary to the God-loving
prince, enacted such things. For whereas the one assembled the priests
of God in order to honor them, and to promote peace and unity of
judgment; the other, whose object it was to destroy everything that was
good, used all his endeavors to destroy the general harmony.
CHAPTER LII.
Banishment of the Christians, and Confiscation
of their Property.
AND whereas Constantine, the friend of God, had
granted to His worshipers freedom of access to the imperial palaces;
this enemy of God, in a spirit the very reverse of this, expelled
thence all Christians subject to his authority. He banished those who
had proved themselves his most
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faithful and devoted servants, and compelled others, on whom he had
himself conferred honor and distinction as a reward for their former
eminent services, to the performance of menial offices as slaves to
others; and at length, being bent on seizing the property of all as a
windfall for himself, he even threatened with death those who professed
the Saviour's name. Moreover being himself of a nature hopelessly
debased by sensuality, and degraded by the continual practice of
adultery and other shameless vices, he assumed his own worthless
character as a specimen of human nature generally, and denied that the
virtue of chastity and continence existed among men.
CHAPTER LIII.
Edict that Women should not meet with the
Men in the Churches.
ACCORDINGLY he passed a second law, which enjoined
that men should not appear in company with women in the houses of
prayer, and forbade women to attend the sacred schools of virtue, or to
receive instruction from the bishops, directing the appointment of
women to be teachers of their own sex. These regulations being received
with general ridicule, he devised other, means for effecting the ruin
of the churches. He ordered that the usual congregations of the people
should be held in the open country outside the gates, alleging that the
open air without the city was far more suitable for a multitude than
the houses of prayer within the walls.
CHAPTER LIV.
That those who refuse to sacrifice are to be dismissed from Military
Service, and those in Prison not to be fed.
FAILING, however, to obtain obedience in this
respect also, at length he threw off the mask, and gave orders that
those who held military commissions in the several cities of the empire
should be deprived of their respective commands, in case of their
refusal to offer sacrifices to the demons. Accordingly the forces of
the authorities in every province suffered the loss of those who
worshiped God; and he too who had decreed this order suffered loss, in
that he thus deprived himself of the prayers of pious men. And why
should I still further mention how he directed that no one should obey
the dictates of common humanity by distributing food to those who were
pining in prisons, or should even pity the captives who perished with
hunger; in short, that no one should perform a virtuous action, and
that those whose natural feelings impelled them to sympathize with
their fellow-creatures should be prohibited from doing them a single
kindness? Truly this was the most utterly shameless and scandalous of
all laws, and one which surpassed the worst depravity of human nature:
a law which inflicted on those who showed mercy the same penalties as
on those who were the objects of their compassion, and visited the
exercise of mere humanity with the severest punishments. (1)
CHAPTER LV.
The Lawless Conduct and Covetousness of
Licinius.
Such were the ordinances of Licinius. But why should
I enumerate his innovations respecting marriage, or those concerning
the dying, whereby he presumed to abrogate the ancient and wisely
established laws of the Romans, and to introduce certain barbarous and
cruel institutions in their stead, inventing a thousand pretenses for
oppressing his subjects? Hence it was that he devised a new method of
measuring land, by which he reckoned the smallest portion at more than
its actual dimensions, from an insatiable desire of acquisition. Hence
too he registered the names of country residents who were now no more,
and had long been numbered with the dead, procuring to himself by this
expedient a shameful gain. His meanness was unlimited and his rapacity
insatiable. So that when he had filled all his treasuries with gold,
and silver, and boundless wealth, he bitterly bewailed his poverty, and
suffered as it were the torments of Tantalus. But why should I mention
how many innocent persons he punished with exile; how much property he
confiscated; how many men of noble birth and estimable character he
imprisoned, whose wives he handed over to be basely insulted by his
profligate slaves, and to how many married women and virgins he himself
offered violence, though already feeling the infirmities of age? I need
not enlarge on these subjects, since the enormity of his last actions
causes the former to appear trifling and of little moment. (1)
CHAPTER LVI.
At length he undertakes to raise a Persecution.
FOR the final efforts of his fury appeared in his
open hostility to the churches, and he directed his attacks against the
bishops themselves,
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whom he regarded as his worst adversaries, bearing special enmity to
those men whom the great and pious emperor treated as his friends.
Accordingly he spent on us the utmost of his fury, and, being
transported beyond the bounds of reason, he paused not to reflect on
the example of those who had persecuted the Christians before him, nor
of those whom he himself had been raised up to punish and destroy for
their impious deeds: nor did he heed the facts of which he had been
himself a witness, though he had seen with his own eyes the chief
originator of these our calamities (whoever he was), smitten by the
stroke of the Divine scourge.
CHAPTER LVII.
That Maximian, (1) brought Low by a Fistulous Ulcer with Worms, issued
an Edict in Favor of the Christians.
FOR whereas this man had commenced the attack on the
churches, and had been the first to pollute his soul with the blood of
just and godly men, a judgment from God overtook him, which at first
affected his body, but eventually extended itself to his soul. For
suddenly an abscess appeared in the secret parts of his person,
followed by a deeply seated fistulous ulcer; and these diseases
fastened with incurable virulence on the intestines, which swarmed with
a vast multitude of worms, and emitted a pestilential odor. Besides,
his entire person had become loaded, through gluttonous excess, with an
enormous quantity of fat, and this, being now in a putrescent state, is
said to have presented to all who approached him an intolerable and
dreadful spectacle. Having, therefore, to struggle against such
sufferings, at length, though late, he came to a realization of his
past crimes against the Church; and, confessing his sins before God, he
put a stop to the persecution of the Christians, and hastened to issue
imperial edicts and rescripts for the rebuilding of their churches, at
the same time enjoining them to perform their customary worship, and to
offer up prayers on his behalf. (2)
CHAPTER LVIII.
That Maximin, who had persecuted the Christians, was compelled to fly,
and conceal himself in the Disguise of a Slave.
SUCH was the punishment which he underwent who had commenced the
persecution. He, (1) however, of whom we are now speaking, who had been
a witness of these things, and known them by his own actual experience,
all at once banished the remembrance of them from his mind, and
reflected neither on the punishment of the first, nor the divine
judgment which had been executed on the second persecutor. (2) The
latter had indeed endeavored to outstrip his predecessor in the career
of crime, and prided himself on the invention of new tortures for us.
Fire nor sword, nor piercing with nails, nor yet wild beasts or the
depths of the sea sufficed him. In addition to all these, he discovered
a new mode of punishment, and issued an edict directing that their
eyesight should be destroyed. So that numbers, not of men only, but of
women and children, after being deprived of the sight of their eyes,
and the use of the joints of their feet, by mutilation or
cauterization, were consigned in this condition to the painful labor of
the mines. Hence it was that this tyrant also was overtaken not long
after by the righteous judgment of God, at a time when, confiding in
the aid of the demons whom he worshiped as gods, and relying on the
countless multitudes of his troops, he had ventured to engage in
battle. For, feeling himself on that occasion destitute of all hope in
God, he threw from him the imperial dress which so ill became him, hid
himself with unmanly timidity in the crowd around him, and sought
safety in flight. (3)
He afterwards lurked about the fields and villages
in the habit of a slave, hoping he should thus be effectually
concealed. He had not, however, eluded the mighty and all-searching eye
of God: for even while he was expecting to pass the residue of his days
in security, he fell prostrate, smitten by God's fiery dart, and his
whole body consumed by the stroke of Divine vengeance; so that all
trace of the original lineaments of his person was lost, and nothing
remained to him but dry bones and a skeleton-like appearance.
CHAPTER LIX.
That Maximin, blinded by Disease, issued an Edict in Favor of the
Christians.
AND still the stroke of God continued heavy upon
him, so that his eyes protruded and fell from their sockets, leaving
him quite blind: and thus he suffered, by a most righteous retribution,
the very same punishment which he had been
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the first to devise for the martyrs of God. At length, however,
surviving even these sufferings, he too implored pardon of the God of
the Christians, and confessed his impious fighting against God: he too
recanted, as the former persecutor had done; and by laws and ordinances
explicitly acknowledged his error in worshiping those whom he had
accounted gods, declaring that he now knew, by positive experience,
that the God of the Christians was the only true God. These were facts
which Licinius had not merely received on the testimony of others, but
of which he had himself had personal knowledge: and yet, as though his
understanding had been obscured by some dark cloud of error, persisted
in the same evil course.
BOOK II.
CHAPTER I.
Secret Persecution by Licinius, who causes Same
Bishops to be put to Death at Amasia of Pontus.
In this manner, he of whom we have spoken continued
to rush headlong towards that destruction which awaits the enemies of
God; and once more, with a fatal emulation of their example whose ruin
he had himself witnessed as the consequence of their impious conduct,
he re-kindled the persecution of the Christians, like a
long-extinguished fire, and fanned the unhallowed flame to a fiercer
height than any who had gone before him.
At first, indeed, though breathing fury and
threatenings against God, like some savage beast of prey, or some
crooked and wriggling serpent, he dared not, from fear of Constantine,
openly level his attacks against the churches of God subject to his
dominion; but dissembled the virulence of his malice, and endeavored by
secret and limited measures to compass the death of the bishops, the
most eminent of whom he found means to remove, through charges laid
against them by the governors of the several provinces. And the manner
in which they · suffered had in it something strange, and
hitherto unheard of. At all events, the barbarities perpetrated at
Amasia of Pontus surpassed every known excess of cruelty.
CHAPTER II.
Demolition of Churches, and Butchery of the
Bishops.
For in that city some of the churches, for the
second time since the commencement of the persecutions, were leveled
with the ground, and others were closed by the governors of the several
districts, in order to prevent any who frequented them from assembling
together, or rendering due worship to God. For he by whose orders these
outrages were committed was too conscious of his own crimes to expect
that these services were performed with any view to his benefit, and
was convinced that all we did, and all our endeavors to obtain the
favor of God, were on Constantine's behalf.
These servile governors (1) then, feeling assured that such a course
would be pleasing to the impious tyrant, subjected the most
distinguished prelates of the churches to capital punishment.
Accordingly, men who had been guilty of no crime were led away, without
cause (2) punished like murderers: and some suffered a new kind of
death, having their bodies cut piecemeal; and, after this cruel
punishment, more horrible than any named in tragedy, being cast, as a
food to fishes, into the depths of the sea. The result of these horrors
was again, as before, the flight of pious men, and once more the fields
and deserts received the worshipers of God. The tyrant, having thus far
succeeded in his object, he farther determined to raise a general
persecution of the Christians: (3) and he would have accomplished his
purpose, nor could anything have hindered him from carrying his
resolution into effect, had not he who defends his own anticipated the
coming evil, and by his special guidance conducted his servant
Constantine to this part of the empire, causing him to shine forth as a
brilliant light in the midst of the darkness and gloomy night.
CHAPTER III.
How Constantine was stirred in Behalf of the Christians thus in Danger
of Persecution.
He perceiving the evils of which he had heard to be
no longer tolerable, took wise counsel, and tempering the natural
clemency of his character with a certain measure of severity, hastened
to succor those who were thus grievously oppressed. For he judged that
it would rightly be deemed a pious and holy task to secure, by the
removal of an individual, the safety of the greater part of the human
race. He judged too, that if he listened to the dictates of clemency
only, and bestowed his pity on one utterly unworthy of it, this would,
on the one hand, confer no real benefit on a man whom nothing would
induce to abandon his evil practices, and whose fury against his
subjects would only be likely to in-
501
crease; (1) while, on the other hand, those who suffered from his
oppression would thus be forever deprived of all hope of deliverance.
Influenced by these reflections, the emperor
resolved without farther delay to extend a protecting hand to those who
had fallen into such an extremity of distress. He accordingly made the
usual warlike preparations, and assembled his whole forces, both of
horse and foot. But before them all was carried the standard which I
have before described, as the symbol of his full confidence in God.
CHAPTER IV.
That Constantine prepared himself for the War by Prayer: Licinius by
the Practice of Divination.
He took with him also the priests of God, feeling
well assured that now, if ever, he stood in need of the efficacy of
prayer, and thinking it right that they should constantly be near and
about his person, as most trusty guardians of the soul.
Now, as soon as the tyrant understood that
Constantine's victories over his enemies were secured to him by no
other means than the co- operation of God, and that the persons
above alluded to were continually with him and about his person; and
besides this, that the symbol of the salutary passion preceded both the
emperor himself and his whole army; he regarded these precautions with
ridicule (as might be expected), at the same time mocking and reviling
the emperor with blasphemous words.
On the other hand, he gathered round himself
Egyptian diviners and soothsayers, with sorcerers and enchanters, and
the priests and prophets of those whom he imagined to be gods. He then,
after offering the sacrifices which he thought the occasion demanded,
enquired how far he might reckon on a successful termination of the
war. They replied with one voice, that he would unquestionably be
victorious over his enemies, and triumphant in the war: and the oracles
everywhere held out to him the same prospect in copious and elegant
verses. The soothsayers certified him of favorable omens from the
flight of birds; the priests (1) declared the same to be indicated by
the motion of the entrails of their victims. Elevated, therefore, by
these fallacious assurances, he boldly advanced at the head of his
army, and prepared for battle.
CHAPTER V.
What Licinius, while sacrificing in a Grove, said concerning Idols, and
concerning Christ.
And when he was now ready to engage, he desired the
most approved of his body-guard (1) and his most valued friends to meet
him in one of the places which they consider sacred. It was a
well-watered and shady grove, and in it were several marble statues of
those whom he accounted to be gods. After lighting tapers and
performing the usual sacrifices in honor of these, he is said to have
delivered the following speech:
"Friends and fellow-soldiers ! These are our
country's gods, and these we honor with a worship derived from our
remotest ancestors. But he who leads the army now opposed to us has
proved false to the religion of his forefathers, and adopted atheistic
sentiments, honoring in his infatuation some strange and unheard-of
Deity, with whose despicable standard he now disgraces his army, and
confiding in whose aid he has taken up arms, and is now advancing, not
so much against us as against those very gods whom he has forsaken.
However, the present occasion shall prove which of us is mistaken in
his judgment, and shall decide between our gods and those whom our
adversaries profess to honor. For either it will declare the victory to
be ours, and so most justly evince that our gods are the true
saviours and helpers; or else, if this God of Constantine's, who comes
we know not whence, shall prove superior to our deities (who are many,
and in point of numbers, at least, have the advantage), let no one
henceforth doubt which god he ought to worship, but attach himself at
once to the superior power, and ascribe to him the honors of the
victory. Suppose, then, this strange God, whom we now regard with
ridicule, should really prove victorious; then indeed we must
acknowledge and give him honor, and so bid a long farewell to those for
whom we light our tapers in vain. But if our own gods triumph (as they
undoubtedly will), then, as soon as we have secured the present
victory, let us prosecute the war without delay against these despisers
of the gods."
Such were the words he addressed to those then
present, as reported not long after to the writer of this history by
some who heard them spoken. (2) And as soon as he had concluded his
speech, he gave orders to his forces to commence the attack.
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CHAPTER
An Apparition seen in the Cities subject to Licinius, as of
Constantine's Troops passing through them.
WHILE these things were taking place a supernatural
appearance is said to have been observed in the cities subject to the
tyrant's rule. Different detachments of Constantine's army seemed to
present themselves to the view, marching at noonday through these
cities, as though they had obtained the victory. In reality, not a
single soldier was anywhere present at the time, and yet this
appearance was seen through the agency of a divine and superior power,
and foreshadowed what was shortly coming to pass. For as soon as the
armies were ready to engage, he who had broken through the ties of
friendly alliance (1) was the first to commence the battle; on which
Constantine, calling on the name of "God the Supreme Saviour," and
giving this as the watchword to his soldiers, overcame him in this
first conflict: and not long after in a second battle he gained a still
more important and decisive victory, the salutary trophy preceding the
ranks of his army.
CHAPTER VII.
That Victory everywhere followed the Presence of the Standard of the
Cross in Battle.
Indeed, wherever this appeared, the enemy soon fled
before his victorious troops. And the emperor perceiving this, whenever
he saw any part of his forces hard pressed, gave orders that the
salutary trophy should be moved in that direction, like some triumphant
charm (1) against disasters: at which the combatants were divinely
inspired, as it were, with fresh strength and courage, and immediate
victory was the result.
CHAPTER VIII.
That
Fifty Men were selected to carry the Cross.
ACCORDINGLY, he selected those of his bodyguard who
were most distinguished for personal strength, valor, and piety, and
intrusted them with the sole care and defense of the standard. There
were thus no less than fifty men whose only duty was to surround and
vigilantly defend the standard, which they carried each in turn on
their shoulders. These circumstances were related to the writer of this
narrative by the emperor himself in his leisure moments, long after the
occurrence of the events: and he added another incident well worthy of
being recorded.
CHAPTER IX.
That One of the Cross-bearers, who fled from his Post, was slain: while
Another, who faithfully stood his Ground, was preserved.
FoR he said that once, during the very heat of an
engagement, a sudden tumult and panic attacked his army, which threw
the soldier who then bore the standard into an agony of fear, so that
he handed it over to another, in order to secure his own escape from
the battle. As soon, however, as his comrade had received it, and he
had withdrawn, and resigned all charge of the standard, he was struck
in the belly by a dart, which took his life. Thus he paid the penalty
of his cowardice and unfaithfulness, and lay dead on the spot: but the
other, who had taken his place as the bearer of the salutary standard,
found it to be the safeguard of his life. For though he was assailed by
a continual shower of darts, the bearer remained unhurt, the staff of
the standard receiving every weapon. It was indeed a truly marvelous
circumstance, that the enemies' darts all fell within and remained in
the slender circumference of this spear, and thus saved the
standard-bearer from death; so that none of those engaged in this
service ever received a wound.
This story is none of mine, but for this, (1) too, I
am indebted to the emperor's own authority, who related it in my
hearing along with other matters. And now, having thus through the
power of God secured these first victories, he put his forces in motion
and continued his onward march.
CHAPTER X.
Furious Battles, and Constantine's Victories.
The van, however, of the enemy, unable to resist the
emperor's first assault, threw down their arms, and prostrated
themselves at his feet. All these he spared, rejoicing to save human
life. But there were others who still continued in arms, and engaged in
battle. These the emperor endeavored to conciliate by friendly
503
overtures, but when these were not accepted he ordered his army to
commence the attack. On this they immediately turned and betook
themselves to flight; and some were overtaken and slain according to
the laws of war, while others fell on each other in the confusion of
their flight, and perished by the swords of their comrades.
CHAPTER XI.
Flight, and Magic Arts of Licinius.
In these circumstances their commander, finding
himself bereft of the aid of his followers, (1) having lost his lately
numerous array, both of regular and allied forces, having proved, too,
by experience, how vain his confidence had been in those whom he
thought to be gods, ignominiously took to flight, by which indeed he
effected his escape, and secured his personal safety, for the pious
emperor had forbidden his soldiers to follow him too closely, (2) and
thus allowed him an opportunity for escape. And this he did in the hope
that he might hereafter, on conviction of the desperate state of his
affairs, be induced to abandon his insane and presumptuous ambition,
and return to sounder reason. So Constantine, in his excessive
humanity, thought and was willing patiently to bear past injuries, and
extend his forgiveness to one who so ill deserved it; but Licinius, far
from renouncing his evil practices, still added crime to crime, and
ventured on more daring atrocities than ever. Nay, once more tampering
with the detestable arts of magic, he again was presumptuous: so that
it might well be said of him, as it was of the Egyptian tyrant of old,
that God had hardened his heart. (3)
CHAffER XII.
How Constantine, after praying in his Tabernacle, obtained the
Victory.222
But while Licinius, giving himself up to these
impieties, rushed blindly towards the gulf of destruction, the emperor
on the other hand, when he saw that he must meet his enemies in a
second battle, devoted the intervening time to his Saviour. He pitched
the tabernacle of the cross (1) outside and at a distance from his
camp, and there passed his time in a pure and holy manner, offering up
prayers to God; following thus the example of his ancient prophet, of
whom the sacred oracles testify, that he pitched the tabernacle without
the camp. (2) He was attended only by a few, whose faith and pious
devotion he highly esteemed. And this custom he continued to observe
whenever he meditated an engagement with the enemy. For he was
deliberate in his measures, the better to insure safety, and desired in
everything to be directed by divine counsel. And making earnest
supplications to God, he was always honored after a little with a
manifestation of his presence. And then, as if moved by a divine
impulse, he would rush from the tabernacle, and suddenly give orders to
his army to move at once without delay, and on the instant to draw
their swords. On this they would immediately commence the attack, fight
vigorously, so as with incredible celerity to secure the victory, and
raise trophies of victory over their enemies.
CHAPTER XIII.
His Humane Treatment of Prisoners.
Thus the emperor and his army had long been
accustomed to act, whenever there was a prospect of an engagement; for
his God was ever present to his thoughts, and he desired to do
everything according to his will, and conscientiously to avoid any
wanton sacrifice of human life. He was anxious thus for the
preservation not only of his own subjects, but even of his enemies.
Accordingly he directed his victorious troops to spare the lives of
their prisoners, admonishing them, as human beings, not to forget the
claims of their common nature. And whenever he saw the passions of his
soldiery excited beyond control, he repressed their fury by a largess
of money, rewarding every man who saved the life of an enemy with a
certain weight of gold. And the emperor's own sagacity led him to
discover this inducement to spare human life, so that great numbers
even of the barbarians were thus saved, and owed their lives to the
emperor's gold.
CHAPTER XIV.
A Farther Mention of his Prayers in the
Tabernacle.
Now these, and a thousand such acts as these, were
familiarly and habitually done by the emperor. And on the present
occasion he retired, as his custom was before battle, to the privacy of
his tabernacle, and there employed his time in prayer to God. Meanwhile
he strictly ab-
504
stained from anything like ease, or luxurious living, and disciplined
himself by fasting and bodily mortification, imploring the favor of God
by supplication and prayer, that he might obtain his concurrence and
aid, and be ready to execute whatever he might be pleased to suggest to
his thoughts. In short, he exercised a vigilant care over all alike,
and interceded with God as much for the safety of his enemies as for
that of his own subjects.
CHAPTER XV.
Treacherous Friendship, and Idolatrous Practices of Licinius.
And inasmuch as he who had lately fled before him
now dissembled his real sentiments, and again petitioned for a renewal
of friendship and alliance, the emperor thought fit, on certain
conditions, to grant his request, (1) in the hope that such a measure
might be expedient, and generally advantageous to the community.
Licinius, however, while he pretended a ready submission to the terms
prescribed, and attested his sincerity by oaths, at this very time was
secretly engaged in collecting a military force, and again meditated
war and strife, inviting even the barbarians to join his standard, (2)
and he began also to look about him for other gods, having been
deceived by those in whom he had hitherto trusted. And, without
bestowing a thought on what he had himself publicly spoken on the
subject of false deities, or choosing to acknowledge that God who had
fought on the side of Constantine, he made himself ridiculous by
seeking for a multitude of new gods.
CHAPTER XVI.
How
Licinius counseled his Soldiers not to attack
the Standard of the Cross.
Having now learned by experience the Divine and
mysterious power which resided in the salutary trophy, by means of
which Constantine's army had become habituated to victory, he
admonished his soldiers never to direct their attack against this
standard, nor even incautiously to allow their eyes to rest upon it;
assuring them that it possessed a terrible power, and was especially
hostile to him; so that they would do well carefully to avoid any
collision with it. And now, having given these directions, he prepared
for a decisive conflict with him whose humanity prompted him still to
hesitate, and to postpone the fate which he foresaw awaited his
adversary. The enemy, however, confident in the aid of a multitude of
gods, advanced to the attack with a powerful array of military force,
preceded by certain images of the dead, and lifeless statues, as their
defense. On the other side, the emperor, secure in the armor of
godliness, opposed to the numbers of the enemy the salutary and
life-giving sign, as at once a terror to the foe, and a protection from
every harm. And for a while he paused, and preserved at first the
attitude of forbearance, from respect to the treaty of peace to which
he had given his sanction, that he might not be the first to commence
the contest.
CHAPTER XVII.
Constantine's Victory.
But as soon as he perceived that his adversaries
persisted in their resolution, and were already drawing their swords,
he gave free scope to his indignation, and by a single charge (1)
overthrew in a moment the entire body of the enemy, thus triumphing at
once over them and their gods.
CHAFFER XVIII.
Death of Licinius, and Celebration of the Event.
He then proceeded to deal with this adversary of God
and his followers according to the laws of war, and consign them to
fitting punishment. Accordingly the tyrant himself, and they whose
counsels had supported him in his impiety, were together subjected to
the just punishment of death. After this, those who had so lately been
deceived by their vain confidence in false deities, acknowledged with
unfeigned sincerity the God of Constantine, and openly professed their
belief in him as the true and only God.
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CHAPTER XIX. Rejoicings and Festivities.
And now, the impious being thus removed, the sun
once more shone brightly after the gloomy cloud of tyrannic power. Each
separate portion of the Roman dominion became blended with the rest;
the Eastern nations united with those of the West, and the whole body
of the Roman empire was graced as it were by its head in the person of
a single and supreme ruler, whose sole authority pervaded the whole.
Now too the bright rays of the light of godliness gladdened the days of
those who had heretofore been sitting in darkness and the shadow of
death. Past sorrows were no more remembered, for all united in
celebrating the praises of the victorious prince, and avowed ·
their recognition of his preserver as the only true God. Thus he whose
character shone with all the virtues of piety, the emperor Victor, for
he had himself adopted this name as a most fitting appellation to
express the victory which God had granted him over all who hated or
opposed him, (1) assumed the dominion of the East, and thus singly
governed the Roman empire, re-united, as in former times, under one
head. Thus, as he was the first to proclaim to all the sole sovereignty
of God, so he himself, as sole sovereign of the Roman world, extended
his authority over the whole human race. Every apprehension of those
evils under the pressure of which all had suffered was now removed; men
whose heads had drooped in sorrow now regarded each other with smiling
countenances, and looks expressive of their inward joy. With
processions and hymns of praise they first of all, as they were told,
ascribed the supreme sovereignty to God, as in truth the King of kings;
and then with continued acclamations rendered honor to the victorious
emperor, and the Caesars, his most discreet and pious sons. The former
afflictions were forgotten, and all past impieties forgiven: while with
the enjoyment of present happiness was mingled the expectation of
continued blessings in the future.
CHAPTER XX.
Constantine's Enactments in Favor of the Confessors.
MOREOVER, the emperor's edicts, permeated with his
humane spirit, were published among us also, as they had been among the
inhabitants of the other division of the empire; and his laws, which
breathed a spirit of piety toward God, gave promise of manifold
blessings, since they secured many advantages to his provincial
subjects in every nation, and at the same time prescribed measures
suited to the exigencies of the churches of God. For first of all they
recalled those who, in consequence of their refusal to join in idol
worship, had been driven to exile, or ejected from their homes by the
governors of their respective provinces. In the next place, they
relieved from their burdens those who for the same reason had been
adjudged to serve in the civil courts, and ordained restitution to be
made to any who had been deprived of property. They too, who in the
time of trial had signalized themselves by fortitude of soul in the
cause of God, and had therefore been condemned to the painful labor of
the mines, or consigned to the solitude of islands, or compelled to
toil in the public works, all received an immediate release from these
burdens; while others, whose religious constancy had cost them the
forfeiture of their military rank, were vindicated by the emperor's
generosity from this dishonor: for he granted them the alternative
either of resuming their rank, and enjoying their former privileges,
or, in the event of their preferring a more settled life, of perpetual
exemption from all service. Lastly, all who had been compelled by way
of disgrace and insult to serve in the employments of women, (1) he
likewise freed with the rest.
CHAPTER XXI.
His Laws concerning Martyrs, and concerning
Ecclesiastical Property.
Such were the benefits secured by the emperor's written mandates
to the persons of those
who had thus suffered for the faith, d his laws made ample provision
for their property also.
With regard to those holy martyrs of God who had
laid down their lives in the confession of His name, he directed that
their estates should be enjoyed by their nearest kindred; and, in
default of any of these, that the right of inheritance should be vested
in the churches. Farther, whatever property had been consigned to other
parties from the treasury, whether in the way of sale or gift, together
with that retained in the treasury itself, the generous mandate of the
emperor directed should be restored to the original owners. Such
benefits did his bounty, thus widely diffused, confer on the Church of
God.
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CHAPTER XXII.
How he won the Favor of the People.
But his munificence bestowed still further and more
numerous favors on the heathen peoples and the other nations of his
empire. So that the inhabitants of our [Eastern] regions, who had heard
of the privileges experienced in the opposite portion of the empire,
and had blessed the fortunate recipients of them, and longed for the
enjoyment of a similar lot for themselves, now with one consent
proclaimed their own happiness, when they saw themselves in possession
of all these blessings; and confessed that the appearance of such a
monarch to the human race was indeed a marvelous event, and such as the
world's history had never yet recorded. Such were their sentiments.
CHAPTER XXIII.
That he declared God to be the Author of his Prosperity: and concerning
his Rescripts.
AND now that, through the powerful aid of God his
Saviour, all nations owned their subjection to the emperor's authority,
he openly proclaimed to all the name of Him to whose bounty he owed all
his blessings, and declared that He, and not himself, was the author of
his past victories. This declaration, written both in the Latin and
Greek languages, he caused to be transmitted through every province of
the empire. Now the excellence of his style of expression (1) may be
known from a perusal of his letters themselves which were two in
number; one addressed to the churches of God; the other to the heathen
population in the several cities of the empire. The latter of these I
think it well to insert here as connected with my present subject, in
order on the one hand that a copy of this document may be recorded as
matter of history, and thus preserved to posterity, and on the other
that it may serve to confirm the truth of my present narrative. It is
taken from an authentic copy of the imperial statute in my own
possession and the signature in the emperor's own handwriting attaches
as it were the impress of truth to the statement I have made.
CHAPTER XXIV.
Law of Constantine respecting Piety towards God, and the Christian
Religion. (1)
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS to the inhabitants of the
province of Palestine.
"To all who entertain just and sound sentiments
respecting the character of the Supreme Being, it has long been most
clearly evident, and beyond the possibility of doubt, how vast a
difference there has ever been between those who maintain a careful
observance of the hallowed duties of the Christian religion, and those
who treat this religion with hostility or contempt. But at this present
time, we may see by stilt more manifest proofs, and still more decisive
instances, both how unreasonable it were to question this truth, and
how mighty is the power of the Supreme God: since it appears that they
who faithfully observe His holy laws, and shrink from the transgression
of His commandments, are rewarded with abundant blessings, and are
endued with well-grounded hope as well as ample power for the
accomplishment of their undertakings. On the other hand, they who have
cherished impious sentiments have experienced results corresponding to
their evil choice. For how is it to be expected that any blessing would
be obtained by one who neither desired to acknowledge nor duly to
worship that God who is the source of all blessing? Indeed, facts
themselves are a confirmation of what I say.
CHAPTER XXV.
An Illustration from Ancient Times.
"FOR certainly any one who will mentally retrace the
course of events from the earliest period down to the present time, and
will reflect on what has occurred in past ages, will find that all who
have made justice and probity the basis of their conduct, have not only
carried their undertakings to a successful issue, but have gathered, as
it were, a store of sweet fruit as the produce of this pleasant root.
Again, whoever observes the career of those who have been bold in the
practice of oppression or injustice; who have either directed their
senseless fury against God himself, or have conceived no kindly
feelings towards their fellow-men, but have dared to afflict them with
exile, disgrace, confiscation, massacre, or other miseries of the like
kind, and all this without any sense of compunction, or wish to direct
thoughts to a better course, will find that such men have received a
recompense proportioned to their crimes. And these are results which
might naturally and reasonably be expected to ensue?
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CHAPTER XXVI.
Of Persecuted and Persecutors.
"For whoever have addressed themselves with
integrity of purpose to any course of action, keeping the fear of God
continually before their thoughts, and preserving an unwavering faith
in him, without allowing present fears or dangers to outweigh their
hope of future blessings--such persons, though for a season they may
have experienced painful trials, have borne their afflictions lightly,
being supported by the belief of greater rewards in store for them; and
their character has acquired a brighter luster in proportion to
the severity of their past suffer-rags. With regard, on the other hand,
to those who have either dishonorably slighted the principles of
justice, or refused to acknowledge the Supreme God themselves, and yet
have dared to subject others who have faithfully maintained his worship
to the most cruel insults and punishments; who have failed equally to
recognize their own wretchedness in oppressing others on such
grounds, and the happiness and blessing of those who preserved their
devotion to God even in the midst of such sufferings: with regard, I
say, to such men, many a time have their armies been slaughtered, many
a time have they been put to flight; and their warlike preparations
have ended in total ruin and defeat.
CHAPTER XXVII.
How the Persecution became the Occasion of
Calamities to the Aggressors.
"From the causes I have described, grievous wars
arose, and destructive devastations. Hence followed a scarcity of the
common necessaries of life, and a crowd of consequent miseries: hence,
too, the authors of these impieties have either met a disastrous death
of extreme suffering, or have dragged out an ignominious existence, and
confessed it to be worse than death itself, thus receiving as it were a
measure of punishment proportioned to the heinousness of their crimes.
(1) For each experienced a degree of calamity according to the blind
fury with which he had been led to combat, and as he thought, defeat
the Divine will: so that they not only felt the pressure of the ills of
this present life, but were tormented also by a most lively
apprehension of punishment in the future world. (2)
CHAPTER XXVIII.
That God chose Constantine to be the Minister
of Blessing.
"AND now, with such a mass of impiety oppressing the
human race, and the commonwealth in danger of being utterly destroyed,
as if by the agency of some pestilential disease, and therefore needing
powerful and effectual aid; what was the relief, and what the remedy
which the Divinity devised for these evils? (And by Divinity is meant
the one who is alone and truly God, the possessor of almighty and
eternal power: and surely it cannot be deemed arrogance in one who has
received benefits from God, to acknowledge them in the loftiest terms
of praise.) I myself, then, was the instrument whose services He chose,
and esteemed suited for the accomplishment of his will. Accordingly,
beginning at the remote Britannic ocean, and the regions where,
according to the law of nature, the sun sinks beneath the horizon,
through the aid of divine power I banished and utterly removed every
form of evil which prevailed, in the hope that the human race,
enlightened through my instrumentality, might be recalled to a due
observance of the holy laws of God, and at the same time our most
blessed faith might prosper under the guidance of his almighty hand.
CHAPTER XXIX.
Constantine's Expressions of Piety towards God; and Praise of the
Confessors.
"I said, (1) under the guidance of his hand; for I
would desire never to be forgetful of the gratitude due to his grace.
Believing, therefore, that this most excellent service had been
confided to me as a special gift, I proceeded as far as the regions of
the East, which, being under the pressure of severer calamities, seemed
to demand still more effectual remedies at my hands. At the same time I
am most certainly persuaded that I myself owe my life, my every breath,
in short, my very inmost and secret thoughts, entirely to the favor of
the Supreme God. Now I am well aware that they who are sincere in
the pursuit of the heavenly hope, and have fixed this hope in
heaven itself as the peculiar and predominant principle of their lives,
have no need to depend on human favor, but rather have enjoyed higher
honors in proportion as they have separated themselves from the
inferior and evil things of this earthly existence. Nevertheless I deem
it
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incumbent on me to remove at once and most completely from all such
persons the hard necessities laid upon them for a season, and the
unjust inflictions under which they have suffered, though free from any
guilt or just liability. For it would be strange indeed, that the
fortitude and constancy of soul displayed by such men should be fully
apparent during the reign of those whose first object it was to
persecute them on account of their devotion to God, and yet that the
glory of their character should not be more bright and blessed, under
the administration of a prince who is His servant.
CHAPTER XXX.
A Law granting Release from Exile, from Service in the Courts, and from
the Confiscation of Property.
"LET all therefore who have exchanged their country
for a foreign land, because they would not abandon that reverence and
faith toward God to which they had devoted themselves with their whole
hearts, and have in consequence at different times been subject to the
cruel sentence of the courts; together with any who have been enrolled
in the registers of the public courts though in time past exempt from
such office let these, I say, now render thanks to God the Liberator of
all, in that they are restored to their hereditary property, and their
wonted tranquility. Let those also who have been despoiled of their
goods, and have hitherto passed a wretched existence, mourning under
the loss of all that they possessed, once more be restored to their
former homes, their families, and estates, and receive with joy the
bountiful kindness of God.
CHAPTER XXXI.
Release likewise granted to Exiles in the Islands.
"FURTHERMORE, it is our command that all those who
have been detained in the islands against their will should receive the
benefit of this present provision; in order that they who rill now have
been surrounded by rugged mountains and the encircling barrier of the
ocean, being now set free from that gloomy and desolate solitude, may
fulfill their fondest wish by revisiting their dearest friends. Those,
too, who have prolonged a miserable life in the midst of abject and
wretched squalor, welcoming their restoration as an unlooked-for gain,
and discarding henceforth all anxious thoughts, may pass their lives
with us in freedom from all fear. For that any one could live in a
state of fear under our government, when we boast and believe ourselves
to be the servants of God, would surely be a thing most extraordinary
even to hear of, and quite incredible; and our mission is to rectify
the errors of the others.
CHAPTER XXXII.
And to those ignominiously employed in the
Mines and_Public Works.
"AGAIN, with regard to those who have been condemned
either to the grievous labor of the mines, or to service in the public
works, let them enjoy the sweets of leisure in place of these
long-continued toils, and henceforth lead a far easier life, and more
accordant with the wishes of their hearts, exchanging the incessant
hardships of their tasks for quiet relaxation. And if any have
forfeited the common privilege of liberty, or have unhappily suffered
dishonor, (1) let them hasten back every one to the country of his
nativity, and resume with becoming joy their former positions in
society, from which they have been as it were separated by long
residence abroad.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
Concerning those Confessors engaged in Military
Service.
"ONCE more, with respect to those who had previously
been preferred to any military distinction, of which they were
afterwards deprived, for the cruel and unjust reason that they chose
rather to acknowledge their allegiance to God than to retain the rank
they held; we leave them perfect liberty of choice, either to occupy
their former stations, should they be content again to engage in
military service, or after an honorable discharge, to live in
undisturbed tranquillity. For it is fair and consistent that men who
have displayed such magnanimity and fortitude in meeting the perils to
which they have been exposed, should be allowed the choice either of
enjoying peaceful leisure, or resuming their former rank.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
The Liberation of Free _Persons condemned to labor in the Women's
Apartments, or to Servitude.
"LASTLY, if any have wrongfully been deprived of the
privileges of noble lineage, and subjected to a judicial sentence which
has consigned them
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to the women's apartments (1) and to the linen making, there to undergo
a cruel and miserable labor, or reduced them to servitude for the
benefit of the public treasury, without any exemption on the ground of
superior birth; let such persons, resuming the honors they had
previously enjoyed, and their proper dignities, henceforward exult in
the blessings of liberty, and lead a glad life. Let the free man, (2)
too, by some injustice and inhumanity, or even madness, made a slave,
who has felt the sudden transition from liberty to bondage, and
ofttimes bewailed his unwonted labors, return to his family once more a
free man in virtue of this our ordinance, and seek those employments
which befit a state of freedom; and let him dismiss from his
remembrance those services which he found so oppressive, and which so
ill became his condition.
CHAPTER XXXV.
Of the Inheritance of the Property of Martyrs and Confessors, also of
those who had suffered Banishment or Confiscation of Property.
" Nor must we omit to notice those estates of which
individuals have been deprived on various pretenses. For if any of
those who have engaged with dauntless and resolute determination in the
noble and divine conflict of martyrdom have also been stripped of their
fortunes; or if the same has been the lot of the confessors, who have
won for themselves the hope of eternal treasures; or if the loss of
property has befallen those who were driven from their native land
because they would not yield to the persecutors, and betray their
faith; lastly, if any who have escaped the sentence of death have yet
been despoiled of their worldly goods; we ordain that the inheritances
of all such persons be transferred to their nearest kindred. And
whereas the laws expressly assign this right to those most nearly
related, it will be easy to ascertain to whom these inheritances
severally belong. And it is evidently reasonable that the succession in
these cases should belong to those who would have stood in the place of
nearest affinity, had the deceased experienced a natural death.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
The Church is declared Heir of those who leave no Kindred; and the Free
Gifts of such Persons Confirmed.
"But should there be no surviving relation to succeed in due course to
the property of those above-mentioned, I mean the martyrs, or
confessors, or those who for some such cause have been banished from
their native land; in such cases we ordain that the church locally
nearest in each instance shall succeed to the inheritance. And surely
it will be no wrong to the departed that that church should be their
heir, for whose sake they have endured every extremity of suffering. We
think it necessary to add this also, that in case any of the
above-mentioned persons have donated any part of their property in the
way of free gift, possession of such property shall be assured, as is
reasonable, to those who have thus received it.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
Lands, Gardens, or Houses, but not Actual Produce from them, are to be
given back.
"AND that there may be no obscurity in this our
ordinance, but every one may readily apprehend its requirements, let
all men hereby know that if they are now maintaining themselves in
possession of a piece of land, or a house, or garden, or anything else
which had appertained to the before-mentioned persons, it will be good
and advantageous for them to acknowledge the fact, and make restitution
with the least possible delay. On the other hand, although it should
appear that some individuals have reaped abundant profits from this
unjust possession, we do not consider that justice demands the
restitution of such profits. They must, however, declare explicitly
what amount of benefit they have thus derived, and from what sources,
and entreat our pardon for this offense; in order that their past
covetousness may in some measure be atoned for, and that the Supreme
God may accept this compensation as a token of contrition, and be
pleased graciously to pardon the sin.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
In what Manner Requests should be made for
these.
"BUT it is possible that those who have become
masters of such property (if it be right or possible to allow them such
a title) will assure us by way of apology for their conduct, that it
was not in their power to abstain from this appropriation at a time
when a spectacle of misery in all its forms everywhere met the view;
when men were cruelly driven from their homes, slaughtered without
mercy, thrust forth without remorse: when the confiscation of the
property of innocent persons was a common thing, and
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when persecutions and property seizures were unceasing. If any defend
their conduct by such reasons as these, and still persist in their
avaricious temper, they shall be made sensible that such a course will
bring punishment on themselves, and all the more because this
correction of evil is the very characteristic of our service to the
Supreme God. So that it will henceforth be dangerous to retain what
dire necessity may in time past have compelled men to take; especially
because it is in any case incumbent on us to discourage covetous
desires, both by persuasion, and by warning exam-pies.
CHAPTER XXXIX.
The Treasury must restore Lands, Gardens, and Houses to the Churches.
"Nor shall the treasury itself, should it have any
of the things we have spoken of, be permitted to keep them; but,
without venturing as it were to raise its voice against the holy
churches, it shall justly relinquish in their favor what it has for a
time unjustly retained. We ordain, therefore, that all things
whatsoever which shall appear righteously to belong to the churches,
whether the property consist of houses or fields and gardens, or
whatever the nature of it may be, shall be restored in their full value
and integrity, and with undiminished right of possession.
CHAPTER XL.
The Tombs of Martyrs and the Cemeteries to be transferred to the
Possession of the Churches.
"Again, with respect to those places which are
honored in being the depositories of the remains of martyrs, and
continue to be memorials of their glorious departure; how can we doubt
that they rightly belong to the churches, or refrain from issuing our
injunction to that effect? For surely there can be no better
liberality, no labor more pleasing or profitable, than to be thus
employed under the guidance of the Divine Spirit, in order that those
things which have been appropriated on false pretenses by unjust and
wicked men, may be restored, as justice demands, and once more secured
to the holy churches.
CHAPTER XLI.
Those who have purchased Property belonging to the Church, or received
it as a Gift, are to restore it.
"AND since it would be wrong in a provision intended
to include all cases, to pass over those who have either procured any
such property by right of purchase from the treasury, or have retained
it when conveyed to them in the form of a gift; let all who have thus
rashly indulged their insatiable thirst of gain be assured that,
although by daring to make such purchases they have done all in their
power to alienate our clemency from themselves, they shall nevertheless
not fail of obtaining it, so far as is possible and consistent with
propriety in each case. So much then is determined.
CHAPTER XLII.
An Earnest Exhortation to worship God.
"AND now, since it appears by the clearest and most
convincing evidence, that the miseries which erewhile oppressed the
entire human race are now banished from every part of the world,
through the power of Almighty God, and at the same time the counsel and
aid which he is pleased on many occasions to administer through our
agency; it remains for all, both individually and unitedly, to observe
and seriously consider how great this power and how efficacious this
grace are, which have annihilated and utterly destroyed this
generation, as I may call them, of most wicked and evil men; have
restored joy to the good, and diffused it over all countries; and now
guarantee the fullest authority both to honor the Divine law as it
should be honored, with all reverence, and pay due observance to those
who have dedicated themselves to the service of that law. These rising
as from some dark abyss and, with an enlightened knowledge of the
present course of events, will henceforward render to its precepts that
becoming reverence and honor which are consistent with their pious
character.
Let this ordinance be published in our Eastern
provinces." (1)
CHAPTER XLIII.
How the Enactments of Constantine were carried into Effect.
Such were the injunctions contained in the first
letter which the emperor addressed to us. And the provisions of this
enactment were speedily carried into effect, everything being conducted
in a manner quite different from the atrocities which had but lately
been daringly perpetrated during the cruel ascendancy of the tyrants.
Those persons also who were legally entitled to it, received the
benefit of the emperor's liberality.
CHAPTER XLIV.
That he promoted Christians to Offices of Government, and forbade
Gentiles in Such Stations to offer Sacrifice.
After this the emperor continued to address himself
to matters of high importance, and first he sent governors to the
several provinces, mostly such as were devoted to the saving faith; and
if any appeared inclined to adhere to Gentile worship, he forbade them
to offer sacrifice. This law applied also to those who surpassed the
provincial governors in rank and dignity, (1) and even to those who
occupied the highest station, and held the authority of the Praetorian
Praefecture. (2) If they were Christians, they were free to act
consistently with their profession; if otherwise, the law required them
to abstain from idolatrous sacrifices.
CHAPTER XLV.
Statutes which forbade Sacrifice, and enjoined
the Building of Churches.
Soon after this, two laws were promulgated about the
same time; one of which was intended to restrain the idolatrous
abominations which in time past had been practiced in every city and
country; and it provided that no one should erect images, or practice
divination and other false and foolish arts, or offer sacrifice in any
way. (1) The other statute commanded the heightening of the oratories,
and the enlargement in length and breadth of the churches of God; as
though it were expected that, now the madness of polytheism was wholly
removed, pretty nearly all mankind would henceforth attach themselves
to the service of God. His own personal piety induced the emperor to
devise and write these instructions to the governors of the several
provinces: and the law farther admonished them not to spare the
expenditure of money, but to draw supplies from the imperial treasury
itself. Similar instructions were written also to the bishops of the
several churches; and the emperor was pleased to transmit the same to
myself, being the first letter which he personally addressed to me.
CHAPTER XLVI.
Constantine's Letter to Eusebius and Other Bishops, respecting the
Building of Churches, with Instructions to repair the Old, and erect
New Ones on a Larger Scale, with the Aid of the Provincial Governors.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS, to Eusebius.
"Forasmuch as the unholy and willful rule of tyranny
has persecuted the servants of our Saviour until this present time, I
believe and have fully satisfied myself, best beloved brother, that the
buildings belonging to all the churches have either become ruinous
through actual neglect, or have received inadequate attention from the
dread of the violent spirit of the times.
"But now, that liberty is restored, and that serpent
(1) driven from the administration of public affairs by the providence
of the Supreme God, and our instrumentality, we trust that all can see
the efficacy of the Divine power, and that they who through fear of
persecution or through unbelief have fallen into any errors, will now
acknowledge the true God, and adopt in future that course of life which
is according to truth and rectitude. With respect, therefore, to the
churches over which you yourself preside, as well as the bishops,
presbyters, and deacons of other churches with whom you are acquainted,
do you admonish all to be zealous in their attention to the buildings
of the churches, and either to repair or enlarge those which at present
exist, or, in cases of necessity, to erect new ones.
"We also empower you, and the others through you, to
demand what is needful for the work, both from the provincial governors
and from the Praetorian Praefect. For they have received instructions
to be most diligent in obedience to your Holiness's orders. God
preserve you, beloved brother." A copy of this charge was transmitted
throughout all the provinces to the bishops of the several churches:
the provincial governors received directions accordingly, and the
imperial statute was speedily carried into effect.
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CHAPTER XLVII.
That he wrote a Letter in Condemnation of
Idolatry.
MOREOVER, the emperor, who continually made progress
in piety towards God, dispatched an admonitory letter to the
inhabitants of every province, respecting the error of idolatry into
which his predecessors in power bad fallen, in which he eloquently
exhorts his subjects to acknowledge the Supreme God, and openly to
profess their allegiance to his Christ as their Saviour. This letter
also, which is in his own handwriting, I have judged it necessary to
translate from the Latin for the present work, in order that we may
hear, as it were, the voice the emperor himself uttering these
sentiments in the audience of all mankind.
CHAPTER XLVIII.
Constantine's Edict to the People of the Provinces concerning the Error
of Polytheism, commencing with Some General Remarks on Virtue and Vice.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS, to the
people of the Eastern provinces.
"Whatever is comprehended under the sovereign (1)
laws of nature, seems to convey to all men an adequate idea of the
forethought and intelligence of the divine order. Nor can any, whose
minds are directed in the true path of knowledge to the attainment of
that end, entertain a doubt that the just perceptions of sound l
reason, as well as those of the natural vision itself, through the sole
influence of genuine virtue, lead to the knowledge of God. Accordingly
no wise man will ever be surprised when he sees the mass of mankind
influenced by opposite sentiments. For the beauty of virtue would be
useless (2) and unperceived, did not vice display in contrast with it
the course of perversity and folly. Hence it is that the one is crowned
with reward, while the most high God is himself the administrator of
judgment to the other.
"And now I will endeavor to lay before you all as
explicitly as possible, the nature of my own hopes of future happiness.
(3)
CHAPTER XLIX.
Concerning Constantine's Pious Father, and the Persecutors Diocletian
and Maximian.
"The former emperors I have been accustomed to
regard as those with whom I could have no sympathy, (1) on account of
the savage cruelty of their character. Indeed, my father was the only
one who uniformly practiced the duties of humanity, and with admirable
piety called for the blessing of God the Father on all his actions, but
the rest, unsound in mind, were more zealous of cruel than gentle
measures; and this disposition they indulged without restraint, and
thus persecuted the true doctrine during the whole period of their
reign. Nay, so violent did their malicious fury become, that in the
midst of a profound peace, as regards both the religious and ordinary
interests of men, they kindled, as it were, the flames of a civil war.
(2)
CHAPTER L.
That the Persecution originated an Account of the Oracle of Apollo,
who, it was said, could not give Oracles because of "the Righteous Men."
"About that time it is said that Apollo spoke from a
deep and gloomy cavern, and through the medium of no human voice, and
declared that the righteous men on earth were a bar to his speaking the
truth, and accordingly that the oracles from the tripod were
fallacious. Hence it was that he suffered his tresses to droop in token
of grief, (1) and mourned the evils which the loss of the oracular
spirit would entail on mankind. But let us mark the consequences of
this.
CHAPTER LI.
That Constantine, when a Youth, heard from him who wrote the
Persecution Edict that "the Righteous Men" were the Christians.
"I call now on thee, most high God, to witness that,
when young, I heard him who at that time was chief among the Roman
emperors, unhappy, truly unhappy as he was, and laboring under mental
delusion, make earnest enquiry of his attendants as to who these
righteous ones on earth were, and that one of the Pagan priests then
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present replied that they were doubtless the Christians. This answer he
eagerly received, like some honeyed draught, and unsheathed the
sword which was ordained for the punishment of crime, against those
whose holiness was beyond reproach. Immediately, therefore, he issued
those sanguinary edicts, traced, if I may so express myself, with a
sword's point dipped in blood; at the same time commanding his judges
to tax their ingenuity for the invention of new and more terrible
punishments.
CHAPTER LII.
The Manifold Forms of Torture and Punishment practiced against the
Christians.
"Then, indeed, one might see with what arrogance
those venerable worshipers of God were daily exposed, with continued
and relentless cruelty, to outrages of the most grievous kind, and how
that modesty of character (1) which no enemy had ever treated with
disrespect, became the mere sport of their infuriated fellow-citizens.
Is there any punishment by fire, are there any tortures or forms of
torment, which were not applied to all, without distinction of age or
sex? Then, it may be truly said, the earth shed tears, the
all-encircling compass of heaven mourned because of the pollution of
blood; and the very light of day itself was darkened in grief at the
spectacle.
CHAPTER LIII.
That the Barbarians kindly received the
Christians.
"But what is the consequence of this? Why, the
barbarians themselves may boast now of the contrast their conduct
presents to these creel deeds; for they received and kept in gentlest
captivity those who then fled from amongst us, and secured to them not
merely safety from danger, but also the free exercise of their holy
religion. And now the Roman people bear that lasting stain which the
Christians, at that time driven from the Roman world, and taking refuge
with the barbarians, have branded on them.
CHAPTER LIV.
What Vengeance overtook those who on Account of the Oracle raised the
Persecution.
"But why need I longer dwell on these lamentable
events, and the general sorrow which in consequence pervaded the world?
The perpetrators of this dreadful guilt are now no more: they have
experienced a miserable end, and are consigned to unceasing punishment
in the depths of the lower world. They encountered each other in civil
strife, and have left neither name nor race behind. And surely this
calamity would never have befallen them, had not that impious
deliverance of the Pythian oracle exercised a delusive power over them.
(1)
CHAPTER LV.
Constantine gives Glory to God, makes Grateful Acknowledgment of the
Sign of the Cross, and prays for the Churches and People.
"AND now I beseech thee, most mighty God, to be
merciful and gracious to thine Eastern nations, to thy people in these
provinces, worn as they are by protracted miseries; and grant them
healing through thy servant. Not without cause, O holy God, do I prefer
this prayer to thee, the Lord of all. Under thy guidance have I devised
and accomplished measures fraught with blessings: preceded by thy
sacred sign I have led thy armies to victory: and still, on each
occasion of public danger, I follow the same symbol of thy perfections
while advancing to meet the foe. Therefore have I dedicated to thy
service a soul duly attempered by love and fear. For thy name I truly
love, while I regard with reverence that power of which thou hast given
abundant proofs, to the confirmation and increase of my faith. I
hasten, then, to devote all my powers to the restoration of thy most
holy dwelling-place, which those profane and impious men have defiled
by the contamination of violence.
CHAPTER LVI.
He prays that All may be Christians, but
compels None.
"MY own desire is, for the common good of the world
and the advantage of all mankind, that thy people should enjoy a life
of peace and undisturbed concord. Let those, therefore, who still
delight in error, be made welcome to the same degree of peace and
tranquillity which they have who believe. For it may be that this
restoration of equal privileges to all will prevail to lead them into
the straight path. Let no one molest another, but let every one do as
his soul desires. Only let men of sound judgment be assured of this,
that those only can live a life of holiness and purity, whom thou
callest to a reli-
514
ance on thy holy laws. With regard to those who will hold themselves
aloof from us, let them have, if they please, their temples (1) of
lies: we have the glorious edifice of thy truth, which thou hast given
us as our native home. (2) We pray, however, that they too may receive
the same blessing, and thus experience that heartfelt joy which unity
of sentiment inspires.
CHAPTER LVII.
gives Glory to God, who has given Light by his Son to those who were in
Error.
"And truly our worship is no new or recent thing,
but one which thou hast ordained for thine own due honor, from the time
when, as we believe, this system of the universe was first established.
And, although mankind have deeply fallen, and have been seduced by
manifold errors, yet hast thou revealed a pure light in the person of
thy Son, that the power of evil should not utterly prevail, and hast
thus given testimony to all men concerning thyself.
CHAPTER LVIII.
He glorifies him again for his Government of
the Universe.
"THE truth of this is assured to us by thy works. It
is thy power which removes our guilt, and makes us faithful. The sun
and the moon have their settled course. The stars move in no uncertain
orbits round this terrestrial globe. The revolution of the seasons
recurs according to unerring laws. The solid fabric of the earth was
established by thy word: the winds receive their impulse at appointed
times; and the course of the waters continues with ceaseless flow, (1)
the ocean is circumscribed by an immovable barrier, and whatever is
comprehended within the compass of earth and sea, is all contrived for
wondrous and important ends.
"Were it not so, were not all regulated by the
determination of thy will, so great a diversity, so manifold a division
of power, would unquestionably have brought ruin on the whole race and
its affairs. For those agencies which have maintained a mutual strife
(2) would thus have carried to a more deadly length that hostility
against the human race which they even now exercise, though unseen by
mortal eyes.
CHAPTER LIX.
He gives Glory to God, as the Constant Teacher
of Good.
"ABUNDANT thanks, most mighty God, and Lord of all,
be rendered to thee, that, by so much as our nature becomes known from
the diversified pursuits of man, by so much the more are the precepts
of thy divine doctrine confirmed to those whose thoughts are directed
aright, and who are sincerely devoted to true virtue. As for those who
will not allow themselves to be cured of their error, let them not
attribute this to any but themselves. For that remedy which is of
sovereign and healing virtue is openly placed within the reach of all.
Only let not any one inflict an injury on that religion which
experience itself testifies to be pure and undefiled. Henceforward,
therefore, let us all enjoy in common the privilege placed within our
reach, I mean the blessing of peace, endeavoring to keep our conscience
pure from all that is contrary.
CHAPTER LX.
An Admonition at the Close of the Edict, that No One should trouble his
Neighbor.
"ONCE more, let none use that to the detriment of
another which he may himself have received on conviction of its truth;
but let every, one, if it be possible, apply what he has understood and
known to the benefit of his neighbor; if otherwise, let him relinquish
the attempt. For it is one thing voluntarily to undertake the conflict
for immortality, another to compel others to do so from the fear of
punishment.
"These are our words; and we have enlarged on these
topics more than our ordinary clemency would have dictated, because we
were unwilling to dissemble or be false to the true faith; and the more
so, since we understand there are some who say that the rites of the
heathen temples, and the power of darkness, have been entirely removed.
We should indeed have earnestly
515
recommended such removal to all men, were it not that the rebellious
spirit of those wicked errors still continues obstinately fixed in the
minds of some, so as to discourage the hope of any general restoration
of mankind to the ways of truth." (1)
CHAPTER LXI.
How Controversies originated at Alexandria through Matters relating to
Arius. (1)
In this manner the emperor, like a powerful herald
of God, addressed himself by his own letter to all the provinces, at
the same time warning his subjects against superstitious 2 error, and
encouraging them in the pursuit of true godliness. But in the midst of
his joyful anticipations of the success of this measure, he received
tidings of a most serious disturbance which had invaded the peace of
the Church. This intelligence he heard with deep concern, and at once
endeavored to devise a remedy for the evil. The origin of this
disturbance may be thus described. The people of God were in a truly
flourishing state, and abounding in the practice of good works. No
terror from without assailed them, but a bright and most profound
peace, through the favor of God, encompassed his Church on every side.
Meantime, however, the spirit of envy was watching to destroy our
blessings, which at first crept in unperceived, but soon revelled in
the midst of the assemblies of the saints. At length it reached the
bishops themselves, and arrayed them in angry hostility against each
other, on pretense of a jealous regard for the doctrines of Divine
truth. Hence it was that a mighty fire was kindled as it were from a
little spark, and which, originating in the first instance in the
Alexandrian church, (3) overspread the whole of Egypt and Libya, and
the further Thebaid. Eventually it extended its ravages to the other
provinces and cities of the empire; so that not only the prelates of
the churches might be seen encountering each other in the strife of
words, but the people themselves were completely divided, some adhering
to one faction and others to another. Nay, so notorious did the scandal
of these proceedings become, that the sacred matters of inspired
teaching were exposed to the most shameful ridicule in the very
theaters of the unbelievers.
CHAPTER LXII.
Concerning the Same Arius, and the Melitians. (1)
Some thus at Alexandria maintained an obstinate
conflict on the highest questions. Others throughout Egypt and the
Upper Thebaid, were at variance on account of an earlier controversy:
so that the churches were everywhere distracted by divisions. The body
therefore being thus diseased, the whole of Libya caught the contagion;
and the rest of the remoter provinces became affected with the same
disorder. For the disputants at Alexandria sent emissaries to the
bishops of the several provinces, who accordingly ranged themselves as
partisans on either side, and shared in the same spirit of discord.
CHAFFER LXIII.
How Constantine sent a Messenger and a Letter
concerning Peace.
As soon as the emperor was informed of these facts,
which he heard with much sorrow of heart, considering them in the light
of a calamity personally affecting himself, he forthwith selected
from the Christians in his train one whom he well knew to be approved
for the sobriety and genuineness of his faith, (1) and who had before
this time distinguished himself by the boldness. of his religious
profession, and sent him to negotiate peace (2) between the dissentient
parties at Alexandria. He also made him the bearer of a most needful
and appropriate letter to the original movers of the strife: and this
letter, as exhibiting a specimen of his watchful care over God's
people, it may be well to introduce into this our narrative of his
life. Its purport was as follows.
CHAPTER LXIV.
Constantine's Letter to Alexander the Bishop,
and Arius the Presbyter.
" VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS, to Alexander and Arius.
"I call that God to witness, as well I may, who is
the helper of my endeavors, and the Preserver of all men, that I had a
twofold reason for undertaking that duty which I have
now performed.
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CHAPTER LXV.
His Continual Anxiety for Peace.
"MY design then was, first, to bring the diverse
judgments formed by all nations respecting the Deity to a condition, as
it were, of settled uniformity; and, secondly, to restore to health the
system of the world, then suffering under the malignant power of a
grievous distemper. Keeping these objects in view, I sought to
accomplish the one by the secret eye of thought, while the other I
tried to rectify by the power of military authority. For I was aware
that, if I should succeed in establishing, according to my hopes, a
common harmony of sentiment among all the servants of God, the general
course of affairs would also experience a change correspondent to the
pious desires of them all.
CHAPTER LXVI.
That he also adjusted the Controversies which
had arisen in Africa.
"Finding, then, that the whole of Africa was
pervaded by an intolerable spirit of mad folly, through the influence
of those who with heedless frivolity had presumed to rend the religion
of the people into diverse sects; I was anxious to check this disorder,
and could discover no other remedy equal to the occasion, except in
sending some of yourselves to aid in restoring mutual harmony among the
disputants, after I had removed that common enemy (1) of mankind who
had interposed his lawless sentence for the prohibition of your holy
synods.
CHAFFER LXVII.
That Religion began in the East.
"For since the power of Divine light, and the law of
sacred worship, which, proceeding in the first instance, through the
favor of God, from the bosom, as it were, of the East, have illumined
the world, by their sacred radiance, I naturally believed that you
would be the first to promote the salvation of other nations, and
resolved with all energy of thought and diligence of enquiry to seek
your aid. As soon, therefore, as I had secured my decisive victory and
unquestionable triumph over my enemies, my first enquiry was concerning
that object which I felt to be of paramount interest and importance.
CHAPTER LXVIII.
Being grieved by the Dissension, he counsels
Peace.
"BUT, O glorious Providence of God! how deep a wound
did not my ears only, but my very heart receive in the report that
divisions existed among yourselves more grievous still than those which
continued in that country! (1) so that you, through whose aid I had
hoped to procure a remedy for the errors of others, are in a state
which needs healing even more than theirs. And yet, having made a
careful enquiry into the origin and foundation of these differences, I
find the cause to be of a truly insignificant character, and quite
unworthy of such fierce contention. Feeling myself, therefore,
compelled to address you in this letter, and to appeal at the same time
to your unanimity (2) and sagacity, I call on Divine Providence to
assist me in the task, while I interrupt your dissension in the
character of a minister of peace. And with reason: for if I might
expect, with the help of a higher Power, to be able without difficulty,
by a judicious appeal to the pious feelings of those who heard me, to
recall them to a better spirit, even though the occasion of the
disagreement were a greater one, how can I refrain from promising
myself a far easier and more speedy adjustment of this difference, when
the cause which hinders general harmony of sentiment is intrinsically
trifling and of little moment?
CHAPTER LXIX.
Origin of the Controversy between Alexander and Arius, and that these
Questions ought not to have been discussed.
"I UNDERSTAND, then, that the origin of the present
controversy is this. When you, Alexander, demanded of the presbyters
what opinion they severally maintained respecting a certain passage in
the Divine law, (1) or rather, I should say, that you asked them
something connected with an unprofitable question, then you, Arius,
inconsiderately insisted on (2) what ought never to have been conceived
at all, or if conceived, should have been buried in profound silence.
Hence it was that a dissension arose between you, fellowship was
withdrawn, (3) and
517
the holy people, rent into diverse parties, no longer preserved the
unity of the one body. Now, therefore, do ye both exhibit an equal
degree of forbearance, (4) and receive the advice which your
fellow-servant righteously gives. What then is this advice? It was
wrong in the first instance to propose such questions as these, or to
reply to them when propounded. For those points of discussion which are
enjoined by the authority of no law, but rather suggested by the
contentious spirit which is fostered by misused leisure, even though
they may be intended merely as an intellectual exercise, ought
certainly to be confined to the region of our own thoughts, and not
hastily produced in the popular assemblies, nor unadvisedly intrusted
to the general ear. For how very few are there able either accurately
to comprehend, or adequately to explain subjects so sublime and
abstruse in their nature? Or, granting that one were fully competent
for this, how many people will he convince? Or, who, again, in dealing
with questions of such subtle nicety as these, can secure himself
against a dangerous declension from the truth? It is incumbent
therefore on us in these cases to be sparing of our words, lest, in
case we ourselves are unable, through the feebleness of our natural
faculties, to give a clear explanation of the subject before us, or, on
the other hand, in case the slowness of our hearers' understandings
disables them from arriving at an accurate apprehension of what we say,
from one or other of these causes the people be reduced to the
alternative either of blasphemy or schism.
CHAPTER LXX.
An Exhortation to Unanimity.
"LET therefore both the unguarded question and the
inconsiderate answer receive your mutual forgiveness. (1) For the cause
of your difference has not been any of the leading doctrines or
precepts of the Divine law, nor has any new heresy respecting the
worship of God arisen among you. You are in truth of one and the same
judgment: (2) you may therefore well join in communion and fellowship.
CHAPTER LXXI.
There should be no
Contention in Matters which are in themselves of Little Moment.
"For as long as you continue to contend about these
small and very insignificant questions, it is not fitting that so large
a portion of God's people should be under the direction of your
judgment, since you are thus divided between yourselves. I believe it
indeed to be not merely unbecoming, but positively evil, that such
should be the case. But I will refresh your minds by a little
illustration, as follows. You know that philosophers, though they all
adhere to one system, are yet frequently at issue on certain points,
and differ, perhaps, in their degree of knowledge: yet they are
recalled to harmony of sentiment by the uniting power of their common
doctrines. If this be true, is it not far more reasonable that you, who
are the ministers of the Supreme God, should be of one mind respecting
the profession of the same religion? But let us still more thoughtfully
and with closer attention examine what I have said, and see whether it
be right that, on the ground of some trifling and foolish verbal
difference between ourselves, brethren should assume towards each other
the attitude of enemies, and the august meeting of the Synod be rent by
profane disunion, because of you who wrangle together on points so
trivial and altogether unessential? This is vulgar, and rather
characteristic of childish ignorance, than consistent I with the wisdom
of priests and men of sense. Let us withdraw ourselves with a good will
from these temptations of the devil. Our great God and common Saviour
of all has granted the same light to us all. Permit me, who am his
servant, to bring my task to a successful issue, under the direction of
his Providence, that I may be enabled, through my exhortations, and
diligence, and earnest admonition, to recall his people to communion
and fellowship. For since you have, as I said, but one faith, and one
sentiment respecting our religion, and since the Divine commandment in
all its parts enjoins on us all the duty of maintaining a spirit of
concord, let not the circumstance which has led to a slight difference
between you, since it does not affect the validity of the whole, cause
any division or schism among you. And this I say without in any way
desiring to force you to entire unity of judgment in regard to
this truly idle question, whatever its real nature may be. For the
dignity of your synod may be preserved, and the communion of your whole
body maintained unbroken, however wide a difference may exist among you
as to unimportant matters. For we are not all of us like-minded on
every subject,
518
nor is there such a thing as one disposition and judgment common to all
alike. As far, then, as regards the Divine Providence, let there be one
faith, and one understanding among you, one united judgment in
reference to God. But as to your subtle disputations on questions of
little or no significance, though you may be unable to harmonize in
sentiment, such differences should be consigned to the secret custody
of your own minds and thoughts. And now, let the preciousness of common
affection, let faith in the truth, let the honor due to God and to the
observance of his law continue immovably among you. Resume, then, your
mutual feelings of friendship, love, and regard: restore to the people
their wonted embracings; and do ye yourselves, having purified your
souls, as it were, once more acknowledge one another. For it often
happens that when a reconciliation is effected by the removal of the
causes of enmity, friendship becomes even sweeter than it was before.
CHAPTER LXXII.
The Excess of his Pious Concern caused him to
shed Tears; and his Intended Journey to the East was postponed because
of These Things.
"RESTORE me then my quiet days, and untroubled
nights, that the joy of undimmed light, the delight of a tranquil life,
may henceforth be my portion. Else must I needs mourn, with constant
tears, nor shall I be able to pass the residue of my days in peace. For
while the people of God, whose fellow-servant I am, are thus divided
amongst themselves by an unreasonable and pernicious spirit of
contention, how is it possible that I shall be able to maintain
tranquillity of mind? And I will give you a proof how great my sorrow
has been on this behalf. Not long since I had visited Nicomedia, and
intended forthwith to proceed from that city to the East. It was while
I was hastening towards you, and had already accomplished the greater
part of the distance, that the news of this matter reversed my plan,
that I might not be compelled to see with my own eyes that which I felt
myself scarcely able even to hear. Open then for me henceforward by
your unity of judgment that road to the regions of the East which your
dissensions have closed against me, and permit me speedily to see
yourselves and all other peoples rejoicing together, and render due
acknowledgment to God in the language of praise and thanksgiving for
the restoration of general concord and liberty to all."
CHAPTER LXXIII.
The Controversy continues without Abatement, even
after the Receipt of This Letter.
IN this manner the pious emperor endeavored by means of the foregoing
letter to promote the peace of the Church of God. And the excellent man
(1) to whom it was intrusted performed his part not merely by
communicating the letter itself, but also by seconding the views of him
who sent it; for he was, as I have said, in all respects a person of
pious character. The evil, however, was greater than could be remedied
by a single letter, insomuch that the acrimony of the contending
parties continually increased, and the effects of the mischief extended
to all the Eastern provinces. These things jealousy and some evil
spirit who looked with an envious eye on the prosperity of the Church,
wrought.
BOOK III.
CHAPTER I.
A Comparison of Constantine's Piety with the Wickedness of the
Persecutors.
IN this manner that spirit who is the hater of good,
actuated by envy at the blessing enjoyed by the Church, continued to
raise against her the stormy troubles of intestine discord, in the
midst of a period of peace and joy. Meanwhile, however, the
divinely-favored emperor did not slight the duties befitting him, but
exhibited in his whole conduct a direct contrast to those atrocities of
which the cruel tyrants had been lately guilty, (1) and thus triumphed
over every enemy that opposed him. For in the first place, the tyrants,
being themselves alienated from the true God, had enforced by every
compulsion the worship of false deities: Constantine convinced mankind
by actions as well as words, (2) that these bad but an imaginary
existence, and exhorted them to acknowledge the only true God. They had
derided his Christ with words of blasphemy: he assumed that as his
safeguard a against which they directed their blasphemies, and gloried
in the symbol of the Saviour's passion. They had persecuted and driven
from house and home the servants of Christ: he recalled them every one,
and restored them to their native homes. They had covered them with
dishonor: he made their condition honorable and enviable in the eyes of
all. They had shamefully plundered and sold the goods of godly men:
Constantine not only replaced this loss, but still further enriched
them with abundant presents. They had circulated injurious calumnies,
through their written ordinances, against the prelates of the Church:
he on the contrary, conferred dignity on these individuals by personal
marks of honor, and by his edicts and statutes raised them to higher
distinction than before. They had utterly demolished and razed to the
ground the houses of prayer: he commanded that those which still
existed should be enlarged, and that new ones should be raised on a
magnificent scale at the expense of
the imperial treasury. They had ordered the inspired records to be
burnt and utterly destroyed: he decreed that copies of them should be
multiplied, and magnificently adorned (4) at the charge of the imperial
treasury. They had strictly forbidden the prelates, anywhere or on any
occasion, to convene synods; whereas he gathered them to his court from
every province, received them into his palace, and even to his own
private apartments and thought them worthy to share his home and table.
They had honored the demons with offerings: Constantine exposed their
error, and continually distributed the now useless materials for
sacrifice, to those who would apply them to a better use. They had
ordered the pagan temples to be sumptuously adorned: he razed to their
foundations those of them which had been the chief objects of
superstitious reverence. They had subjected God's servants to the most
ignominious punishments: he took vengeance on the persecutors, and
inflicted on them just chastisement in the name of God, while he held
the memory of his holy martyrs in constant veneration. They had driven
God's Worshipers from the imperial palaces: he placed full confidence
in them at all times, and knowing them to be the better disposed and
more faithful than any beside. They, the victims of avarice,
voluntarily subjected themselves as it were to the pangs of Tantalus:
he with royal magnificence unlocked all his treasures, and distributed
his gifts with rich and high-souled liberality-They committed countless
murders, that they might plunder or confiscate the wealth of their
victims; while throughout the reign of Constantine the sword of justice
hung idle everywhere, and both people and municipal magistrates (5) in
every provence were governed rather by paternal authority than by any
constraining. (6) Surely
520
it must seem to all who duly regard these facts, that a new and fresh
era of existence had begun to appear, and a light heretofore unknown
suddenly to dawn from the midst of darkness on the human race: and all
must confess that these things were entirely the work of God, who
raised up this pious emperor to withstand the multitude of the ungodly.
CHAPTER II.
Father Remarks on Constantine's Piety, and
his Open Testimony to the Sign of the Cross.
AND when we consider that their iniquities were
without example, and the atrocities which they dared to perpetrate
against the Church such as had never been heard of in any age of the
world, well might God himself bring before us something entirely new,
and work thereby effects such as had hitherto been never either
recorded or observed. And what miracle was ever more marvelous than the
virtues of this our emperor, whom the wisdom of God has vouchsafed as a
gift to the human race? For truly he maintained a continual testimony
to the Christ of God with all boldness, and before all men; and so far
was he from shrinking from an open profession of the Christian name,
that he rather desired to make it manifest to all that he regarded this
as his highest honor, now impressing on his face the salutary sign, and
now glorying in it as the trophy which led him on to victory. (1)
CHAPTER III.
Of his Picture surmounted by a Cross and hav-
ing beneath it a Dragon.
AND besides this, he caused to be painted on a lofty
tablet, and set up in the front of the portico of his palace, so as to
be visible to all, a representation of the salutary sign placed above
his head, and below it that hateful and savage adversary of mankind,
who by means of the tyranny of the ungodly had wasted the Church of
God, falling headlong, under the form of a dragon, to the abyss of
destruction. For the sacred oracles in the books of God's prophets have
described him as a dragon and a crooked serpent; (1) and for this
reason the emperor thus publicly displayed a painted (2) resemblance of
the dragon beneath his own and his children's feet, stricken through
with a dart, and cast headlong into the depths of the sea.
In this manner he intended to represent the secret
adversary of the human race, and to indicate that he was consigned to
the gulf of perdition by virtue of the salutary trophy placed above his
head. This allegory, then, was thus conveyed by means of the colors of
a picture: and I am filled with wonder at the intellectual greatness of
the emperor, who as if by divine inspiration thus expressed what the
prophets had foretold concerning this monster, saying that "God would
bring his great and strong and terrible sword against the dragon, the
flying serpent; and would destroy the dragon that was in the sea.'' (3)
This it was of which the emperor gave a true and faithful
representation in the picture above described.
CHAPTER IV.
A Farther Notice of the Controversies raised
in Egypt by Arius.
IN such occupations as these he employed himself
with pleasure: but the effects of that envious spirit which so troubled
the peace of the churches of God in Alexandria, together with the
Theban and Egyptian schism, continued to cause him no little
disturbance of mind. For in fact, in every city bishops were engaged in
obstinate conflict with bishops, and people rising against people; and
almost like the fabled Symplegades, (1) coming into violent collision
with each other. Nay, some were so far transported beyond the bounds of
reason as to be guilty of reckless and outrageous conduct, and even to
insult the statues of the emperor. This state of things had little
power to excite his anger, but rather caused in him sorrow of spirit;
for he deeply deplored the folly thus exhibited by deranged men.
CHAPTER V.
Of the Disagreement respecting the Celebration
of Easter.
BUT before this time another most virulent disorder
had existed, and long afflicted the
521
Church; I mean the difference respecting the salutary feast of Easter.
(1) For while one party asserted that the Jewish custom should be
adhered to, the other affirmed that the exact recurrence of the period
should be observed without following the authority of those who were in
error, and strangers to gospel grace.
Accordingly, the people being thus in every place
divided in respect of this, (1) and the sacred observances of religion
confounded for a long period (insomuch that the diversity of judgment
in regard to the time for celebrating one and the same feast caused the
greatest disagreement between those who kept it, some afflicting
themselves with fastings and austerities, while others devoted their
time to festive relaxation), no one appeared who was capable of
devising a remedy for the evil, because the controversy continued
equally balanced between both parties. To God alone, the Almighty, was
the healing of these differences an easy task; and Constantine appeared
to be the only one on earth capable of being his minister for this good
end. For as soon as he was made acquainted with the facts which I have
described, and perceived that his letter to the Alexandrian Christians
had failed to produce its due effect, he at once aroused the energies
of his mind, and declared that he must prosecute to the utmost this war
also against the secret adversary who was disturbing the peace of the
Church.
CHAFFER VI.
How he ordered a Council to be held at Nicoea.
THEN as if to bring a divine array against this
enemy, he convoked a general council, and invited the speedy attendance
of bishops from all quarters, in letters expressive of the honorable
estimation in which he held them. Nor was this merely the issuing of a
bare command but the emperor's good will contributed much to its being
carried into effect: for he allowed some the use of the public means of
conveyance, while he afforded to others an ample supply of horses (1)
for their transport. The place, too, selected for the synod, the city
Nicaea in Bithynia (named from "Victory"), was appropriate to the
occasion. (2) As soon then as the imperial injunction was generally
made known, all with the utmost willingness hastened thither, as
though they would outstrip one another in a race; for they were
impelled by the anticipation of a happy result to the conference, by
the hope of enjoying present peace, and the desire of beholding
something new and strange in the person of so admirable an emperor. Now
when they were all assembled, it appeared evident that the proceeding
was the work of God, inasmuch as men who had been most widely
separated, not merely in sentiment but also personally, and by
difference of country, place, and nation, were here brought together,
and comprised within the walls of a single city, forming as it were a
vast garland of priests, composed of a variety of the choicest flowers.
CHAPTER VII.
Of the General Council, at which Bishops from
all Nations were Present. (1)
IN effect, the most distinguished of God's ministers
from all the churches which abounded in Europe, Lybia, (2) and Asia
were here assembled. And a single house of prayer, as though divinely
enlarged, sufficed to contain at once Syrians and Cilicians,
Phoenicians and Arabians, delegates from Palestine, and others from
Egypt; Thebans and Libyans, with those who came from the region of
Mesopotamia. A Persian bishop too was present at this conference, nor
was even a Scythian found wanting to the number. (3) Pontus, Galatia,
and Pamphylia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Phrygia, furnished their most
distinguished prelates; while those who dwelt in the remotest districts
of Thrace and Macedonia, of Achaia and Epirus, were notwithstanding in
attendance. Even from Spain itself, one whose fame was widely spread
took his seat as an individual in the great assembly. (4) The prelate
of the imperial city (5) was prevented from attending by extreme old
age; but his presbyters were present, and supplied his place.
Constantine is the first prince of any age who bound together such a
garland as this with the bond of peace, and presented it to his Saviour
as a thank-offering for the victories he had obtained over every foe,
thus exhibiting in our own times a similitude of the apostolic company.
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CHAPTER VIII.
That the Assembly was composed, as in the
dots of the Apostles, of Individuals from Various Nations.
FOR it iS said (1) that in the Apostles' age, there
were gathered "devout men from every nation under heaven"; among whom
were Parthians, and Medes, and Elamites, and the dwellers in
Mesopotamia, in Judea, and Cappadocia, in Pontus and Asia, in Phrygia
and Pamphylia, in Egypt, and the parts of Libya about Cyrene; and
sojourners from Rome, both Jews and proselytes, Cretans and Arabians.
But that assembly was less, in that not all who composed it were
ministers of God; but in the present company, the number of bishops
exceeded two hundred and fifty, (2) while that of the presbyters and
deacons in their train, and the crowd of acolytes and other attendants
was altogether beyond computation.
CHAPTER IX.
Of the Virtue and Age of the Two Hundred and
Fifty Bishops.
Of these ministers of God, some were distinguished
by wisdom and eloquence, others by the gravity of their lives, and by
patient fortitude of character, while others again united in themselves
all these graces. (1) There were among them men whose years demanded
veneration: others were younger, and in the prime of mental vigor; and
some had but recently entered on the course of their ministry. For the
maintenance of all ample provision was daily furnished by the emperor's
command.
CHAPTER X.
Council in the Palace.
Constantine, entering, took his Seat in the Assembly.
Now when the appointed day arrived on which the
council met for the final solution of the questions in dispute, each
member was present for this in the central building of the palace, (1)
which appeared to exceed the rest in magnitude. On each side of the
interior of this were many seats disposed in order, which were occupied
by those who had been invited to attend, according to their rank. As
soon, then, as the whole assembly had seated themselves with becoming
orderliness, a general silence prevailed, in expectation of the
emperor's arrival. And first of all, three of his immediate family
entered in succession, then others also preceded his approach, not of
the soldiers or guards who usually accompanied him, but only friends in
the faith. And now, all rising at the signal which indicated the
emperor's entrance, at last he himself proceeded through the midst of
the assembly, like some heavenly messenger of God, clothed in raiment
which glittered as it were with rays of light, reflecting the glowing
radiance of a purple robe, and adorned with the brilliant splendor of
gold and precious stones. Such was the external appearance of his
person; and with regard to his mind, it was evident that he was
distinguished by piety and godly fear. This was indicated by his
downcast eyes, the blush on his countenance, and his gait. For the rest
of his personal excellencies, he surpassed all present in height of
stature and beauty of form, as well as in majestic dignity of mien, and
invincible strength and vigor. All these graces, united to a suavity of
manner, and a serenity becoming his imperial station, declared the
excellence of his mental qualities to be above all praise. (2) As soon
as he had advanced to the upper end of the seats, at first he remained
standing, and when a low chair of wrought gold had been set for him, he
waited until the bishops had beckoned to him, and then sat down, and
after him the whole assembly did the same.
CHAPTER XI.
Silence of the Council, after Some Words by the
the Bishop Eusebius.
The bishop who occupied the chief place in the right
division of the assembly (1) then rose, and, addressing the emperor,
delivered a concise speech, in a strain of thanksgiving to Almighty God
on his behalf. When he had resumed his seat, silence ensued, and all
regarded the emperor with fixed attention; on which he looked serenely
round on the assembly with a cheerful aspect, and, having collected his
thoughts, in a calm and gentle tone gave utterance to the following
words.
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CHAPTER XII.
"It was once my chief desire, dearest friends, to
enjoy the spectacle of your united presence; and now that this desire
is fulfilled, I feel myself bound to render thanks to God the universal
King, because, in addition to all his other benefits, he has granted me
a blessing higher than all the rest, in permitting me to see you not
only all assembled together, but all united in a common harmony of
sentiment. I pray therefore that no malignant adversary may henceforth
interfere to mar our happy state; I pray that, now the impious
hostility of the tyrants has been forever removed by the power of God
our Saviour, that spirit who delights in evil may devise no other means
for exposing the divine law to blasphemous calumny; for, in my
judgment, intestine strife within the Church of God, is far more evil
and dangerous than any kind of war or conflict; and these our
differences appear to me more grievous than any outward trouble.
Accordingly, when, by the will and with the co-operation of God, I had
been victorious over my enemies, I thought that nothing more remained
but to render thanks to him, and sympathize in the joy of those whom he
had restored to freedom through my instrumentality; as soon as I heard
that intelligence which I had least expected to receive, I mean the
news of your dissension, I judged it to be of no secondary importance,
but with the earnest desire that a remedy for this evil also might be
found through my means, I immediately sent to require your presence.
And now I rejoice in beholding your assembly; but I feel that my
desires will be most completely fulfilled when I can see you all united
in one judgment, and that common spirit of peace and concord prevailing
amongst you all, which it becomes you, as consecrated to the service of
God, to commend to others. Delay not, then, dear friends: delay not, ye
ministers of God, and faithful servants of him who is our common Lord
and Saviour: begin from this moment to discard the causes of that
disunion which has existed among you, and remove the perplexities of
controversy by embracing the principles of peace. For by such conduct
you will at the same time be acting in a manner most pleasing to the
supreme God, and you will confer an exceeding favor on me who am your
fellow-servant."
CHAPTER XIII.
How he led the Dissentient Bishops to Har-
mony of Sentiment.
As soon as the emperor had spoken these words in the
Latin tongue, which another interpreted, he gave permission to those
who presided in the council to deliver their opinions. On this some
began to accuse their neighbors, who defended themselves, and
recriminated in their turn. In this manner numberless assertions were
put forth by each party, and a violent controversy arose at the very
commencement. Notwithstanding this, the emperor gave patient audience
to all alike, and received every proposition with steadfast attention,
and by occasionally assisting the argument of each party in turn, he
gradually disposed even the most vehement disputants to a
reconciliation. At the same time, by the affability of his address to
all, and his use of the Greek language, with which he was not
altogether unacquainted, he appeared in a truly attractive and amiable
light, persuading some, convincing others by his reasonings, praising
those who spoke well, and urging all to unity of sentiment, until at
last he succeeded in bringing them to one mind and judgment respecting
every disputed question.
CHAPTER XIV.
Unanimous Declaration of the Council concerning Faith, and the
Celebration of Easter.
The result was that they were not only united as
concerning the faith, but that the time for the celebration of the
salutary feast of Easter was agreed on by all. Those points also which
were sanctioned by the resolution of the whole body were committed to
writing, and received the signature of each several member. (1) Then
the emperor, believing that he had thus obtained a second victory over
the adversary of the Church, proceeded to solemnize a triumphal
festival in honor of God.
CHAPTER XV.
How Constantine entertained the Bishops on the
Occasion of his Vicennalia.
About this time he completed the twentieth year of
his reign. (1) On this occasion public festivals were celebrated by the
people of the provinces generally, but the emperor himself invited and
feasted with those ministers of God
524
whom he had reconciled, and thus offered as it were through them a
suitable sacrifice to God. Not one of the bishops was wanting at the
imperial banquet, (2) the circumstances of which were splendid beyond
description. Detachments of the body-guard and other troops surrounded
the entrance of the palace with drawn swords, and through the midst of
these the men of God proceeded without fear into the innermost of the
imperial apartments, in which some were the emperor's own companions at
table, while others reclined on couches arranged on either side. (3)
One might have thought that a picture of Christ's kingdom was thus
shadowed forth, and a dream rather than reality.
CHAPTER XVI.
Presents
to the Bishops, and Letters to the People
generally.
AFTER the celebration of this brilliant festival,
the emperor courteously received all his guests, and generously added
to the favors he had already bestowed by personally presenting gifts to
each individual according to his rank. He also gave information of the
proceedings of the synod to those who had not been present, by a letter
in his own hand-writing. And this letter also I will inscribe as it
were on some monument by inserting it in this my narrative of his life.
It was as follows:
CHAPTER XVII.
Constantine's Letter to the Churches respecting
the Council at Nicoea.
"CONSTANTINUS AUGUSTUS, to the Churches. "Having had full proof, in the
general prosperity of the empire, how great the favor of God has been
towards us, I have judged that it ought to be the first object of my
endeavors, that unity of faith, sincerity of love, and community of
feeling in regard to the worship of Almighty God, might be preserved
among the highly favored multitude who compose the Catholic Church.
And, inasmuch as this object could not be effectually and certainly
secured, unless all, or at least the greater number of the bishops were
to meet together, and a discussion of all particulars relating to oar
most holy religion to take place; for this reason as numerous an
assembly as possible has been convened, at which I myself was present,
as one among yourselves (and far be it from me to deny that which is my
greatest joy, that I am your fellow-servant), and every question
received due and full examination, until that judgment which God, who
sees all things, could approve, and which tended to unity and concord,
was brought to light, so that no room was left for further discussion
or controversy in relation to the faith.
CHAPTER XVIII.
He speaks of their Unanimity respecting the
Feast of Easter, and against the Practice of the Jews.
"AT this meeting the question concerning the most
holy day of Easter was discussed, and it was resolved by the united
judgment of all present, that this feast ought to be kept by all and in
every place on one and the same day. For what can be more becoming or
honorable to us than that this feast from which we date our hopes of
immortality, should be observed unfailingly by all alike, according to
one ascertained order and arrangement? And first of all, it appeared an
unworthy thing that in the celebration of this most holy feast we
should follow the practice of the Jews, who have impiously defiled
their hands with enormous sin, and are, therefore, deservedly afflicted
with blindness of soul. For we have it in our power, if we abandon
their custom, to prolong the due observance of this ordinance to future
ages, by a truer order, which we have preserved from the very day of
the passion until the present time. Let us then have nothing in common
with the detestable Jewish crowd; for we have received from our Saviour
a different way. A course at once legitimate and honorable lies open to
our most holy religion. Beloved brethren, let us with one consent adopt
this course, and withdraw ourselves from all participation in their
baseness. (1) For their boast is absurd indeed, that it is not in our
power without instruction from them to observe these things. For how
should they be capable of forming a sound judgment, who, since their
parricidal guilt in slaying their Lord, have been subject to the
direction, not of reason, but of ungoverned passion, and are swayed by
every impulse of the mad spirit that is in them? Hence it is that on
this point as well as others they have no perception of the truth, so
that,
being altogether ignorant of the true adjustment of this question, they
sometimes celebrate
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Easter twice in the same year. Why then should we follow those who are
confessedly in grievous error? Surely we shall never consent to keep
this feast a second time in the same year. But supposing these reasons
were not of sufficient weight, still it would be incumbent on your
Sagacities (2) to strive and pray continually that the purity of your
souls may not seem in anything to be sullied by fellowship with the
customs of these most wicked men. We must consider, too, that a
discordant judgment in a case of such importance, and respecting such
religious festival, is wrong. For our Saviour has left us one feast in
commemoration of the day of our deliverance, I mean the day of his most
holy passion; and he has willed that his Catholic Church should be one,
the members of which, however scattered in many and diverse places, are
yet cherished by one pervading spirit, that is, by the will of God. And
let your Holinesses' sagacity reflect how grievous and scandalous it is
that on the self-same days some should be engaged in fasting, others in
festive enjoyment; and again, that after the days of Easter some should
be present at banquets and amusements, while others are fulfilling the
appointed fasts. It is, then, plainly the will of Divine Providence (as
I suppose you all clearly see), that this usage should receive fitting
correction, and be reduced to one uniform rule.
CHAPTER XIX.
Exhortation to follow the Example of the
Greater Part of the World.
"Since, therefore, it was needful that this matter
should be rectified, so that we might have nothing in common with that
nation of parricides who slew their Lord: and since that arrangement is
consistent with propriety which is observed by all the churches of the
western, southern, and northern parts of the world, and by some of the
eastern also: for these reasons all are unanimous on this present
occasion in thinking it worthy of adoption. And I myself have
undertaken that this decision should meet with the approval of your
Sagacities, (1) in the hope that your Wisdoms (1) will gladly admit
that practice which is observed at once in the city of Rome, and in
Africa; throughout Italy, and in Egypt, in Spain, the Gauls, Britain,
Libya, and the whole of Greece; in the dioceses of Asia and Pontus, and
in Cilicia, with entire unity of judgment. And you will consider not
only that the number of churches is far greater in the regions I have
enumerated than in any other, but also that it is most fitting that all
should unite in desiring that which sound reason appears to demand, and
in avoiding all participation in the perjured conduct of the Jews. (2)
In fine, that I may express my meaning in as few words as possible, it
has been determined by the common judgment of all, that the most holy
feast of Easter should be kept on one and the same day. For on the one
hand a discrepancy of opinion on so sacred a question is unbecoming,
and on the other it is surely best to act on a decision which is free
from strange folly and error.
CHAPTER XX.
Exhortation to obey the Decrees of the Council.
"RECEIVE, then, with all willingness this truly
Divine injunction, and regard it as in truth the gift of God. For
whatever is determined in the holy assemblies of the bishops is to be
regarded as indicative of the Divine will. As soon, therefore, as you
have communicated these proceedings to all our beloved brethren, you
are bound from that time forward to adopt for yourselves, and to enjoin
on others the arrangement above mentioned, and the due observance of
this most sacred day; that whenever I come into the presence of your
love, which I have long desired, I may have it in my power to celebrate
the holy feast with you on the same day, and may rejoice with you on
all accounts, when I behold the cruel power of Satan removed by Divine
aid through the agency of our endeavors, while your faith, and peace,
and concord ever? where flourish. God preserve you, beloved brethren
The emperor transmitted a faithful copy (1) of this
letter to every province, wherein they who read it might discern as in
a mirror the pure sincerity of his thoughts, and of his piety toward
God.
CHAPTER XXI.
Recommendation to the Bishops, on their Depar-
ture, to Preserve Harmony.
AND now, when the council was on the point of being
finally dissolved, he summoned all the bishops to meet him on an
appointed day, and on their arrival addressed them in a farewell
526
speech, in which he recommended them to be diligent in the maintenance
of peace, to avoid contentious disputations, amongst themselves and not
to be jealous, if any one of their number should appear pre-eminent for
wisdom and eloquence, but to esteem the excellence of one a blessing
common to all. On the other hand he reminded them that the more gifted
should forbear to exalt themselves to the prejudice of their humbler
brethren, since it is God's prerogative to judge of real superiority.
Rather should they considerately condescend to the weaker, remembering
that absolute perfection in any case is a rare quality indeed. Each
then, should be willing to accord indulgence to the other for slight
offenses, to regard charitably and pass over mere human weaknesses;
holding mutual harmony in the highest honor, that no occasion of
mockery might be given by their dissensions to those who are ever ready
to blaspheme the word of God: whom indeed we should do all in our power
to save, and this cannot be unless our conduct seems to them
attractive. But you are well aware of the fact that testimony is by no
means productive of blessing to all, since some who hear are glad to
secure the supply of their mere bodily necessities, while others court
the patronage of their superiors; some fix their affection on those who
treat them with hospitable kindness, others again, being honored with
presents, love their benefactors in return; but few are they who really
desire the word of testimony, and rare indeed is it to find a friend of
truth. Hence the necessity of endeavoring to meet the case of all, and,
physician-like, to administer to each that which may tend to the health
of the soul, to the end that the saving doctrine may be fully honored
by all. Of this kind was the former part of his exhortation; (1) and in
conclusion he enjoined them to offer diligent supplications to God on
his behalf. Having thus taken leave of them, he gave them all
permission to return to their respective countries; and this they did
with joy, and thenceforward that unity of judgment at which they had
arrived in the emperor's presence continued to prevail, and those who
had long been divided were bound together as members of the same body.
CHAPTER XXII.
How he dismissed Some, and wrote Letters to
Others; also his Presents.
Full of joy therefore at this success, the emperor
presented as it were pleasant fruits in the way of letters to those who
had not been present at the council. He commanded also that ample gifts
of money should be bestowed on all the people, both in the country and
the cities, being pleased thus to honor the festive occasion of the
twentieth anniversary of his reign.
CHAPTER XXIII.
How he wrote to the Egyptians, exhorting them
to Peace.
And now, when all else were at peace, among the
Egyptians alone an implacable contention still raged, (1) so as once
more to disturb the emperor's tranquillity, though not to excite his
anger. For indeed he treated the contending parties with all respect,
as fathers, nay rather, as prophets of God; and again he summoned them
to his presence, and again patiently acted as mediator between them,
and honored them with gifts, and communicated also the result of his
arbitration by letter. He confirmed and sanctioned the decrees of the
council, and called on them to strive earnestly for concord, and not to
distract and rend the Church, but to keep before them the thought of
God's judgment. And these injunctions the emperor sent by a letter
written with his own hand.
CHAPTER XXIV.
How he wrote Frequent Letters of a Religious
Character to the Bishops and People.
But besides these, his writings are very numerous on
kindred subjects, and he was the author of a multitude of letters, some
to the bishops, in which he laid injunctions on them tending to the
advantage of the churches of God; and sometimes the thrice blessed one
addressed the people of the churches generally, calling them his own
brethren and fellow-servants. But perhaps we may hereafter find leisure
to collect these despatches in a separate form, in order that the
integrity of our present history may not be impaired by their insertion.
CHAPTER XXV.
How he ordered the Erection of a Church at
Jerusalem, in the Holy Place of our Saviour's Resurrection.
AFTER these things, the pious emperor addressed
himself to another work truly worthy of record, in the province of
Palestine. What
527
then was this work? He judged it incumbent on him to render the blessed
locality of our Saviour's resurrection an object of attraction and
veneration to all. He issued immediate injunctions, therefore, for the
erection in that spot of a house of prayer: and this he did, not on the
mere natural impulse of his own mind, but being moved in spirit by the
Saviour himself.
CHAPTER XXVI.
That the Holy Sepulchre had been covered with Rubbish and with Idols by
the Ungodly.
For it had been in time past the endeavor of impious
men (or rather let me say of the whole race of evil spirits through
their means), to consign to the darkness of oblivion that divine
monument of immortality to which the radiant angel had descended from
heaven, and rolled away the stone for those who still had stony hearts,
and who supposed that the living One still lay among the dead; and had
declared glad tidings to the women also, and removed their
stony-hearted unbelief by the conviction that he whom they sought was
alive. This sacred cave, then, certain impious and godless persons had
thought to remove entirely from the eyes of men, supposing in their
folly that thus they should be able effectually to obscure the truth.
Accordingly they brought a quantity of earth from a distance with much
labor, and covered the entire spot; then, having raised this to a
moderate height, they paved it with stone, concealing the holy cave
beneath this massive mound. Then, as though their purpose had been
effectually accomplished, they prepare on this foundation a truly
dreadful sepulchre of souls, by building a gloomy shrine of lifeless
idols to the impure spirit whom they call Venus, and offering
detestable oblations therein on profane and accursed altars. For they
supposed that their object could not otherwise be fully attained, than
by thus burying the sacred cave beneath these foul pollutions. Unhappy
men! they were unable to comprehend how impossible it was that their
attempt should remain unknown to him who had been crowned with victory
over death, any more than the blazing sun, when he rises above the
earth, and holds his wonted course through the midst of heaven, is
unseen by the whole race of mankind. Indeed, his saving power, shining
with still greater brightness, and illumining, not the bodies, but the
souls of men, was already filling the world with the effulgence of its
own light. Nevertheless, these devices of impious and wicked men
against the truth had prevailed for a long time, nor had any one of the
governors, or military commanders, or even of the emperors themselves
ever yet appeared, with ability to abolish these daring impieties, save
only that one who enjoyed the favor of the King of kings. And now,
acting as he did under the guidance of the divine Spirit, he could not
consent to see the sacred spot of which we have spoken, thus buried,
through the devices of the adversaries, under every kind of impurity,
and abandoned to forgetfulness and neglect; nor would he yield to the
malice of those who had contracted this guilt, but calling on the
divine aid, gave orders that the place should be thoroughly purified,
thinking that the parts which had been most polluted by the enemy ought
to receive special tokens, through his means, of the greatness of the
divine favor. As soon, then, as his commands were issued, these engines
of deceit were cast down from their proud eminence to the very ground,
and the dwelling-places of error, with the statues and the evil spirits
which they represented, were overthrown and utterly destroyed.
CHAPTER XXVII.
How Constantine commanded the Materials of
the Idol Temple, and the Soil itself, to be removed at a Distance.
Nor did the emperor's zeal stop here; but he gave
further orders that the materials of what was thus destroyed, both
stone and timber, should be removed and thrown as far from the spot as
possible; and this command also was speedily executed. The emperor,
however, was not satisfied with having proceeded thus far: once more,
fired with holy ardor, he directed that the ground itself should be dug
up to a considerable depth, and the soil which had been polluted by the
foul impurities of demon worship transported to a far distant place.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Discovery of the Most Holy Sepulchre. (1)
This also was accomplished without delay. But as
soon as the original surface of the ground, beneath the covering of
earth, appeared, immediately, and contrary to all expectation, the
venerable and hollowed monument of our Saviour's resurrection was
discovered. Then indeed did this most holy cave present a faithful
simili-
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tude of his return to life, in that, after lying buried in darkness, it
again emerged to light, and afforded to all who came to witness the
sight, a clear and visible proof of the wonders of which that spot had
once been the scene, a testimony to the resurrection of the Saviour
clearer than any voice could give.
CHAPTER XXIX.
How he wrote concerning the Erection of a
Church, both to the Governors of the Provinces, and to the Bishop
Macarius.
IMMEDIATELY after the transactions I have recorded,
the emperor sent forth injunctions which breathed a truly pious spirit,
at the same time granting ample supplies of money, and commanding that
a house of prayer worthy of the worship of God should be erected near
the Saviour's tomb on a scale of rich and royal greatness. This object
he had indeed for some time kept in view, and had foreseen, as if by
the aid of a superior intelligence, that which should afterwards come
to pass. He laid his commands, therefore, on the governors of the
Eastern provinces, that by an abundant and unsparing expenditure they
should secure the completion of the work on a scale of noble and ample
magnificence. He also despatched the following letter to the bishop who
at that time presided over the church at Jerusalem, in which he clearly
asserted the saving doctrine of the faith, writing in these terms.
CHAPTER XXX.
Constantine's Letter to Macarius respecting the Building of the Church
of our Saviour.
"VICTOR CONSTANTIUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS, tO
Macarius.
"Such is our Saviour's grace, that no power of
language seems adequate to describe the wondrous circumstance to which
I am about to refer. For, that the monument of his most holy Passion,
so long ago buried beneath the ground, should have remained unknown for
so long a series of years, until its reappearance to his servants now
set free through the removal of him (1) who was the common enemy of
all, is a fact which truly surpasses all admiration. For if all who are
accounted wise throughout the world were to unite in their endeavors to
say somewhat worthy of this event, they would be unable to attain their
object in the smallest degree. Indeed, the nature of this miracle as
far transcends the capacity of human reason as heavenly things are
superior to human affairs. For this cause it is ever my first, and
indeed my only object, that, as the authority of the truth is evincing
itself daily by fresh wonders, so our souls may all become more
zealous, with all sobriety and earnest unanimity, for the honor
of the Divine law. I desire, therefore, especially, that you should be
persuaded of that which I suppose is evident to all beside, namely,
that I have no greater care than how I may best adorn with a splendid
structure that sacred spot, which, under Divine direction, I have
disencumbered as it were of the heavy weight of foul idol worship; a
spot which has been accounted holy from the beginning in God's
judgment, but which now appears holier still, since it has brought to
light a clear assurance of our Saviour's passion.
CHAPTER XXXI.
That the Building should surpass all the
Churches in the World in the Beauty of its Walls, its Columns, and
Marbles.
"IT will be well, therefore, for your sagacity to
make such arrangements and provision of all things needful for the
work, that not only the church itself as a whole may surpass all others
whatsoever in beauty, but that the details of the building may be of
such a kind that the fairest structures in any city of the empire may
be excelled by this. And with respect to the erection and decoration of
the walls, this is to inform you that our friend Dracilianus, the
deputy of the Praetorian Praefects, and the governor of the
province, have received a charge from us. For our pious directions to
them are to the effect that artificers and laborers, and whatever they
shall understand from your sagacity to be needful for the advancement
of the work, shall forthwith be furnished by their care. And as to the
columns and marbles, whatever you shall judge, after actual inspection
of the plan, to be especially precious and serviceable, be diligent to
send information to us in writing, in order that whatever quantity or
sort of materials we shall esteem from your letter to be needful, may
be procured from every quarter, as required, for it is fitting that the
most marvelous place in the world should be worthily decorated.
CHAPTER XXXII.
That he instructed the Governors concerning the
Beautifying of the Roof; also concerning Workmen, and Materials.
"WITH respect to the ceiling (1) of the church,
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I wish to know from you whether in your judgment it should be
panel-ceiled, (2) or finished with any other kind of workmanship. If
the panel ceiling be adopted, it may also be ornamented with gold. For
the rest, your Holiness will give information as early as possible to
the before-mentioned magistrates how many laborers and artificers, and
what expenditure of money is required. You will also be careful to send
us a report without delay, not only respecting the marbles and columns,
but the paneled ceiling also, should this appear to you to be the most
beautiful form. God preserve you, beloved brother !"
CHAPTER XXXIII.
How the Church of our Saviour, the New Jerusalem prophesied of in
Scripture, was built.
This was the emperor's letter; and his directions
were at once carried into effect. Accordingly, on the very spot which
witnessed the Saviour's sufferings, a new Jerusalem was constructed,
over against the one so celebrated of old, which, since the foul stain
of guilt brought on it by the murder of the Lord, had experienced the
last extremity of desolation, the effect of Divine judgment on its
impious people. It was opposite this city that the emperor now began to
rear a monument to the Saviour's victory over death, with rich and
lavish magnificence. And it may be that this was that second and new
Jerusalem spoken of in the predictions of the prophets, (1) concerning
which such abundant testimony is given in the divinely inspired records.
First of all, then, he adorned the sacred cave
itself, as the chief part of the whole work, and the hallowed monument
at which the angel radiant with light had once declared to all that
regeneration which was first manifested in the Saviour's person.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
Description of the Structure of the Holy Sepul-
chre.
This monument, therefore, first of all, as the chief
part of the whole, the emperor's zealous magnificence beautified with
rare columns, anti profusely enriched with the most splendid
decorations of every kind.
CHAPTER XXXV.
Description of the Atrium and Porticos.
The next object of his attention was a space of
ground of great extent, and open to the pure air of heaven. This he
adorned with a pavement of finely polished stone, and enclosed it on
three sides with porticos of great length.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
Description of the Walls, Roof, Decoration, and Gilding of the Body of
the Church.
For at the side opposite to the cave, which was the
eastern side, the church itself was erected; a noble work rising to a
vast height, and of great extent both in length and breadth. The
interior of this structure was floored with marble slabs of various
colors; while the external surface of the walls, which shone with
polished stones exactly fitted together, exhibited a degree of splendor
in no respect inferior to that of marble. With regard to the roof, it
was covered on the outside with lead, as a protection against the rains
of winter. But the inner part of the roof, which was finished with
sculptured panel work, extended in a series of connected compartments,
like a vast sea, over the whole church; (1) and, being overlaid
throughout with the purest gold, caused the entire building to glitter
as it were with rays of light.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
Description of the Double Porticos on Either Side, and of the Three
Eastern Gates.
BESIDES this were two porticos on each side, with
upper and lower ranges of pillars, (1) corresponding in length with the
church itself; and these also had their roofs ornamented with gold. Of
these porticos, those which were exterior to the church were supported
by columns of great size, while those within these rested on piles (2)
of
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stone beautifully adorned on the surface. Three gates, placed exactly
east, were intended to receive the multitudes who entered the church.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
Description of the
Hemisphere, the Twelve Columns, and their Bowls.
OPPOSITE these gates the crowning part of the whole
was the hemisphere, (1) which rose to the very summit of the church.
This was encircled by twelve columns (according to the number of the
apostles of our Saviour), having their capitals embellished with silver
bowls of great size, which the emperor himself presented as a splendid
offering to his God.
CHAPTER XXXIX.
Description of the Inner Court, the Arcades
and Porches.
In the next place he enclosed the atrium which
occupied the space leading to the entrances in front of the church.
This comprehended, first the court, then the porticos on each side, and
lastly the gates of the court. After these, in the midst of the open
market-place, (1) the general entrance-gates, which were of exquisite
workmanship, afforded to passers-by on the outside a view of the
interior which could not fail to inspire astonishment.
CHAPTER XL.
Of the Number of his Offerings.
This temple, then, the emperor erected as a
conspicuous monument of the Saviour's resurrection, and embellished it
throughout on an imperial scale of magnificence. He further enriched it
with numberless offerings of inexpressible beauty and various
materials,--gold, silver, and precious stones, the skillful and
elaborate arrangement of which, in regard to their magnitude, number,
and variety, we have not leisure at present to describe particularly.
(1)
CHAPTER XLI.
Of the Erection of Churches in Bethlehem, and
an the Mount of Olives.
In the same country he discovered other places,
venerable as being the localities of two sacred caves: and these also
he adorned with lavish magnificence. In the one case, he rendered due
honor to that which had been the scene of the first manifestation of
our Saviour's divine presence, when he submitted to be born in mortal
flesh; while in the case of the second cavern he hallowed the
remembrance of his ascension to heaven from the mountain top. And while
he thus nobly testified his reverence for these places, he at the same
time eternized the memory of his mother, (1) who had been the
instrument of conferring so valuable a benefit on mankind.
CHAPTER XLII.
That the Empress Helena, (1) Constantine's
Mother, having visited this Locality for Devotional Purposes, built
these Churches.
For she, having resolved to discharge the duties of
pious devotion to the God, the King of kings, and feeling it incumbent
on her to render thanksgivings with prayers on behalf both of her own
son, now so mighty an emperor, and of his sons, her own grandchildren,
the divinely favored Caesars, though now advanced m years, yet gifted
with no common degree of wisdom, had hastened with youthful alacrity to
survey this venerable land; and at the same time to visit the eastern
provinces, cities, and people, with a truly imperial solicitude. As
soon, then, as she had rendered due reverence to the ground which the
Saviour's feet had trodden, according to the prophetic word which says
(2) "Let us worship at the place whereon his feet have stood," she
immediately bequeathed the fruit of her piety to future generations.
CHAPTER XLIII.
A Farther Notice of the Churches at Bethlehem.
FOR without delay she dedicated two churches to the
God whom she adored, one at the grotto which had been the scene of the
Saviour's birth; the other on the mount of his ascension. For
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he who was "God with us" had submitted to be born even in a cave (1) of
the earth, and the place of his nativity was called Bethlehem by the
Hebrews. Accordingly the pious empress honored with rare memorials the
scene of her travail who bore this heavenly child, and beautified the
sacred cave with all possible splendor. The emperor himself soon after
testified his reverence for the spot by princely offerings, and added
to his mother's magnificence by costly presents of silver and gold, and
embroidered hangings. And farther, the mother of the emperor raised a
stately structure on the Mount of Olives also, in memory of his ascent
to heaven who is the Saviour of mankind, erecting a sacred church and
temple on the very summit of the mount. And indeed authentic history
informs us that in this very cave the Saviour imparted his secret
revelations to his disciples. (2) And here also the emperor testified
his reverence for the King of kings, by diverse and costly offerings.
Thus did Helena Augusta, the pious mother of a pious emperor, erect
over the two mystic caverns these two noble and beautiful monuments of
devotion, worthy of everlasting remembrance, to the honor of God her
Saviour, and as proofs of her holy zeal, receiving from her son the aid
of his imperial power. Nor was it long ere this aged woman reaped the
due reward of her labors. After passing the whole period of her life,
even to declining age, in the greatest prosperity, and exhibiting both
in word and deed abundant fruits of obedience to the divine precepts,
and having enjoyed in consequence an easy and tranquil existence, with
unimpaired powers of body and mind, at length she obtained from God an
end befitting her pious course, and a recompense of her good deeds even
in this present life.
CHAPTER XLIV.
Of Helena's Generosity and Beneficent Acts.
For on the occasion of a circuit which she made of
the eastern provinces, in the splendor of imperial authority, she
bestowed abundant proofs of her liberality as well on the inhabitants
of the several cities collectively, as on individuals who approached
her, at the same time that she scattered largesses among the soldiery
with a liberal hand. But especially abundant were the gifts she
bestowed on the naked and unprotected poor. To some she gave money, to
others an ample supply of clothing: she liberated some from
imprisonment, or from the bitter servitude of the mines; others she
delivered from unjust oppression, and others again, she restored from
exile.
CHAPTER XLV.
Helena's Pious Conduct in the Churches.
WHILE, however, her character derived luster
from such deeds as I have described, she was far from neglecting
personal piety toward God. (1) She might be seen continually
frequenting his Church, while at the same time she adorned the houses
of prayer with splendid offerings, not overlooking the churches of the
smallest cities. In short, this admirable woman was to be seen, in
simple and modest attire, mingling with the crowd of worshipers, and
testifying her devotion to God by a uniform course of pious conduct.
CHAPTER XLVI.
How she made her Will, and died at the Age of
Eighty Years.
AND when at length at the close of a long life, she
was called to inherit a happier lot, having arrived at the eightieth
year of her age, and being very near the time of her departure, she
prepared and executed her last will in favor of her only son, the
emperor and sole monarch of the world, and her grandchildren, the
Caesars his sons, to whom severally she bequeathed whatever property
she possessed in any part of the world. Having thus made her will, this
thrice blessed woman died in the presence of her illustrious son, who
was in attendance at her side, caring for her and held her hands: so
that, to those who rightly discerned the truth, the thrice
blessed one seemed not to die, but to experience a real change and
transition from an earthly to a heavenly existence, since her soul,
remoulded as it were into an incorruptible and angelic essence, (1) was
received up into her Saviour's presence. (2)
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CHAPTER XLVII.
How Constantine buried his Mother, and how
he honored her during her Life.
HER body, too, was honored with special tokens of
respect, being escorted on its way to the imperial city by a vast train
of guards, and there deposited in a royal tomb. Such were the last days
of our emperor's mother, a person worthy of being had in perpetual
remembrance, both for her own practical piety, and because she had
given birth to so extraordinary and admirable an offspring. And well
may his character be styled blessed, for his filial piety as well as on
other grounds. He rendered her through his influence so devout a
worshiper of God, (though she had not previously been such,) that she
seemed to have been instructed from the first by the Saviour of
mankind: and besides this, he had honored her so fully with imperial
dignities, that in every province, and in the very ranks of the
soldiery, she was spoken of under the titles of Augusta and empress,
and her likeness was impressed on golden coins. (1) He had even granted
her authority over the imperial treasures, to use and dispense them
according to her own will and discretion in every case for this
enviable distinction also she received at the hands of her son. Hence
it is that among the qualities which shed a luster on his memory, we
may rightly include that surpassing degree of filial affection whereby
he rendered full obedience to the Divine precepts which enjoin due
honor from children to their parents. In this manner, then, the emperor
executed in Palestine the noble works I have above described: and
indeed in every province he raised new churches on a far more imposing
scale than those which had existed before his time.
CHAPTER XLVIII.
How he built Churches in Honor of Martyrs, and abolished Idolatry at
Constantinople.
And being fully resolved to distinguish the city
which bore his name with especial honor, he embellished it with
numerous sacred edifices, both memorials of martyrs on the largest
scale, and other buildings of the most splendid kind, not only within
the city itself, but in its vicinity: and thus at the same time he
rendered honor to the memory of the martyrs, and consecrated his city
to the martyrs' God. Being filled, too, with Divine wisdom, he
determined to purge the city which was to be distinguished by his
own name from idolatry of every kind, that henceforth no statues might
be worshiped there in the temples of those falsely reputed to be gods,
nor any altars defiled by the pollution of blood: that there might be
no sacrifices consumed by fire, no demon festivals, nor any of the
other ceremonies usually observed by the superstitious.
CHAPTER XLIX.
Representation of the Cross in the Palace, and of Daniel at the Public
Fountains.
On the other hand one might see the fountains in the
midst of the market place graced with figures representing the good
Shepherd, well known to those who study the sacred oracles, and that of
Daniel also with the lions, forged in brass, and resplendent with
plates of gold. Indeed, so large a measure of Divine love possessed the
emperor's soul, that in the principal apartment of the imperial palace
itself, on a vast tablet (1) displayed in the center of its
gold-covered paneled ceiling, he caused the symbol of our Saviour's
Passion to be fixed, composed of a variety of precious stones richly
inwrought with gold. This symbol he seemed to have intended to be as it
were the safeguard of the empire itself.
CHAPTER L.
That he erected Churches in Nicomedia, and in
Other Cities.
HAVING thus embellished the city which bore
his name, he next distinguished the capital of
Bithynia (1) by the erection of a stately and magnificent church, being
desirous of raising in this city also, in honor of his Saviour and at
his own charges, a memorial of his victory over his own enemies and the
adversaries of God. He also decorated the principal cities of the other
provinces with sacred edifices of great beauty; as, for example, in the
case of that metropolis of the East which derived its name from
Antiochus, in which, as the head of that portion of the empire, he
consecrated to the service of God a church of unparalleled size and
beauty. The entire building was encompassed by an enclosure of great
extent, within which the church itself rose to a vast elevation, being
of an octagonal form, and surrounded on all sides by
533
many chambers, courts, and upper and lower apartments; the whole richly
adorned with a profusion of gold, brass, and other materials of the
most costly kind.
CHAPTER LI.
That he ordered a Church to be built at Mambre.
Such was the principal sacred edifices erected by
the emperor's command. But having heard that the self-same Saviour who
erewhile had appeared on earth (1) had in ages long since past afforded
a manifestation of his Divine presence to holy men of Palestine near
the oak of Mambre, (2) he ordered that a house of prayer should be
built there also in honor of the God who had thus appeared. Accordingly
the imperial commission was transmitted to the provincial governors by
letters addressed to them individually, enjoining a speedy completion
of the appointed work. He sent moreover to the writer of this history
an eloquent admonition, a copy of which I think it well to insert in
the present work, in order to convey a just idea of his pious diligence
and zeal. To express, then, his displeasure at the evil practices which
he had heard were usual in the place just referred to, he addressed me
in the following terms.
CHAPTER LII.
Constantine's Letter to Eusebius concerning
Mambre.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS, to Macarius,
and the rest of the bishops in Palestine. (2)
"One benefit, and that of no ordinary importance,
has been conferred on us by my truly pious mother-in-law, (2) in that
she has made known to us by letter that abandoned folly of impious men
which has hitherto escaped detection by you: so that the criminal
conduct thus overlooked may now through our means obtain fitting
correction and remedy, necessary though ardy. For surely it is a grave
impiety indeed, that holy places should be defiled by the stain of
unhallowed impurities. What then is this, dearest brethren, which,
though it has eluded your sagacity, she of whom I speak was impelled by
a pious sense of duty to disclose?
CHAPTER LIII.
That the Saviour appeared in this Place to
Abraham.
"SHE assures me, then, that the place which takes
its name from the oak of Mambre, where we find that Abraham dwelt, is
defiled by certain of the slaves of superstition in every possible way.
She declares that idols (1) which should be utterly destroyed have been
erected on the site of that tree; that an altar is near the spot; and
that impure sacrifices are continually performed. Now since it is
evident that these practices are equally inconsistent with the
character of our times, and unworthy the sanctity of the place itself,
I wish your Gravities (2) to be informed that the illustrious Count
Acacius, our friend, has received instructions by letter from me, to
the effect that every idol which shall be found in the place
above-mentioned shall immediately be consigned to the flames; that the
altar be utterly demolished; and that if any one, after this our
mandate, shall be guilty of impiety of any kind in this place, he shall
be visited with condign punishment. The place itself we have directed
to be adorned with an unpolluted structure, I mean a church; in order
that it may become a fitting place of assembly for holy men. Meantime,
should any breach of these our commands occur, it should be made known
to our clemency without the least delay by letters from you, that we
may direct the person detected to be dealt with, as a transgressor of
the law, in the severest manner. For you are not ignorant that the
Supreme God first appeared to Abraham, and conversed with him, in that
place. There it was that the observance of the Divine law first began;
there first the Saviour himself, with the two angels, vouchsafed to
Abraham a manifestation of his presence; there God first appeared to
men; there he gave promise to Abraham concerning his future seed, and
straightway fulfilled that promise; there he foretold that he should be
the father of a multitude of nations.
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For these reasons, it seems to me right that this place should not only
be kept pure through your diligence from all defilement, but restored
also to its pristine sanctity; that nothing hereafter may be done there
except the performance of fitting service to him who is the Almighty
God, and our Saviour, and Lord of all. And this service it is incumbent
on you to care for with due attention, if your Gravities be willing
(and of this I feel confident) to gratify my wishes, which are
especially interested in the worship of God. May he preserve you,
beloved brethren!"
CHAPTER LIV.
Destruction of Idol Temples and Images every-
where.
ALL these things the emperor diligently performed to
the praise of the saving power of Christ, and thus made it his constant
aim to glorify his Saviour God. On the other hand he used every means
to rebuke the superstitious errors of the heathen. Hence the entrances
of their temples in the several cities were left exposed to the
weather, being stripped of their doors at his command; the tiling of
others was removed, and their roofs destroyed. From others again the
venerable statues of brass, of which the superstition of antiquity had
boasted for a long series of years, were exposed to view in all the
public places of the imperial city: so that here a Pythian, there a
Sminthian Apollo, excited the contempt of the beholder: while the
Delphic tripods were deposited in the hippodrome and the Muses of
Helicon in the palace itself. In short, the city which bore his name
was everywhere filled with brazen statues of the most exquisite
workmanship, which had been dedicated in every province, and which the
deluded victims of superstition had long vainly honored as gods with
numberless victims and burnt sacrifices, though now at length they
learnt to renounce their error, when the emperor held up the very
objects of their worship to be the ridicule and sport of all beholders.
With regard to those images which were of gold, he dealt with them in a
different manner. For as soon as he understood that the ignorant
multitudes were inspired with a vain and childish dread of these
bugbears of error, wrought in gold and silver, he judged it right to
remove these also, like stumbling-stones thrown in the way of men
walking in the dark, and henceforward to open a royal road, plain and
unobstructed to all. Having formed this resolution, he considered no
soldiers or military force of any sort needful for the suppression of
the evil: a few of his own friends sufficed for this service, and these
he sent by a simple expression of his will to visit each several
province. Accordingly, sustained by confidence in the emperor's pious
intentions and their own personal devotion to God, they passed through
the midst of numberless tribes and nations, abolishing this ancient
error in every city and country. They ordered the priests themselves,
amidst general laughter and scorn, to bring their gods from their dark
recesses to the light of day: they then stripped them of their
ornaments, and exhibited to the gaze of all the unsightly reality which
had been hidden beneath a painted exterior. Lastly, whatever part of
the material appeared valuable they scraped off and melted in the fire
to prove its worth, after which they secured and set apart whatever
they judged needful for their purpose, leaving to the superstitious
worshipers that which was altogether useless, as a memorial of their
shame. Meanwhile our admirable prince was himself engaged in a work
similar to what we have described. For at the same time that these
costly images of the dead were stripped, as we have said, of their
precious materials, he also attacked those composed of brass; causing
those to be dragged from their places with ropes and as it were carried
away captive, whom the dotage of mythology had esteemed as gods.
CHAPTER LV.
Overthrow of an Idol Temple, and Abolition of
Licentious Practices, at Aphaca in Phoenicia.
THE emperor's next care was to kindle, as it were, a
brilliant torch, by the light of which he directed his imperial gaze
around, to see if any hidden vestiges of error might still exist. And
as the keen-sighted eagle in its heavenward flight is able to descry
from its lofty height the most distant objects on the earth, so did he,
while residing in the imperial palace of his own fair city, discover as
from a watch-tower a hidden and fatal snare of souls in the province of
Phoenicia. This was a grove and temple, not situated in the midst of
any city, nor in any public place, as for splendor of effect is
generally the case, but apart from the beaten and frequented road, at
Aphaca, on part of the summit of Mount Lebanon, and dedicated to the
foul demon known by the name of Venus. It was a school of wickedness
for all the votaries of impurity, and such as destroyed their bodies
with effeminacy. Here men undeserving of the name forgot the dignity of
their sex, and propitiated the demon by their effeminate conduct; here
too unlawful commerce of women and adulterous intercourse, with other
horrible and infamous practices, were
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perpetrated in this temple as in a place beyond the scope and restraint
of law. Meantime these evils remained unchecked by the presence of any
observer, since no one of fair character ventured to visit such scenes.
These proceedings, however, could not escape the vigilance of our
august emperor, who, having himself inspected them with characteristic
forethought, and judging that such a temple was unfit for the light of
heaven, gave orders that the building with its offerings should be
utterly destroyed. Accordingly, in obedience to the imperial command,
these engines of an impure superstition were immediately abolished, and
the hand of military force was made instrumental in purging the place.
And now those who had heretofore lived without restraint learned
self-control through the emperor's threat of punishment, as likewise
those superstitious Gentiles wise in their own conceit, who now
obtained experimental proof of their own folly.
CHAFFER LVI.
Destruction of the Temple of AEsculapius at
FOR since a wide-spread error of these pretenders to
wisdom concerned the demon worshiped in Cilicia, whom thousands
regarded with reverence as the possessor of saving and healing power,
who sometimes appeared to those who passed the night in his temple,
sometimes restored the diseased to health, though on the contrary he
was a destroyer of souls, who drew his easily deluded worshipers from
the true Saviour to involve them in impious error, the emperor,
consistently with his practice, and desire to advance the worship of
him who is at once a jealous God and the true Saviour, gave directions
that this temple also should be razed to the ground. In prompt
obedience to this command, a band of soldiers laid this building, the
admiration of noble philosophers, prostrate in the dust, together with
its unseen inmate, neither demon nor god, but rather a deceiver of
souls, who had seduced mankind for so long a time through various ages.
And thus he who had promised to others deliverance from misfortune and
distress, could find no means for his own security, any more than when,
as is told in myth, he was scorched by the lightning's stroke. (2) Our
emperor's pious deeds, however, had in them nothing fabulous or
feigned; but by virtue of the manifested power of his Saviour, this
temple as well as others was so utterly overthrown, that not a vestige
of the former follies was left behind.
CHAPTER LVII.
How the Gentiles abandoned Idol Worship, and turned to the Knowledge of
God.
HENCE it was that, of those who had been the slaves
of superstition, when they saw with their own eyes the exposure of
their delusion, and beheld the actual ruin of the temples and images in
every place, some applied themselves to the saving doctrine of Christ;
while others, though they declined to take this step, yet reprobated
the folly which they had received from their fathers, and laughed to
scorn what they had so long been accustomed to regard as gods. Indeed,
what other feelings could possess their minds, when they witnessed the
thorough uncleanness concealed beneath the fair exterior of the objects
of their worship? Beneath this were found either the bones of dead men
or dry skulls, fraudulently adorned by the arts of magicians, (1) or
filthy rags full of abominable impurity, or a bundle of hay or stubble.
On seeing all these things heaped together within their lifeless
images, they denounced their fathers' extreme folly and their own,
especially when neither in the secret recesses of the temples nor in
the statues themselves could any inmate be found; neither demon, nor
utterer of oracles, neither god nor prophet, as they had heretofore
supposed: nay, not even a dim and shadowy phantom could be seen.
Accordingly, every gloomy cavern, every hidden recess, afforded easy
access to the emperor's emissaries: the inaccessible and secret
chambers, the innermost shrines of the temples, were trampled by the
soldiers' feet; and thus the mental blindness which had prevailed for
so many ages over the gentile world became clearly apparent to the eyes
of all.
CHAFFER LVIII.
How he destroyed the Temple of Venus at
Heliopolis, and built the First Church in that City.
SUCH actions as I have described may well be
reckoned among the emperor's noblest achievements, as also the wise
arrangements which he made respecting each particular province. We may
instance the Phoenician city Heliopolis, in which those who dignify
licentious pleasure with a distinguishing title of honor, had permitted
their wives and daughters to commit shameless fornication. But now a
new statute, breathing the very spirit of modesty, proceeded from the
emperor, which peremptorily forbade the con-
536
tinuance of former practices. And besides this he sent them also
written exhortations, as though he had been especially ordained by God
for this end, that he might instruct all men in the principles of
chastity. Hence, he disdained not to communicate by letter even with
these persons, urging them to seek diligently the knowledge of God. At
the same time he followed up his words by corresponding deeds, and
erected even in this city a church of great size and magnificence: so
that an event unheard of before in any age, now for the first time came
to pass, namely, that a city which had hitherto been wholly given up to
superstition now obtained the privilege of a church of God, with
presbyters and deacons, and its people were placed under the presiding
care of a bishop consecrated to the service of the supreme God. And
further, the emperor, being anxious that here also as many as possible
might be won to the truth, bestowed abundant provision for the
necessities of the poor, desiring even thus to invite them to seek the
doctrines of salvation, as though he were almost adopting the words of
him who said, "Whether in pretense, or in truth, let Christ be
preached." (1)
CHAPTER LIX.
Of the Disturbance at Antioch by Eustathius.
IN the midst, however, of the general happiness
occasioned by these events, and while the Church of God was every where
and every way flourishing throughout the empire, once more that spirit
of envy, who ever watches for the ruin of the good, prepared himself to
combat the greatness of our prosperity, in the expectation, perhaps,
that the emperor himself, provoked by our tumults and disorders, might
eventually become estranged from us. Accordingly, he kindled a furious
controversy at Antioch, and thereby involved the church in that place
in a series of tragic calamities, which had well-nigh occasioned the
total overthrow of the city. The members of the Church were divided
into two opposite parties; while the people, including even the
magistrates and soldiery, were roused to such a pitch, that the contest
would have been decided by the sword, had not the watchful providence
of God, as well as dread of the emperor's displeasure, controlled the
fury of the multitude. On this occasion, too, the emperor, acting the
part of a preserver and physician of souls, applied with much
forbearance the remedy of persuasion to those who needed it. He gently
pleaded, as it were by an embassy, with his people, sending among them
one of the best approved and most faithful of those who were
honored with the dignity of Count; (1) at the same time that he
exhorted them to a peaceable spirit by repeated letters, and instructed
them in the practice of true godliness, Having prevailed by these
remonstrances, he excused their conduct in his subsequent letters,
alleging that he had himself heard the merits of the case from him on
whose account the disturbance had arisen. (2) And these letters of his,
which are replete with learning and instruction of no ordinary kind, I
should have inserted in this present work, were it not that they might
affix a mark of dishonor to the character of the persons accused. I
will therefore omit these, being unwilling to revive the memory of past
grievances, and will only annex those to my present narrative which he
wrote to testify his satisfaction at the re-establishment of peace and
concord among the rest. In these letters, he cautioned them against any
desire to claim the ruler of another district, (3) through whose
intervention peace had been restored, as their own, and exhorted them,
consistently with the usage of the Church, to choose him as their
bishop, whom the common Saviour of all should point out as suited for
the office. His letter, then, is addressed to the people and to the
bishops, severally, in the following terms.
CHAPTER LX.
Constantine's Letter to the Antiochians,
directing them not to withdraw Eusebius from Coesarea, but to seek some
one else.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS, to the people of Antioch.
"How pleasing to the wise and intelligent portion of
mankind is the concord which exists among you! And I myself, brethren,
am disposed to love you with an enduring affection, inspired both by
religion, and by your own manner of life and zeal on my behalf. It is
by the exercise of right understanding and sound discretion, that we
are enabled really to enjoy our blessings. And what can become you so
well as i this discretion? No wonder, then, if I affirm that your
maintenance of the truth has tended rather to promote your security
than to draw on you the hatred of others. Indeed, amongst brethren,
whom the selfsame disposition to walk
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in the ways of truth and righteousness promises, through the favor of
God, to register among his pure and holy family, what can be more
honorable than gladly to acquiesce in the prosperity of all men?
Especially since the precepts of the divine law prescribe a better
direction to your proposed intention, and we ourselves desire that your
judgment should be confirmed by proper sanction. (1) It may be that you
are surprised, and at a loss to understand the meaning of this
introduction to my present address. The cause of it I will not hesitate
to explain without reserve. I confess, then, that on reading your
records I perceived, by the highly eulogistic testimony which they bear
to Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea, whom I have myself long well known and
esteemed for his learning and moderation, that you are strongly
attached to him, and desire to appropriate him as your own. What
thoughts, then, do you suppose that I entertain on this subject,
desirous as I am to seek for and act on the strict principles of right?
What anxiety do you imagine this desire of yours has caused me? O holy
faith, who givest us in our Saviour's words and precepts a model, as it
were, of what our life should be, how hardly wouldst thou thyself
resist the sins of men, were it not that thou refusest to subserve the
purposes of gain! In my own judgment, he whose first object is the
maintenance of peace, seems to be superior to Victory herself; and
where a right and honorable course lies open to one's choice, surely no
one would hesitate to adopt it. I ask then, brethren, why do we so
decide as to inflict an injury on others by our choice? Why do we covet
those objects which will destroy the credit of our own reputation? I
myself highly esteem the individual whom ye judge worthy of your
respect and affection: notwithstanding, it cannot be right that those
principles should be entirely disregarded which should be authoritative
and binding on all alike, so that each should not be content with his
own circumstances, and all enjoy their proper privileges: nor can it be
right, in considering the claims of rival candidates, to suppose but
that not one only, but many, may appear worthy of comparison with this
person. For as long as no violence or harshness are suffered to disturb
the dignities of the church, they continue to be on an equal footing,
and worthy of the same consideration everywhere. Nor is it reasonable
that an inquiry into the qualifications of this one should be made to
the detriment of others; since the judgment of all churches, whether
reckoned of greater or less importance in themselves, is equally
capable of receiving and maintaining the
divine ordinances, so that one is in no way inferior to another, if we
will but boldly declare the truth, in regard to that standard of
practice which is common to all. If this be so, we must say that you
will be chargeable, not with retaining this prelate, but with
wrongfully removing him; your conduct will be characterized rather by
violence than justice; and whatever may be generally thought by others,
I dare clearly and boldly affirm that this measure will furnish ground
of accusation against you, and will provoke factious disturbances of
the most mischievous kind: for even timid flocks can show the use and
power of their teeth, when the watchful care of their shepherd
declines, and they find themselves bereft of his accustomed guidance.
If this then be really so, if I am not deceived in my judgment, let
this, brethren, be your first consideration, for many and important
considerations will immediately present themselves, whether, should you
persist in your intention, that mutual kindly feeling and affection
which should subsist among you will suffer no diminution? In the next
place, remember that he, who came among you for the purpose of offering
disinterested counsel, (2) now enjoys the reward which is due to him in
the judgment of heaven; for he has received no ordinary recompense in
the high testimony you have borne to his equitable conduct. Lastly, in
accordance with your usual sound judgment, do ye exhibit a becoming
diligence in selecting the person of whom you stand in need, carefully
avoiding all factious and tumultuous clamor; for such clamor is always
wrong, and from the collision of discordant elements both sparks and
flame will arise. I protest, as I desire to please God and you, and to
enjoy a happiness commensurate with your kind wishes, that I love you,
and the quiet haven of your gentleness, now that you have cast from you
that which defiled, (3) and received in its place at once sound
morality and concord, firmly planting in the vessel the sacred
standard, and guided, as one may say, by a helm of iron in your course
onward to the light of heaven. Receive then on board that merchandise
which is incorruptible, since, as it were, all
538
bilge water has been drained from the vessel; and be careful henceforth
so to secure the enjoyment of all your present blessing, that you may
not seem at any future time either to have determined any measure on
the impulse of inconsiderate or ill-directed zeal, or in the first
instance rashly to have entered on an inexpedient course. May God
preserve you, beloved brethren!"
CHAPTER LXI.
The Emperor's Letter to Eusebius praising him for
refusing the Bishopric of Antioch.
The Emperor's Letter to me an my refusing the
Bishopric of Antioch.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS,
to Eusebius.
"I have most carefully perused your letter, and
perceive that you have strictly conformed to the rule enjoined by the
discipline of the Church. Now to abide by that which appears at the
same time pleasing to God, and accordant with apostolical tradition, is
a proof of true piety. You have reason to deem yourself happy on this
behalf, that you are counted worthy, in the judgment, I may say, of all
the world, to have the oversight of any church. For the desire which
all feel to claim you for their own, undoubtedly enhances your enviable
fortune in this respect. Notwithstanding, your Prudence whose resolve
it is to observe the ordinances of God and the apostolic canon of the
Church, (1) has done excellently well in declining the bishopric of the
church at Antioch, and desiring to continue in that church of which you
first received the oversight by the will of God. I have written on this
subject to the people of Antioch, and also to your colleagues in the
ministry who had themselves consulted me in regard to this question; on
reading which letters, your Holiness will easily discern, that,
inasmuch as justice itself opposed their claims, I have written to them
under divine direction. It will be necessary that your Prudence should
be present at their conference, in order that this decision may be
ratified in the church at Antioch. God preserve you, beloved brother!"
CHAPTER LXII.
Constantine's Letter to the Council, depreciating the Removal of
Eusebius from Coesarea.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS,
to Theodotus, Theodorus, Narcissus, Aëtius, Alpheus, and the rest
of the bishops who are at Antioch.
"I have perused the letters written by your
Prudences, and highly approve of the wise resolution of your colleague
in the ministry, Eusebius. Having, moreover, been informed of the
circumstances of the case, partly by your letters, partly by those of
our illustrious counts, (1) Acacius and Strategius, after sufficient
investigation I have written to the people of Antioch, suggesting the
course which will be at once pleasing to God and advantageous for the
Church. A copy of this I have ordered to be subjoined to this present
letter, in order that ye yourselves may know what I thought fit, as an
advocate of the cause of justice, to write to that people: since I find
in your letter this proposal, that, in consonance with the choice of
the people, sanctioned by your own desire, Eusebius the holy bishop of
Caesarea should preside over and take the charge of the church at
Antioch. Now the letters of Eusebius himself on this subject appeared
to be strictly accordant with the order prescribed by the Church.
Nevertheless it is expedient that your Prudences should be made
acquainted with my opinion also. For I am 'informed that Euphronius the
presbyter, who is a citizen of Caesarea in Cappadocia, and George
of Arethusa, likewise a presbyter, and appointed to that office by
Alexander at Alexandria, (2) are men of tried faith. It was right,
therefore, to intimate to your Prudences, that in proposing these men
and any others whom you may deem worthy the episcopal dignity, you
should decide this question in a manner conformable to the tradition of
the apostles. For in that case, your Prudences will be able, according
to the rule of the Church and apostolic tradition, to direct this
election in the manner which true ecclesiastical discipline shall
prescribe. God preserve you, beloved brethren!"
CHAPTER LXIII.
How he displayed his Zeal for the Extirpation
of Heresies.
Such were the exhortations to do all things to the
honor of the divine religion which the emperor addressed to the rulers
of the churches. Having by these means banished dissension, and
539
reduced the Church of God to a state of uniform harmony, he next
proceeded to a different duty, feeling it incumbent on him to extirpate
another sort of impious persons, as pernicious enemies of the human
race. These were pests of society, who ruined whole cities under the
specious garb of religious decorum; men whom our Saviour's warning
voice somewhere terms false prophets and ravenous wolves: "Beware of
false prophets, which will come to you in sheep's clothing, but
inwardly are ravening wolves. By their fruits ye shall know them." (1)
Accordingly, by an order transmitted to the governors of the several
provinces, he effectually banished all such offenders. In addition to
this ordinance he addressed to them personally a severely awakening
admonition, exhorting them to an earnest repentance, that they might
still find a haven of safety in the true Church of God. Hear, then, in
what manner he addressed them in this letter.
CHAPTER LXIV.
Constantine's Edict against the Heretics.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS,
to the heretics.
"Understand now, by this present statute, ye
Novatians, Valentinians, Marcionites, Paulians, ye who are called
Cataphrygians, (1) and all ye who devise and support heresies by means
of your private assemblies, with what a tissue of falsehood and vanity,
with what destructive and venomous errors, your doctrines are
inseparably interwoven; so that through you the healthy soul is
stricken with disease, and the living becomes the prey of everlasting
death. Ye haters and enemies of truth and life, in league with
destruction! All your counsels are opposed to the truth, but familiar
with deeds of baseness; full of absurdities and fictions: and by these
ye frame falsehoods, oppress the innocent, and withhold the light from
them that believe. Ever trespassing under the mask of godliness, ye
fill all things with defilement: ye pierce the pure and guileless
conscience with deadly wounds, while ye withdraw, one may almost say,
the very light of day from the eyes of men. But why should I
particularize, when to speak of your criminality as it deserves demands
more time and leisure than I can give? For so long and unmeasured is
the catalogue of your offenses, so hateful and altogether atrocious are
they, that a single day would not suffice to recount them all. And,
indeed, it is well to turn one's ears and eyes from such a subject,
lest by a description of each particular evil, the pure sincerity and
freshness of one's own faith be impaired. Why then do I still bear with
such abounding evil; especially since this protracted clemency is the
cause that some who were sound are become tainted with this pestilent
disease? Why not at once strike, as it were, at the root of so great a
mischief by a public manifestation of displeasure?
CHAPTER LXV.
The Heretics are deprived of their Meeting
Places.
"FORASMUCH, then, as it is no longer possible to
bear with your pernicious errors, we give warning by this present
statute that none of you henceforth presume to assemble yourselves
together. (1) We have directed, accordingly, that you be deprived of
all the houses in which you are accustomed to hold your assemblies: and
our care in this respect extends so far as to forbid the holding of
your superstitious and senseless meetings, not in public merely, but in
any private house or place whatsoever. Let those of you, therefore, who
are desirous of embracing the true and pure religion, take the far
better course of entering the catholic Church, and uniting with it in
holy fellowship, whereby you will be enabled to arrive at the knowledge
of the truth. In any case, the delusions of your perverted
understandings must entirely cease to mingle with and mar the felicity
of our present times: I mean the impious and wretched double-mindedness
of heretics and schismatics. For it is an object worthy of that
prosperity which we enjoy through the favor of God, to endeavor to
bring back those who in time past were living in the hope of future
blessing, from all irregularity and error to the right path, from
darkness to light, from vanity to truth, from death to salvation. And
in order that this remedy may be applied with effectual power, we have
commanded, as before said, that you be positively deprived of every
gathering point for your superstitious meetings, I mean all the houses
of prayer, if such be worthy of the name, which belong to
540
heretics, and that these be made over without delay to the catholic
Church; that any other places be confiscated to the public service, and
no facility whatever be left for any future gathering; in order that
from this day forward none of your unlawful assemblies may presume to
appear in any public or private place. Let this edict be made public."
CHAPTER LXVI.
How on the Discovery of Prohibited Books
among the Heretics, Many of them return to the Catholic Church.
THUS were the lurking-places of the heretics broken
up by the emperor's command, and the savage beasts they harbored (I
mean the chief authors of their impious doctrines) driven to flight. Of
those whom they had deceived, some, intimidated by the emperor's
threats, disguising their real sentiments, crept secretly into the
Church. For since the law directed that search should be made for their
books, those of them who practiced evil and forbidden arts were
detected, and, these were ready to secure their own safety by
dissimulation of every kind. (1) Others, however, there were, who
voluntarily
and with real sincerity embraced a better hope. Meantime the prelates
of the several churches. continued to make strict inquiry, utterly
rejecting those who attempted an entrance under the specious disguise
of false pretenses, while those who came with sincerity of purpose were
proved for a time, and after sufficient trial numbered with the
congregation. Such was the treatment of those who stood charged with
rank heresy: those, however, who maintained no impious doctrine, but
had been separated from the one body through the influence of
schismatic advisers, were received without difficulty or delay.
Accordingly, numbers thus revisited, as it were, their own country
after an absence in a foreign land, and acknowledged the Church as a
mother from whom they had wandered long, and to whom they now returned
with joy and gladness. Thus the members of the entire body became
united, and compacted in one harmonious whole; and the one catholic
Church, at unity with itself, shone with full luster, while no
heretical or schismatic body anywhere continued to exist. (2) And the
credit of having achieved this mighty work our Heaven-protected emperor
alone, of all who had gone before him, was able to attribute to himself.
BOOK IV.
CHAPTER I.
How he honored Many by Presents and Promo-
tions.
WHILE thus variously engaged in promoting
Saviour's doctrine, the emperor was far from neglecting secular
affairs; but in this respect also he was unwearied in bestowing
benefits of every kind and in quick succession on the people of every
province. On the one hand he manifested a paternal anxiety for the
general welfare of his subjects; on the other he would distinguish
individuals of his own acquaintance with various marks of honor;
conferring his benefits in every instance in a truly noble spirit. No
one could request a favor from the emperor, and fail of obtaining what
he sought: no one expected a boon from him, and found that expectation
vain. (1) Some received presents in money, others in land; some
obtained the Praetorian praefecture, others senatorial, others again
consular rank: many were appointed provincial governors: others were
made counts of the first, second, or third order: in numberless
instances the title of Most Illustrious and many other distinctions
were conferred; for the emperor devised new dignities, that he might
invest a larger number with the tokens of his favor.
CHAPTER II.
Remission of a Fourth Part of the Taxes.
THE extent to which he studied the general happiness
and prosperity may be understood from a single instance most beneficial
and universal in its application, and still gratefully remembered. He
remitted a fourth part of the yearly tribute paid for land, and
bestowed it on the owners of the soil; so that if we compute this
yearly reduction, we shall find that the cultivators enjoyed their
produce free of tribute every fourth year. (1) This privilege being
established by law, and secured for the time to come, has given
occasion for the emperor's beneficence to be held, not merely by the
then present generation, but by their children and descendants, in
perpetual remembrance.
CHAPTER III.
Equalization of the More Oppressive Taxes.
AND whereas some persons found fault with the
surveys of land which had been made under former emperors, and
complained that their property was unduly burdened; acting in this case
also on the principles of justice, he sent commissioners to equalize
the tribute, and to secure immunity to those who had made this. appeal.
CHAPTER IV.
His Liberality, from his private Resources, to the Losers in Suits of a
Pecuniary Nature.
IN cases of judicial arbitration, in order that the
loser by his decision might not quit his presence less contented than
the victorious litigant, he himself bestowed, and from his own private
means in some cases lands, in other money, on the defeated party. In
this manner he took care that the loser, as having appeared in his
ought in any case to retire dejected and sorrowful from an interview
with such a price. (1) Thus it happened that both parties returned from
the scene of trial with glad and cheerful countenances, while the
emperor's noble-minded liberality excited universal admiration.
CHAPTER V.
Conquest of the Scythians defeated through the
Sign of Our Saviour.
AND why should I relate even briefly and
incidentally, how he subjected barbarous nations to the Roman power;
how he was the first who
542
pelled them, how unwilling soever, to own the sovereignty of Rome? For
the emperors who preceded him had actually rendered tribute to the
Scythians: and Romans, by an annual payment, had confessed themselves
servants to barbarians; an indignity which our emperor could no longer
bear, nor think it consistent with his victorious career to continue
the payment his predecessors had made. Accordingly, with full
confidence in his Saviour's aid he raised his conquering standard
against these enemies also, and soon reduced them all to obedience;
coercing by military force those who fiercely resisted his authority,
while, on the other hand, he con-
ilization from their lawless and savage life. Thus the Scythians at
length learned to acknowledge subjection to the power of Rome.
CHAPTER VI.
Conquest of the Sarmatians, consequent on the
Rebellion of their Slaves.
WITH respect to the Sarmatians, God himself brought
them beneath the rule of Constantine, and subdued a nation swelling
with barbaric pride in the following manner. Being attacked by the
Scythians, they had entrusted their slaves with arms, in order to repel
the enemy. These slaves first overcame the invaders and then, turning
their weapons against their masters, drove them all from their native
land. The expelled Sarmatians found that their only hope of safety was
in Constantine's protection: and he, whose familiar habit it was to
save men's lives, received them all within the confines of the Roman
empire. (1) Those who were capable of serving he incorporated with his
own troops: to the rest he allotted lands to cultivate for their own
support so that they themselves acknowledged that their past misfortune
had produced a happy result in that they now enjoyed Roman liberty in
place of savage barbarism. In this manner God added to his dominions
many and various barbaric tribes.
CHAPTER VII.
Ambassadors from Different Barbarous Nations receive Presents from the
Emperor.
INDEED, ambassadors were continually arriving from
all nations, bringing for his acceptance their most precious gifts. So
that I myself have sometimes stood near the entrance of the imperial
palace, and observed a noticeable array of barbarians in attendance,
differing from each other in costume and decorations, and equally
unlike in the fashion of their hair and beard. Their aspect truculent
and terrible, their bodily stature prodigious: some of a red
complexion, others white as snow, others again of an intermediate
color. For in the number of those I have referred to might be seen
specimens of the Blemmyan tribes, of the Indians, and the Ethiopians,
(1)" that widely-divided race, remotest of mankind." All these in due
succession, like some painted pageant, presented to the emperor those
gifts which their own nation held in most esteem; some offering crowns
of
goldments embroidered with gold and flowers: some appeared with horses,
others with shields and long spears, with arrows and bows thereby
offering their services and alliance for the emperors acceptance. These
presents he separately received and carefully laid aside, acknowledging
them in so munificent a manner as at once to enrich those who bore
them. He also honored the noblest among them with Roman offices of
dignity; so that many of them thenceforward preferred to continue their
residence among us, and felt no desire to revisit their native land.
CHAPTER VIII.
That he wrote also to the King of Persia (1)
who had sent him an Embassy, on Behalf of the Christians in his Realm.
THE king of the Persians also having testified a
desire to form an alliance with Constantine, by sending an embassy and
presents as assurances of peace and friendship, the emperor, in
negotiating this treaty, far surpassed the monarch who had first done
him honor, in the magnificence with which he acknowledged his gifts.
Having heard, too, that there were many churches of God in Persia, and
that large numbers there were gathered into the fold of Christ, full of
joy at this intelligence, he resolved to extend his anxiety for the
general welfare to that country also, as one whose aim it was to care
for all alike in every nation.
543
CHAPTER IX.
teller of Constantine Augustus to Sapor, King
of the Persians, containing a truly Pious Confession of God and Christ.
Copy of his Letter to the King of Persia.
"By keeping the Divine faith, I am made a partaker
of the light of truth: guided by the light of truth, I advance in the
knowledge of the Divine faith. Hence it is that, as my actions
themselves evince, I profess the most holy religion; and this worship I
declare to be that which teaches me deeper acquaintance with the most
holy God; aided by whose Divine power, beginning from the very borders
of the ocean, I have aroused each nation of the world in succession to
a well-grounded hope of security; so that those which, groaning in
servitude to the most cruel tyrants and yielding to the pressure of
their daily sufferings, had well nigh been utterly destroyed, have been
restored through my agency to a far happier state. This God I confess
that I hold in unceasing honor and remembrance; this God I delight to
contemplate with pure and guileless thoughts in the height of his glory.
CHAPTER X.
The Writer denounces Idols, and glorifies God.
"THIS God I invoke with bended knees, and recoil
with horror from the blood of sacrifices from their foul and detestable
odors, and from every earth-born magic fire: (1) for the profane and
impious superstitions which are defiled by these rites have cast down
and consigned to perdition many, nay, whole nations of the Gentile
world. For he who is Lord of all cannot endure that those blessings
which, in his own loving-kindness and consideration of the wants of men
he has revealed for the rise of all, should be perverted to serve the
lusts of any. His only demand from man is purity of mind and an
undefiled spirit; and by this standard he weighs the actions of virtue
and godliness. For his pleasure is in works of moderation and
gentleness: he loves the meek, and hates the turbulent spirit:
delighting in faith, he chastises unbelief: by him all presumptuous
power is broken down, and he avenges the insolence of the proud. While
the arrogant and haughty are utterly overthrown, he requires the humble
and forgiving with deserved rewards: even so does he highly honor and
strengthen with his special help a kingdom justly governed, and
maintains a prudent king in the tranquillity of peace.
CHAPTER XI.
Against the Tyrants and Persecutors; and on
the Captivity of Valerian.
"I CANNOT, then, my brother believe that I err in
acknowledging this one God, the author and parent of all things: whom
many of my predecessors in power, led astray by the madness of error,
have ventured to deny, but who were all visited with a retribution so
terrible and so destructive, that all succeeding generations have held
up their calamities as the most effectual warning to any who desire to
follow in their stops. Of the number of these I believe him (1) to have
been, whom the lightning-stroke of Divine vengeance drove forth from
hence, and banished to your dominions and whose disgrace contributed to
the fame of your celebrated triumph.
CHAPTER XII.
He declares that, having witnessed the Fall
of the Persecutors, he now rejoices at the Peace enjoyed by the
Christians.
"AND it iS surely a happy circumstance that the
punishment of such persons as I have described should have been
publicly manifested in our own times. For I myself have witnessed the
end of those who lately harassed the worshipers of God by their impious
edict. And for this abundant thanksgivings are due to God that through
his excellent Providence all men who observe his holy laws are
gladdened by the renewed enjoyment of peace. Hence I am fully persuaded
that everything is in the best and safest posture, since God is
vouchsafing, through the influence of their pure and faithful religious
service, and their unity of judgment respecting his Divine character,
to gather all men to himself.
CHAPTER XIII.
He bespeaks his Affectionate Interest for he
Christians in his Country.
"IMAGINE, then, with what joy I heard tidings so
accordant with my desire, that the fairest districts of Persia are
filled with those men on whose behalf alone I am at present speaking, I
544
mean the Christians. I pray, therefore, that both you and they may
enjoy abundant prosperity, and that your blessings and theirs may be in
equal measure; (1) for thus you will experience the mercy and favor of
that God who is the Lord and Father of all. And now, because your power
is great, I commend these persons to your protection; because
your piety is eminent, I commit them to your care. Cherish them with
your wonted humanity and kindness; for by this proof of faith you will
secure an immeasurable benefit both to yourself and us."
CHAPTER XIV.
How the Zealous Prayers of Constantine pro-
cured Peace to the Christians.
THUS, the nations of the world being everywhere
guided in their course as it were by the skill of a single pilot, and
acquiescing in the administration of him who governed as the servant of
God, the peace of the Roman empire continued undisturbed, and all
classes of his subjects enjoyed a life of tranquillity and repose. At
the same time the emperor, who was convinced that the prayers of godly
men contributed powerfully to the maintenance of the public welfare,
felt himself constrained zealously to seek such prayers and not only
himself implored the help and favor of God, but charged the prelates of
the churches to offer supplications on his behalf.
CHAPTER XV.
He causes himself to be represented on his
Coins, and in his Portraits, in the Attitude of Prayer.
How deeply his soul was impressed by the power of
divine faith may be understood from the circumstance that he directed
his likeness to be stamped on the golden coin of the empire with the
eyes uplifted as in the posture of prayer to God: and this money became
current throughout the Roman world. His portrait also at full length
was placed over the entrance gates of the palaces in some cities, the
eyes upraised to heaven, and the hands outspread as if in prayer.
CHAPTER XVI.
He forbids by Law the Plating his Likeness in
Idol Temples.
IN this manner he represented himself, even through
the medium of painting, as habitually engaged in prayer to God. At the
same time he forbade, by an express enactment, the setting up of any
resemblance of himself in any idol temple, that not even the mere
lineaments of his person might receive contamination from the error of
forbidden superstition.
CHAPTER XVII.
Of his Prayers in the Palace, and his Reading
the Holy Scriptures.
STILL nobler proofs of his piety might be discerned
by those who marked how he modeled as it were his very palace into a
church of God, and himself afforded a pattern of zeal to those
assembled therein: how he took the sacred scriptures into his hands,
and devoted himself to the study of those divinely inspired oracles;
after which he would offer up regular prayers with all the members of
his imperial court.
CHAPTER XVIII.
He enjoins the General Observance of the Lord's Day, and the Day of
Preparation.
HE ordained, too, that one day should be regarded as
a special occasion for prayer: I mean that which is truly the first and
chief of all, the day of our Lord and Saviour. The entire care of his
household was entrusted to deacons and other ministers consecrated to
the service of God, and distinguished by gravity of life and every
other virtue: while his trusty body guard, strong in affection and
fidelity to his person, found in their emperor an instructor in the
practice of piety, and like him held the Lord's salutary day in honor
and performed on that day the devotions which he loved. The same
observance was recommended by this blessed prince to all classes of his
subjects: his earnest desire being gradually to lead all mankind to the
worship of God. Accordingly he enjoined on all the subjects of the
Roman empire to observe the Lord's day, as a day of rest, and also to
honor the day which precedes the Sabbath; in memory, I suppose, of what
the Saviour of mankind is recorded to have achieved on that day. (1)
And since his desire was to teach his whole army zealously to honor the
Saviour's day (which derives its name from light, and from the sun),
(2) he freely granted to those
545
among them who were partakers of the divine faith, leisure for
attendance on the services of the Church of God, in order that they
might be able, without impediment, to perform their religious worship.
CHAPTER XIX.
That he directed even his Pagan Soldiers to
pray on the Lord's Day.
WITH regard to those who were as yet ignorant of
divine truth, he provided by a second statute that they should appear
on each Lord's day on an open plain near the city, and there, at a
given signal, offer to God with one accord a prayer which they had
previously learnt. He admonished them that their confidence should not
rest in their spears, or armor, or bodily strength, but that they
should acknowledge the supreme God as the giver of every good, and of
victory itself; to whom they were bound to offer their prayers with due
regularity, uplifting
on whom they should call as the Author of victory, their Preserver,
Guardian, and Helper. The emperor himself prescribed the prayer
to be used by all his troops, commanding them, to pronounce the
following words in the Latin tongue:
CHAPTER XX.
The Form of Prayer given by Constantine to his
Soldiers.
"WE acknowledge thee the only God: we own thee, as
our King and implore thy succor. By thy favor have we gotten the
victory through thee are we mightier than our enemies. We render thanks
for thy past benefits, and trust thee for future blessings. Together we
pray to thee, and beseech thee long to preserve to us, safe and
triumphant, our emperor Constantine and his pious sons." by his troops,
and such the prayer they were
instructed to offer up to God.
CHAPTER XXI.
He orders the Sign of the Saviour's Cross to be engraven on his
Soldiers' Shields.
AND not only so, but he also caused the sign
of the salutary trophy to be impressed on the very shields of his
soldiers; and commanded that his embattled forces should be preceded in
their march, not by golden images, as heretofore, (1) but only by the
standard of the cross.
CHAPTER XXII.
Of his Zeal in Prayer, and the Honor he paid
to the Feast of Easter.
THE emperor himself, as a sharer in the holy
mysteries of our religion, would seclude himself daily at a stated hour
in the innermost chambers of his palace; and there in solitary converse
with his God, would kneel in humble supplication, and entreat the
blessings of which he stood in need. But especially at the salutary
feast of Easter, his religious diligence was redoubled; he
fulfilled as it were the duties of a hierophant with every energy of
his mind and body, and outvied all others in the zealous celebration of
this feast. He changed, too, the holy night vigil into a brightness
like that of day, by causing waxen tapers of great length to be lighted
throughout the city: besides which, torches everywhere diffused their
light, so as to impart to this mystic vigil a brilliant splendor beyond
that of day. (1) As soon as day itself returned, in imitation of our
Saviour's gracious acts, he opened a liberal hand to his subjects of
every nation, province, and people, and lavished abundant bounties on
all.
CHAPTER XXIII.
How he forbade Idolatrous Worship, but honored Martyrs and the Church
Festivals.
SUCH were his sacred ministrations in the service of
his God. At the same time, his subjects, both civil and military,
throughout the empire, found a barrier everywhere opposed against idol
worship, and every kind of sacrifice forbidden. (1) A statute was also
passed, enjoining the due observance of the Lord's day, and transmitted
to the governors of every province, who undertook, at the emperors
command, to respect the days commemorative of martyrs, and duly to
emperors entire satisfaction.
546
CHAPTER XXIV.
That he described himself to be a Bishop, in Charge of Affairs External
to the Church.
HENCE it was not without reason that once, on the
occasion of his entertaining a company of bishops, he let fall the
expression, "that he himself too was a bishop," addressing them in my
heating in the following words: "You are bishops whose jurisdiction is
within the Church: I also am a bishop, ordained by God to overlook
whatever is external to the Church." (1) And
copal care, and exhorted them as far as in him lay to follow a godly
life.
CHAPTER XXV.
Prohibition of Sacrifices, of Mystic Rites,
Combats of Gladiators, also the Licentious Worship of the Nile.
CONSISTENTLY with this zeal he issued successive
laws and ordinances, forbidding any to offer sacrifice to idols, to
consult diviners, to erect images, or to pollute the cities with the
sanguinary combats of gladiators. (1) And inasmuch as the Egyptians,
especially those of Alexandria, had been accustomed to honor their
river through a priesthood composed of effeminate men, a further law
was passed commanding the extermination of the whole class as vicious,
that no one might thenceforward be found tainted with the like
impurity. And whereas the superstitious inhabitants apprehended that
the river would in consequence withhold its customary flood, God
himself showed his approval of the emperor's law by ordering all things
in a manner quite contrary to their expectation. For those who had
defiled the cities by their vicious conduct were indeed seen no more;
but the river, as if the country through
rose higher than ever before,
overflowed the country with its fertilizing streams: thus effectually
admonishing the deluded people to turn from impure men, and ascribe
their prosperity to him alone who is the Giver of all good.
CHAPTER XXVI.
Amendment of the Law in Force respecting
Childless Persons, and of the Law of Wills.
So numerous, indeed, were the benefits of this kind
conferred by the emperor on every province, as to afford ample
materials to any who might desire to record them. Among these may be
instanced those laws which he entirely remodelled, and established on a
more equitable basis: the nature of which reform may be briefly and
easily explained. The childless were punished under the old law with
the forfeiture of their hereditary property a merciless stature, which
dealt with them as positive criminals. The emperor annulled this, and
decreed that those so circumstanced should inherit. He regulated the
question on the principles of equity and justice, arguing willful
transgressors should be chastised with the penalties their crimes
deserve. But nature herself denies children to many, who long, perhaps,
for a numerous offspring, but are disappointed of their hope by bodily
infirmity. Others continue childless, not from any dislike of
posterity, but because their ardent love of philosophy (1) renders them
averse to the conjugal union. Women, too, consecrated to the service of
God, have maintained a pure and spotless virginity, and have devoted
themselves, soul and body to a life of entire chastity and holiness.
What then? Should this conduct be deemed worthy of punishment, or
rather of admiration and praise; since to desire this state is in
itself honorable, and to maintain it surpasses the power of unassisted
nature? Surely those whose bodily infirmity destroys their hope of
offspring are worthy of pity, not of punishment: and he who devotes
himself to a higher object calls not for chastisement, but especial
admiration. On such
regard to the wills of dying persons, the old laws had ordained that
they should be expressed, even at the latest breath, as it were, in
certain definite words, and had prescribed the exact form and terms to
be employed. This practice had occasioned many fraudulent attempts to
hinder the intentions of the deceased from
547
being carried into full effect. As soon as our emperor was aware of
these abuses, he reformed this law likewise, declaring that a dying man
ought to be permitted to indicate his last wishes in as few words as
possible, and in whatever terms he pleased; and to set forth his will
in any written form; or even by word of mouth, provided it were done in
the presence of proper witnesses, who might be competent faithfully to
discharge their trust.
CHAPTER XXVII.
Among Other Enactments, he decrees that no
Christian shall slave to a Jew, and affirms the Validity of the
Decisions of Councils.
HE also passed a law to the effect that no Christian
should remain in servitude to a Jewish
master, on the ground that it could not be right that those whom the
Saviour had ransomed should be subjected to the yoke of slavery by a
people who had slain the prophets and the Lord himself. If any were
found hereafter in these circumstances, the slave was to be set at
liberty, and the master punished by a fine.
He likewise added the sanction of his authority to
the decisions of bishops passed at their synods, and forbade the
provincial governors to annul any of their decrees: for he rated the
priests of God at a higher value than any judge whatever. These and a
thousand similar provisions did he enact for the benefit of his
subjects; but there is not time now to give a special description of
them, such as might convey an accurate idea of his imperial wisdom in
these respects: nor need I now relate at length, how, as a devoted
servant of the Supreme God, he employed himself from morning until
night in seeking objects for his beneficence, and how equally and
universally kind he was to all.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
His Gifts to the Churches, and Bounties to
Virgins and to the Poor.
His liberality, however, was most especially
exercised on behalf of the churches of God. In some cases he granted
lands, in others he issued supplies of food for the support of the
poor, of orphan children, and widows; besides which, he evinced much
care and forethought in fully providing the naked and destitute with
clothing. He distinguished, however, with most special honor those who
had devoted their lives to the practice of Divine philosophy. Hence his
respect, little short of veneration, for God's most holy and ever
virgin choir: for he felt assured that the God to whom such persons
devoted themselves was himself an inmate of their souls.
CHAPTER XXIX.
Of
Constantine's Discourses and Declamations. (1)
FOR himself, he sometimes passed sleepless nights in
furnishing his mind with Divine knowledge: and much of his time was
spent in composing discourses, many of which he delivered in public;
for he conceived it to be incumbent on him to govern his subjects by
appealing to their reason, and to secure in all respects a rational
obedience to his authority. Hence he would sometimes himself evoke an
assembly, on which occasions vast multitudes attended, in the hope of
hearing an emperor sustain the part of a philosopher. And if in the
course of his speech any occasion offered of touching on sacred topics,
he immediately stood erect, and with a grave aspect and subdued tone of
voice seemed reverently to be initiating his auditors in the mysteries
of the Divine doctrine: and when they greeted him with shouts of
acclamation, he would direct them by his gestures to raise their eyes
to heaven, and reserve their admiration for the Supreme King alone, and
honor him with adoration and praise. He
usually divided the subjects of his address, first thoroughly exposing
the error of polytheism, and proving the superstition of the Gentiles
to be mere fraud, and a cloak for impiety. He then would assert the
sole sovereignty of God: passing thence to his Providence, both general
and particular. Proceeding next to the dispensation of salvation, he
would demonstrate its necessity, and adaptation to the nature of the
case; entering next in order on the doctrine of the Divine judgment.
(2) And here especially he appealed most powerfully to the consciences
of his hearers, while he denounced the rapacious and violent, and those
who were slaves to an inordinate thirst of gain. Nay, he caused some of
his own acquaintance who were present to feel the severe lash of his
words, and to stand with downcast eyes in the consciousness of guilt,
while he testified against them in the clearest and most impressive
terms that they would have an account to render of their deeds to God.
He reminded them that God himself had given him the empire of the
world, portions of which he himself, acting on the same Divine
principle, had intrusted to their government; but that all would in due
time be alike summoned to give account of their actions to the Supreme
Sovereign of all. Such was his constant testimony;
548
such his admonition and instruction. And he himself both felt and
uttered these sentiments in the genuine confidence of faith: but-his
hearers were little disposed to learn, and deaf to sound advice;
receiving his words indeed with loud applause, but induced by
insatiable cupidity practically to disregard them.
CHAPTER XXX.
That he marked out before a Covetous Man the
Measure of a Grave, and so put him to Shame.
ON one occasion he thus personally addressed one of
his courtiers: "How far, my friend, are we to carry our inordinate
desires?" Then drawing the dimensions of a human figure with a lance
which he happened to have in his hand, he continued: "Though thou
couldst obtain the whole wealth of this world, yea, the whole world
itself, thou wilt carry with thee at last no more than this little spot
which I have marked out, if indeed even that be thine." (1) Such were
the words and actions of this blessed prince; and though at the time he
failed to reclaim any from their evil ways, yet notwithstanding the
course of events afforded evident proof that his admonitions were more
like Divine prophecies than mere words.
CHAPTER XXXI.
That he was derided because of his EXcessive
Clemency. (1)
MEANTIME, since there was no fear of capital
punishment to deter from the commission of crime, for the emperor
himself was uniformly inclined to clemency, and none of the provincial
governors visited offenses with their proper penalties, this state of
things drew with it no small degree of blame on the general
administration of the empire; whether justly or not, let every one form
his own judgment: for myself, I only ask permission to record the fact.
CHAPTER XXXII.
Of Constantine's Oration which he wrote to the
Assembly of the Saints. (1)
THE emperor was in the habit of composing his
orations in the Latin tongue, from which they were translated into
Greek by interpreters appointed for this special service. One of the
discourses thus translated I intend to annex, by way of specimen, to
this present work, that one, I mean, which he inscribed "To the
assembly of the saints," and dedicated to the Church of God, that no
one may have ground for deeming my testimony on this head mere empty
praise.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
How he listened standing to Eusebius'
Declamation in Honor of our Saviour's Sepulchre.
ONE act, however, I must by no means omit to record,
which this admirable prince performed in my own presence. On one
occasion, emboldened by the confident assurance I entertained of his
piety, I had begged permission to pronounce a discourse on the subject
of our Saviour's sepulchre in his hearing. With this request he most
readily complied, and in the midst of a large number of auditors, in
the interior of the palace itself, he stood and listened with the rest.
I entreated him, but in vain, to seat himself on the imperial throne
which stood near: he continued with fixed attention to
weigh the topics of my discourse, and gave his own testimony to the
truth of the theological doctrines it contained. After some time had
passed, the oration being of considerable length, I was myself desirous
of concluding; but this he would not permit, and exhorted me to proceed
to the very end. On my again entreating him to sit, he in his turn was
displeased and said that it was not right to listen in a careless
manner to the discussion of doctrines relating to God; and again, that
this posture was good and profitable to himself, since it was reverent
to stand while listening to sacred truths. Having, therefore, concluded
my discourse, I returned home, and resumed my usual occupations.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
That he wrote to Eusebius respecting Easter, and respecting Copies of
the Holy Scriptures.
EVER careful for the welfare of the churches of God,
the emperor addressed me personally in a letter on the means of
providing copies of the inspired oracles, and also on the subject of
the most holy feast of Easter. For I had myself dedicated to him an
exposition of the mystical import of that feast; and the manner in
which he honored me with a reply may be understood by any one who reads
the following letter.
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CHAPTER XXXV.
Constantine's Letter to Eusebius, in praise of
his Discourse concerning Easter.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS,
to Eusebius.
"It is indeed an arduous task, and beyond the power
of language itself, worthily to treat of the mysteries of Christ, and
to explain in a fitting manner the controversy respecting the feast of
Easter, its origin as well as its precious and toilsome accomplishment.
(1) For it is not in the power even of those who are able to apprehend
them, adequately to describe the things of God. I am, notwithstanding,
filled with admiration of your learning and zeal, and have not only
myself read your work with pleasure, but have given directions,
according to your own desire, that it be communicated to many sincere
followers of our holy religion. Seeing, then, with what pleasure we
receive favors of this kind from your Sagacity, be pleased to gladden
us more frequently with those compositions, to the practice of which,
indeed, you confess yourself to have been trained from an early period,
so that I am urging a willing man, as they say, in exhorting you to
your customary pursuits. And certainly the high and confident judgment
we entertain is a proof that the person who has translated your
writings into the Latin tongue
is in no respect incompetent to the task, impossible though it be that
such version should fully equal the excellence of the works themselves.
God preserve you, beloved brother." Such was his letter on this
subject: and that which related to the providing of copies of the
Scriptures for reading in the churches was to the following purport.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
Constantine' s Letter to Eusebius on the Prepara-
tion of Copies of the Holy Scriptures.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS,
to Eusebius.
"It happens, through the favoring providence of God
our Saviour, that great numbers have united themselves to the most holy
church in the city which is called by my name. It seems, therefore,
highly requisite, since that city is rapidly advancing in prosperity in
all other respects, that the number of churches should also he
increased. Do you, therefore, receive with all readiness my
determination on this behalf. I have thought it expedient to instruct
your Prudence to order fifty copies of the sacred Scriptures, the
provision and use of which you know to be most needful for the
instruction of the Church, to be written on prepared parchment in a
legible manner, and in a convenient, portable form, by professional
transcribers thoroughly practiced in their art. (1) The catholicus (2)
of the diocese has also received instructions by letter from our
Clemency to be careful to furnish all things necessary for the
preparation of such copies; and it will be for you to take special care
that they be completed with as little delay as possible. (3) You have
authority also, in virtue of this letter, to use two of the public
carriages for their conveyance, by which arrangement the copies when
fairly written will most easily be forwarded for my personal
inspection; and one of the deacons of your church may be intrusted with
this service, who, on his arrival here, shall experience my liberality.
God preserve you, beloved brother!"
CHAPTER XXXVII.
How the Copies were provided.
SUCH were the emperor's commands, which were
followed by the immediate execution of the work itself, which we sent
him in magnificent and elaborately bound volumes of a threefold and
fourfold form. (1) This fact is attested by another letter, which the
emperor wrote in acknowledgment, in which, having heard that the city
Constantia in our country, the inhabitants of which had been more than
commonly devoted to superstition, had been impelled by a sense of
religion to abandon their past idolatry, he testified his joy, and
approval of their conduct.
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CHAPTER XXXVIII.
How the Market-town of Gaza was made a City
far its Profession of Christianity, and received the Name of Constantia.
FOR in fact the place now called Constantia, in the
province of Palestine, having embraced the saving religion, was
distinguished both by the favor of God, and by special honor from the
emperor, being now for the first time raised to the rank of a city, and
receiving the more honored name of his pious sister in exchange for its
former appellation.
CHAPTER XXXIX.
That a Place in Phoenicia also was made a
City, and in Other Cities Idolatry was abolished, and Churches built.
A SIMILAR change was effected in several other
cities; for instance, in that town of Phoenicia which received its name
from that of the emperor, and the inhabitants of which committed their
innumerable idols to the flames, and adopted in their stead the
principles of the saving faith. Numbers, too, in the other provinces,
both in the cities and the country, became willing inquirers after the
saving knowledge of God; destroyed as worthless things the images of
every kind which they had heretofore held most sacred; voluntarily
demolished the lofty temples and shrines which contained them; and,
renouncing their former sentiments, or rather errors, commenced and
completed entirely new churches. But since it is not so much my
province to give a circumstantial detail of the actions of this pious
prince, as it is theirs who have been privileged to enjoy his society
at all times, I shall content myself with briefly recording such facts
as have come to my own personal knowledge, before I proceed to notice
the last days of his life.
CHAPTER XL.
That having conferred the Dignity of Caesars
on his Three Sans at the Three Decennial Periods of his Reign, he
dedicated the Church at
Jerusalem.
By this time the thirtieth year of his reign was
completed. In the course of this period, his three sons had been
admitted at different times as his colleagues in the empire. The first,
Constantinus, who bore his father's name, obtained this distinction
about the tenth year of his reign. Constantius, the second son, so
called from his grandfather, was proclaimed Caesar about the twentieth,
while Constans, the third, whose name expresses the firmness and
stability of his character, was advanced to the same dignity at the
thirtieth anniversary of his father's reign. (1) Having thus reared a
threefold offspring, a Trinity, (2) as it were, of pious sons, and
having received them severally at each decennial period to a
participation in his imperial authority, he judged the festival of his
Tricennalia to be a fit occasion for thanksgiving to the Sovereign Lord
of all, at the same time believing that the dedication of the church
which his zealous magnificence had erected at Jerusalem might
advantageously be performed.
CHAPTER XLI.
That in the meantime he ordered a Council to
be convened at Tyre, because of Controversies raised in Egypt.
MEANWHILE that spirit of envy which is the enemy of
all good, like a dark cloud intercepting the sun's brightest rays,
endeavored to mar the joy of this festivity, by again raising
contentions to disturb the tranquillity of the Egyptian churches. Our
divinely favored emperor, however, once more convened a synod composed
of many bishops, and set them as it were in armed array, like the host
of God, against this malignant spirit, having commanded their presence
from the whole of Egypt and Libya, from Asia, and from Europe, in
order, first, to decide the questions in dispute, and afterwards to
perform the dedication of the sacred edifice above mentioned. He
enjoined them, by the way, to adjust their differences at the capital
city of Phoenicia, reminding them that they had no right, while
harboring feelings of mutual animosity, to engage in the service of
God, since his law expressly forbids those who are at variance to offer
their gift until they have first become reconciled and mutually
disposed to peace. Such were the salutary precepts which the emperor
continually kept vividly before his own mind, and in accordance with
which he admonished them to undertake their present duties in a spirit
of perfect unanimity and concord, in a letter to the following purport.
CHAPTER XLII.
Constantine's Letter to the Council at Tyre.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS,
to the holy Council at Tyre.
551
"Surely it would best consist with and best become
the prosperity of these our times, that the Catholic Church should be
undivided, and the servants of Christ be at this present moment clear
from all reproach. Since, however, there are those who, carried away by
a baleful and furious spirit of contention (for I will not charge them
with intentionally leading a life unworthy of their profession), are
endeavoring to create that general confusion which, in my judgment, is
the most pernicious of all evils; I exhort you, forward as you already
are, to meet together and form a synod without delay: to defend those
who need protection; to administer remedies to your brethren who are in
peril; to recall the divided members to unity of judgment; to rectify
errors while opportunity is yet allowed: that thus you may restore to
so many provinces that due measure of concord which, strange and sad
anomaly! the arrogance of a few individuals has destroyed. And I
believed that all are alike persuaded that this course is at the same
time pleasing to Almighty God (as well as the highest object of my own
desires), and will bring no small honor to yourselves, should you be
successful in restoring peace. Delay not, then, but hasten with
redoubled zeal to terminate the present dissensions in a manner
becoming the occasion, by assembling together in that spirit of true
sincerity and faith which the Saviour whom we serve especially demands
from us, I may almost say with an audible voice, on all occasions. No
proof of pious zeal on my part shall be wanting. Already have I done
all to which my attention was directed by your letters. I have sent to
those bishops whose presence you desired, that they may share your
counsels. I have despatched Dionysius, a man of consular rank, who will
both remind those prelates of their duty who are bound to attend the
Council with you, and will himself be there to superintend the
proceedings, but especially to maintain good order. Meantime should any
one, though I deem it most improbable, venture on this occasion to
violate my command, and refuse his attendance, a messenger shall be
despatched forthwith to banish that person in virtue of an imperial
edict, and to teach him that it does not become him to resist an
emperor's decrees when issued in defense of truth. For the rest, it
will be for your Holinesses, unbiased either by enmity or favor, but
consistently with ecclesiastical and apostolic order, to devise a
fitting remedy whether it be for positive offenses or for
unpremeditated errors; in order that you may at once free the Church
from all reproach, relieve my anxiety, and, by restoring the blessings
of peace to those who are now divided, procure the highest honor for
yourselves. God preserve you, beloved brethren!" (1)
CHAPTER XLIII.
Bishops from all the Provinces attended the Dedication of the Church at
Jerusalem.
No sooner had these injunctions been carded into
effect, than another emissary arrived with despatches from the emperor,
and an urgent admonition to the Council to hasten their journey to
Jerusalem without delay. (1) Accordingly they all took their departure
from the province of Phoenicia, and proceeded to their destination,
availing themselves of the public means of transport. Thus Jerusalem
became the gathering point for distinguished prelates from every
province, and the whole city was thronged by a vast assemblage of the
servants of God. The Macedonians had sent the bishop of their
metropolis; (2) the Pannonians and Moesians the fairest of God's
youthful flock among them. A holy prelate from Persia too was there,
deeply versed in the sacred oracles; while Bithynian and Thracian
bishops graced the Council with their presence; nor were the most
illustrious from Cilicia wanting, nor the chief of the Cappadocians,
distinguished above all for learning and eloquence. In short, the whole
of Syria and Mesopotamia, Phoenicia and Arabia, Palestine, Egypt, and
Libya, with the dwellers in the Thebaid, all contributed to swell the
mighty concourse of God's ministers, followed as they were by vast
numbers from every province. They were attended by an imperial escort,
(3) and officers of trust had also been sent from the palace itself,
with instructions to heighten the splendor of the festival at the
emperor's expense.
CHAPTER XLIV.
Of their Reception by the Notary Marianus;
the Distribution of Money to the Poor; and Offerings to the Church.
THE director and chief of these officers was a most
useful servant of the emperor, a man eminent for faith and piety, and
thoroughly acquainted with the Divine word, who had been honorably
conspicuous by his profession of godliness during the time of the
tyrants' power, and therefore was deservedly entrusted with the
arrangement of the present proceedings. Accordingly, in faithful
obedience to the emperor's commands, he received the assembly with
courteous hospitality, and entertained them with
552
feasts and banquets on a scale of great splendor. He also distributed
lavish supplies of money and clothing among the naked and destitute,
and the multitudes of both sexes who suffered from want of food and the
common necessaries of life. Finally, he enriched and beautified the
church itself throughout with offerings of imperial magnificence, and
thus fully accomplished the service he had been commissioned to perform.
CHAPTER XLV.
Various Discourses by the Assembled Bishops; ala by Eusebius, the
Writer of this History.
MEANTIME the festival derived additional luster both
from the prayers and discourses of the ministers of God, some of whom
extolled the pious emperor's willing devotion to the Saviour of
mankind, and dilated on the magnificence of the edifice which he had
raised to his memory. Others afforded, as it were, an intellectual
feast to the ears of all present, by public disquisitions on the sacred
doctrines of our religion. Others interpreted passages of holy
Scripture, and unfolded their hidden meaning; while such as were
unequal to these efforts presented a bloodless sacrifice and mystical
service to God in the prayers which they offered for general peace, for
the Church of God, for the emperor himself as the instrumental cause of
so many blessings, and
for his pious sons. I myself too, unworthy as I was of such a
privilege, pronounced various public orations in honor of this
solemnity, wherein I partly explained by a written description the
details of the imperial edifice, and partly endeavored to gather from
the prophetic visions apt illustrations of the symbols it displayed.
(1) Thus joyfully was the festival of dedication celebrated in the
thirtieth year of our emperor's reign.
CHAPTER XLVI.
That Eusebius afterwards delivered his Descrip-
tion of the Church of the Saviour, and a Tri-
cennial Oration before Constantine himself.
THE structure of the church of our Saviour, the form
of his sacred cave, the splendor of the work itself, and the numberless
offerings in gold, and silver, and precious stones, I have described to
the best of my ability, and dedicated to the emperor in a separate
treatise, which on a fitting opportunity I shall append to this present
work. I shall add to it also that oration on his Tricennalia which
shortly afterwards, having traveled to the city which bears his name, I
delivered in the emperor's own presence. (1) This was the second
opportunity afforded me of glorifying the Supreme God in the imperial
palace itself: and on this occasion my pious hearer evinced the
greatest joy, as he afterwards testified, when he entertained the
bishops then present, and loaded them with distinctions of every kind.
CHAFFER XLVII.
That the Council at Nicaea was held in the
Twentieth, the Dedication of the Church at Jerusalem in the Thirtieth,
Year of Constantine's Reign.
THIS second synod the emperor convened at Jerusalem,
being the greatest of which we have any knowledge, next to the first
which he had summoned at the famous Bithynian city. That indeed was a
triumphal assembly, held in the twentieth year of his reign, an
occasion of thanksgiving for victory over his enemies in the very city
which bears the name of victory. (1) The present meeting added luster
to the thirtieth anniversary, during which the emperor dedicated the
church at the sepulchre of our Saviour, as a peace-offering to God, the
giver of all good.
CHAFFER XLVIII.
That Constantine was displeased with one who
praised him excessively.
AND now that all these ceremonies were completed,
and the divine qualities of the emperor's character continued to be the
theme of universal praise, one of God's ministers presumed so far as in
his own presence to pronounce him blessed, as having been counted
worthy to hold absolute and universal empire in this life, and as being
destined to share the empire of the Son of God in the world to come.
These words, however, Constantine heard with indignation, and forbade
the speaker to hold such language, exhorting him rather to pray
earnestly on his behalf, that whether in this life or in that which is
to come, he might be found worthy to be a servant of God. (1)
553
CHAPTER XLIX.
Marriage of his Son Constantius Coesar.
ON the completion of the thirtieth year of his reign
he solemnized the marriage of his second son, (1) having concluded that
of his first-born long before. This was an occasion of great joy and
festivity, the emperor himself attending on his son at the ceremony,
and entertaining the guests of both sexes, the men and women in
distinct and separate companies, with sumptuous hospitality. Rich
presents likewise were liberally distributed among the cities and
people.
CHAPTER L.
Embassy and Presents from the Indians.
ABOUT this time ambassadors from the Indians, who
inhabit the distant regions of the East, arrived with presents
consisting of many varieties of brilliant precious stones, and animals
differing in species from those known to us. These offerings they
presented to the emperor, thus allowing that his sovereignty extended
even to the Indian Ocean, and that the princes of their country, who
rendered homage to him both by paintings and statues, acknowledged his
imperial and paramount authority. Thus the Eastern Indians now
submitted to his sway, as the Britons of the Western Ocean had done at
the commencement of his reign.
CHAPTER LI.
That Constantine divided the Empire between
his Three Sons, whom he had instructed in Politics and Religion.
HAVING thus established his power in the opposite
extremities of the world, he divided the whole extent of his dominions,
as though he were allotting a patrimonial inheritance to the dearest
objects of his regard, among his three sons. To the eldest he assigned
his grandfather's portion; to the second, the empire of the East; to
the third, the countries which lie between these two divisions. (1) And
being desirous of furnishing his children with an inheritance truly
valuable and salutary to their souls, he had been careful to imbue them
with true religious principles, being himself their guide to the
knowledge of sacred things, and also appointing men of approved piety
to be their instructors. At the same time he assigned them the most
accomplished teachers of secular learning, by some of whom they were
taught the arts of war, while they were trained by others in political,
and by others again in legal science. To each moreover was granted a
truly royal retinue, consisting of infantry, spearmen, and body guards,
with every other kind of military force; commanded respectively by
captains, tribunes, and generals (2) of whose warlike skill and
devotion to his sons the emperor had had previous experience.
CHAPTER LII.
That after they had reached Man's Estate he
was their Guide in Piety.
As long as the Caesars were of tender years, they
were aided by suitable advisers in the management of public affairs;
but on their arrival at the age of manhood their father's instructions
alone sufficed. When present he proposed to them his own example, and
admonished them to follow his pious course: in their absence he
furnished them by letter with rules of conduct suited to their imperial
station, the first and greatest of which was an exhortation to value
the knowledge and worship of the Sovereign Lord of all more than
wealth, nay, more than empire itself. At length he permitted them to
direct the public administration of the empire without control, making
it his first request that they would care for the interests of the
Church of God, and boldly profess themselves disciples of Christ. Thus
trained, and excited to obedience not so much by precept as by their
own voluntary desire for virtue, his sons more than fulfilled the
admonitions of their father, devoting their earnest attention to the
service of God, and observing the ordinances of the Church even in the
palace itself, with all the members of their households. (1) For their
father's forethought had provided that all the attendants of his son's
should be Christians. And not only so, but the military officers of
highest rank, and those who had the control of public business, were
professors of the same faith: for the emperor placed confidence in the
fidelity of men devoted to the service of God, as in a strong and sure
defense. When our thrice blessed prince had completed these
arrangements, and thus secured order and tranquillity throughout the
empire, God, the dispenser of all blessings, judged it to be the fitting
554
time to translate him to a better inheritance, and summoned him to pay
the debt of nature.
CHAPTER LIII.
Having reigned about Thirty-two Years, and lived above Sixty, he still
had a Sound Body.
HE completed the time of his reign in two and thirty
years, wanting a few months and days, (1) and his whole life extended
to about twice that period. At this age he still possessed a sound and
vigorous body, free from all blemish, and of more than youthful
vivacity; a noble mien, and strength equal to any exertion; so that he
was able to join in martial exercises, to fide, endure the fatigues of
travel, engage in battle, and erect trophies over his conquered
enemies, besides gaining those bloodless victories by which he was wont
to triumph over those who opposed him. (2)
CHAffER LIV.
Of those who abused his Extreme Benevolence
for Avarice and Hypocrisy.
IN like manner his mental (1) qualities reached the
highest point of human perfection. Indeed he was distinguished by every
excellence of character, but especially by benevolence; a virtue,
however, which subjected him to censure from many, in consequence of
the baseness of wicked men, who ascribed their own crimes to the
emperor's forbearance. In truth I can myself bear testimony to the
grievous evils which prevailed during these times; I mean the violence
of rapacious and unprincipled men, who preyed on all classes of society
alike, and the scandalous hypocrisy of those who crept into the Church,
and assumed the name and character of Christians. His own benevolence
and goodness of heart, the genuineness of his own faith, and his
truthfulness of character, induced the emperor to credit the profession
of these reputed Christians, who craftily preserved the semblance of
sincere affection for his person. The confidence he reposed in such men
sometimes forced him into conduct unworthy of himself, of which envy
took advantage to cloud in this respect the luster of his character. (2)
CHAPTER LV.
Constantine employed himself in Composition of Various Kinds to the
Close of his Life.
THESE offenders, however, were soon over-
taken by divine chastisement. To return to our emperor. He had so
thoroughly trained his mind in the art of reasoning that he continued
to the last to compose discourses on various subjects, to deliver
frequent orations in public, and to instruct his hearers in the sacred
doctrines of religion. He was also habitually engaged in legislating
both on political and military questions; (1) in short, in devising
whatever might be conducive to the general welfare of the human race.
It is well worthy of remark, that, very shortly before his departure,
he pronounced a funeral oration before his usual auditory, in which he
spoke at length on the immortality of the soul, the state of those who
had persevered in a life of godliness, and the blessings which God has
laid up in store for them that love him. On the other hand he made it
appear by copious and conclusive arguments what the end of those will
be who have pursued a contrary career, describing in vivid language the
final ruin of the ungodly. His powerful testimony on these subjects
seemed so far to touch the consciences of those around him, that one of
the self-imagined philosophers, of whom he asked his opinion of what he
had heard, bore testimony to the truth of his words, and accorded a
real, though reluctant, tribute of praise to the arguments by which he
had exposed the worship of a plurality of gods. By converse such as
this with his friends before his death, the emperor seemed as it were
to smooth and prepare the way for his transition to a happier life.
CHAPTER LVI.
How he took Bishops with him on an Expedition
against the Persians, and look with him a Tent in the Form of a Church.
IT is also worthy of record that about the time of
which I am at present writing, the emperor, having heard of an
insurrection of some barbarians in the East, observed that the conquest
of this enemy was still in store for him, and resolved on an expedition
against the Persians. Accordingly he proceeded at once to put his
forces in motion, at the same time communicating his intended march to
the bishops who happened to be at his court, some of whom he judged it
right to take with him as compan-
555
ions, and as needful coadjutors in the service of God. They, on the
other hand, cheerfully declared their willingness to follow in his
train, disclaiming any desire to leave him, and engaging to battle with
and for him by supplication to God on his behalf. Full of joy at this
answer to his request, he unfolded to them his projected line of march;
(1) after which he caused a tent of great splendor, representing in
shape the figure of a church, to be prepared for his own use in the
approaching war. In this he intended to unite with the bishops in
offering prayers to the God from whom all victory proceeds.
CHAPTER LVII.
How he received an Embassy from the Persians
and kept the Night Vigil with others at the Feast of Easter.
IN the meanwhile the Persians, hearing of the
emperor's warlike preparations, and not a little terrified at the
prospect of an engagement with his forces, dispatched an embassy to
pray for conditions of peace. These overtures the emperor, himself a
sincere lover of peace, at once accepted, and readily entered on
friendly relations with that people. At this time, the great festival
of Easter was at hand; on which occasion he rendered the tribute of his
prayers to God, and passed the night in watching with the rest.
CHAPTER LVIII.
Concerning the Building of a Church in Honor of the Apostles at
Constantinople.
AFTER this he proceeded to erect a church in memory
of the apostles, in the city which bears his name. This building he
carried to a vast height, and brilliantly decorated by encasing it from
the foundation to the roof with marble slabs of various colors. He also
formed the inner roof of finely fretted work, and overlaid it
throughout with gold. The external covering, which protected the
building from the rain, was of brass instead of tiles; and this too was
splendidly and profusely adorned with gold, and reflected the sun's
rays with a brilliancy which dazzled the distant beholder. The dome was
entirely encompassed by a finely carved tracery, wrought in brass and
gold.
CHAPTER LIX.
Farther Description of the same Church.
SUCH was the magnificence with which the emperor was
pleased to beautify this church.
The building was surrounded by an open area of great extent, the four
sides of which were terminated by porticos which enclosed the area and
the church itself. Adjoining these porticos were ranges of stately
chambers, with baths and promenades, and besides many apartments
adapted to the use of those who had charge of the place.
CHAPTER LX.
He also erected his own Sepulchral Monument
in this Church.
ALL these edifices the emperor consecrated with the
desire of perpetuating the memory of the apostles of our Saviour. He
had, however, another object in erecting this building: an object at
first unknown, but which afterwards became evident to all. He had in
fact made choice of this spot in the prospect of his own death,
anticipating with extraordinary fervor of faith that his body would
share their title with the apostles themselves, and that he should thus
even after death become the subject, with them, of the devotions which
should be performed to their honor in this place. He accordingly caused
twelve coffins to be set up in this church, like sacred pillars in
honor and memory of the apostolic number, in the center of which his
own was placed, having six of theirs on either side of it. Thus, as I
said, he had provided with prudent foresight an honorable resting-place
for his body after death, and, having long before secretly formed this
resolution, he now consecrated this church to the apostles, believing
that this tribute to their memory would be of no small advantage to his
own soul. Nor did God disappoint him of that which he so ardently
expected and desired. For after he had completed the first services of
the feast of Easter, and had passed this sacred day of our Lord in a
manner which made it an occasion of joy and gladness to himself and to
all; the God through whose aid he performed all these acts, and whose
zealous servant he continued to be even to the end of life, was pleased
at a happy time to translate him to a better life.
CHAPTER LXI.
His
Sickness at Helenopolis, and Prayers respect-
ing his Baptism.
AT first he experienced some slight bodily
indisposition, which was soon followed by positive disease. In
consequence of this he visited the hot baths of his own city; and
thence proceeded to that which bore the name of his mother. Here he
passed some time in the church of the
556
martyrs, and offered up supplications and prayers to God. Being at
length convinced that his life was drawing to a close, he felt the time
was come at which he should seek purification from sins of his past
career, firmly believing that whatever errors he had committed as a
mortal man, his soul would be purified from them through the efficacy
of the mystical words and the salutary waters of baptism. (1) Impressed
with these thoughts, he poured forth his supplications and confessions
to God, kneeling on the pavement in the church itself, in which he also
now for the first time received the imposition of hands with prayer.
(2) After this he proceeded as far as the suburbs of Nicomedia, and
there, having summoned the bishops to meet him, addressed them in the
following words.
CHAPTER LXII.
Constantine's Appeal to the Bishops, requesting them to confer upon him
the Rite of Baptism.
"THE time is arrived which I have long hoped for,
with an earnest desire and prayer that I might obtain the salvation of
God. The hour is come in which I too may have the blessing of that seal
which confers immortality; the hour in which I may receive the seal of
salvation. I had thought to do this in the waters of the river Jordan,
wherein our Saviour, for our example, is recorded to have been
baptized: but God, who knows what is expedient for us, is pleased that
I should receive this blessing here. Be it so, then, without delay: (1)
for should it be his will who is Lord of life and death, that my
existence here should be prolonged, and should I be destined henceforth
to associate with the people of God, and unite with them in prayer as a
member of his. Church, I will prescribe to myself from this time such a
course of life as befits his service." After he had thus spoken, the
prelates performed the sacred ceremonies in the usual manner, and,
having given him the necessary instructions, made him a partaker of the
mystic ordinance. Thus was Constantine the first of all sovereigns who
was regenerated and perfected in a church dedicated to the martyrs of
Christ; thus gifted with the Divine seal of baptism, he rejoiced in
spirit, was renewed, and filled with heavenly light: his soul was
gladdened by reason of the fervency of his faith, and astonished at the
manifestation of the power of God. At the conclusion of the ceremony he
arrayed himself in shining imperial vestments, brilliant as the light,
(2) and reclined on a couch of the purest white, refusing to clothe
himself with the purple any more.
CHAPTER LXIII.
How after his Baptism he rendered Thanks
God.
HE then lifted his voice and poured forth a strain
of thanksgiving to God; after which he added these words. "Now I know
that I am truly blessed: now I feel assured that I am accounted worthy
of immortality, and am made a partaker of Divine light." He further
expressed his compassion for the unhappy condition of those who were
strangers to such blessings as he enjoyed: and when the tribunes and
generals of his army appeared in his presence with lamentations and
tears at the prospect of their bereavement, and with prayers that his
days might yet be prolonged, he assured them in reply that he was now
in possession of true life; that none but himself could know the value
of the blessings he had received; so that he was anxious rather to
hasten than to defer his departure to God. He then proceeded to
complete the needful arrangement of his affairs, bequeathing an annual
donation to the Roman inhabitants of his imperial city; apportioning
the inheritance of the empire, like a patrimonial estate, among his own
children; in short, making every disposition according to his own
pleasure. (1)
557
CHAFFER LXIV.
Constantinople's Death at Noon on the Feast of
Pentecost.
ALL these events occurred during a most important
festival, I mean the august and holy solemnity of Pentecost, which is
distinguished by a period of seven weeks, and sealed with that one day
on which the holy Scriptures attest, the ascension of our common
Saviour into heaven, and the descent of the Holy Spirit among men. In
the course of this feast the emperor received the privileges I have
described; and on the last day of all, which one might justly call the
feast of feasts, he was removed about mid-day to the presence of his
God, leaving his mortal remains to his fellow mortals, and carrying
into fellowship with God that part of his being which was capable of
understanding and loving him. (1) Such was the close of Constantine's
mortal life. Let us now attend to the circumstances which followed this
event.
CHAPTER LXV.
Lamentations of the Soldiery and their Officers.
IMMEDIATELY the assembled spearmen and body-guard
rent their garments, and prostrated themselves on the ground, striking
their heads, and uttering lamentations and cries of sorrow, calling on
their imperial lord and master, or rather, like true children, on their
father, while their tribunes and centurions addressed him as their
preserver, protector, and benefactor. The rest of the soldiery also
came in respectful order to mourn as a flock the removal of their good
shepherd. The people meanwhile ran wildly throughout the city, some
expressing the inward sorrow of their hearts by loud cries, others
appearing confounded with grief: each mourning the event as a calamity
which had befallen himself, and bewailing his death as though they felt
themselves bereft of a blessing common alike to all.
CHAPTER LXVI.
Removal of the Body from Nicomedia to the
Palace at Constantinople.
AFTER this the soldiers lifted the body from its
couch, and laid it in a golden coffin, which they enveloped in a
covering of purple, and removed to the city which was called by his own
name. Here it was placed in an elevated position in the principal
chamber of the imperial palace, and surrounded by candles burning in
candlesticks of gold, presenting a marvelous spectacle, and such as no
one under the light of the sun had ever seen on earth since the world
itself began. For in the central apartment of the imperial palace, the
body of the emperor lay in its elevated resting-place, arrayed in the
symbols of sovereignty, the diadem and purple robe, and encircled by a
numerous retinue of attendants, who watched around it incessantly night
and day.
CHAPTER LXVII.
He received the same Honors from the Counts and other Officers as
before his Death.
THE military officers, too, of the highest rank, the
counts, and the whole order of magistrates, who had been accustomed to
do obeisance to their emperor before, continued to fulfill this duty
without any change, even after his death entering the chamber at the
appointed times, and saluting their coffined sovereign with bended
knee, as though he were still alive. After them the senators appeared,
and all who had been distinguished by any honorable office, and
rendered the same homage. These were followed by multitudes of every
rank, who came with their wives and children to witness the spectacle.
These honors continued to be rendered for a considerable time, the
soldiers having resolved thus to guard the body until his sons should
arrive, and take on themselves the conduct of their father's funeral.
No mortal had ever, like this blessed prince, continued to reign even
after death, and to receive the same homage as during his life: he
only, of all who have ever lived, obtained this reward from God: a
suitable reward, since he alone of all sovereigns had in all his
actions honored the Supreme God and his Christ, and God himself
accordingly was pleased that even his mortal remains should still
retain imperial authority among men; thus indicating to all who were
not utterly devoid of understanding the immortal and endless empire
which his soul was destined to enjoy. This was the course of events
here.
CHAPTER LXVIII.
Resolution of the Army to confer thence-forward the Title of Augustus
on his Sons.
MEANWHILE the tribunes selected from the troops
under their command those officers whose fidelity and zeal had long
been known to the emperor, and dispatched them to the Caesars
558
with intelligence of the late event. This service they accordingly
performed. As soon, however, as the soldiery throughout the provinces
received the tidings of the emperor's decease, they all, as if by a
supernatural impulse, resolved with one consent, as though their great
emperor had been yet alive, to acknowledge none other than his sons as
sovereigns of the Roman world: and these they soon after determined
should no longer retain the name of Caesar, but should each be honored
with the title of Augustus, a name which indicates the highest
supremacy of imperial power. Such were the measures adopted by the
army; and these resolutions they communicated to each other by letter,
so that the unanimous desire of the legions became known at the same
point of time throughout the whole extent of the empire.
CHAPTER LXIX.
Mourning for Constantine at Rome; and the
Honor paid him there through Paintings after his Death.
ON the arrival of the news of the emperor's death in
the imperial city, the Roman senate and people felt the announcement as
the heaviest and most afflictive of all calamities, and gave themselves
up to an excess of grief. The baths and markets were closed, the public
spectacles, and all other recreations in which men of leisure are
accustomed to indulge, were interrupted. Those who had erewhile lived
in luxurious ease, now walked the streets in gloomy sadness, while all
united in blessing the name of the deceased, as the one who was dear to
God, and truly worthy of the imperial dignity. Nor was their sorrow
expressed only in words: they proceeded also to honor him, by the
dedication of paintings to his memory, with the same respect as before
his death. The design of these pictures embodied a representation of
heaven itself, and depicted the emperor reposing in an ethereal mansion
above the celestial vault. They too declared his sons alone to be
emperors and Augusti, and begged with earnest entreaty that they might
be permitted to receive the body of their emperor, and perform his
obsequies in the imperial city.
CHAPTER LXX.
His Burial by his San Constantius at Con-
stantinople.
THUS did they there testify their respect for the
memory of him who had been honored by God. The second of his sons,
however, who had by this time arrived, proceeded to celebrate his
father's funeral in the city which bears his name, himself heading the
procession, which was preceded by detachments of soldiers in military
array, and followed by vast multitudes, the body itself being
surrounded by companies of spearmen and heavy armed infantry. On the
arrival of the procession at the church dedicated to the apostles of
our Saviour, the coffin was there entombed. Such honor did the youthful
emperor Constantius render to his deceased parent, both by his
presence, and by the due performance of this sacred ceremony.
CHAPTER LXXI.
Sacred Service in the Church of the Apostles an the Occasion of
Constantine's Funeral.
As soon as [Constantius] had withdrawn himself with
the military train, the ministers of God came forward, with the
multitude and the whole congregation of the faithful, and performed the
rites of Divine worship with prayer. At the same time the tribute of
their praises was given to the character of this blessed prince, whose
body rested on a lofty and conspicuous monument, and the whole
multitude united with the priests of God in offering prayers for his
soul, not without tears, -- nay, rather with much weeping; thus
performing an office consonant with the desires of the pious deceased.
(1) In this respect also the favor of God was manifested to his
servant, in that he not only bequeathed the succession of the empire to
his own beloved sons, but that the earthly tabernacle of his thrice
blessed soul, according to his own earnest wish, was permitted to share
the monument of the apostles; was associated with the honor of their
name, and with that of the people of God; was honored by the
performance of the sacred ordinances and mystic service; and enjoyed a
participation in the prayers of the saints. Thus, too, he continued to
possess imperial power even after death, controlling, as though with
renovated life, a universal dominion, and retaining in his own name, as
Victor, Maximus, Augustus, the sovereignty of the Roman world. (2)
CHAPTER LXXII. Of the Phoenix.
WE cannot compare him with that bird of Egypt, the
only one, as they say, of its kind, which dies,
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self-sacrificed, in the midst of aromatic perfumes, and, rising from
its own ashes with new life, soars aloft in the same form which it had
before. Rather did he resemble his Saviour, who, as the sown corn which
is multiplied from a single grain, had yielded abundant increase
through the blessing of God, and had overspread the whole world with
his fruit. Even so did our thrice blessed prince become multiplied, as
it were, through the succession of his sons. His statue was erected
along with theirs in every province; and the name of Constantine was
owned and honored even after the close of his mortal life.
CHAPTER LXXIII.
How Constantine is represented on Coins in the
Act of ascending to Heaven.
A COINAGE Was also struck which bore the following
device. On one side appeared the figure of our blessed prince, with the
head closely veiled: the reverse exhibited him sitting as a charioteer,
drawn by four horses, with a hand stretched downward from above to
receive him up to heaven.
CHAPTER LXXIV.
The God whom he had honored deservedly hon-
ored him in Return.
SUCH are the proofs by which the Supreme God has
made it manifest to us, in the person of Constantine, who alone of all
sovereigns had openly professed the Christian faith, how great a
difference he perceives between those whose privilege it is to worship
him and his Christ, and those who have chosen the contrary part, who
provoked his enmity by daring to assail his Church, and whose
calamitous end, in every instance, afforded tokens of his displeasure,
as manifestly as the death of Constantine conveyed to all men an
evident assurance of his Divine love.
CHAPTER LXXV.
He surpassed all Preceding Emperors in Devo-
tion to God.
STANDING, as he did, alone and pre-eminent among the
Roman emperors as a worshiper of God; alone as the bold proclaimer to
all men of the doctrine of Christ; having alone rendered honor, as none
before him had ever done, to his Church; having alone abolished utterly
the error of polytheism, and discountenanced idolatry in every form:
so, alone among them both during life and after death, was he accounted
worthy of such honors as none can say have been attained to by any
other; so that no one, whether Greek or Barbarian, nay, of the ancient
Romans themselves, has ever been presented to us as worthy of
comparison with him. (1)
THE ORATION
OF
THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE,
WHICH HE ADDRESSED
"TO THE ASSEMBLY OF THE SAINTS."
CHAPTER L
Preliminary Remarks on the Feast of
Easter: and how the Word of God, having conferred Manifold Benefits on
Mankind, was betrayed by his Beneficiaries.
THAT light which far outshines the day and sun,
first pledge of resurrection, and renovation of bodies long since
dissolved, (1) the divine token (2) of promise, the path which leads to
everlasting life -- in a word, the day of the Passion -- is arrived,
best beloved doctors, and ye, my friends who are assembled here, ye
blessed multitudes, who worship him who is the author of all worship,
and praise him continually with heart and voice, according to the
precepts of his holy word. But thou, Nature, (3) parent of all things,
what blessing like to this hast thou ever accomplished for mankind? Nay
rather, what is in any sense thy workmanship, since he who formed the
universe is himself the author of thy being? For it is he who has
arrayed thee in thy beauty; and the beauty of Nature is life according
to Nature's laws. But principles quite opposed to Nature have mightily
prevailed; in that men have agreed in withholding his rightful worship
from the Lord of all, believing that the order of the universe
depended, not on his providence, but, on the blind uncertainty of
chance: and this notwithstanding the clearest announcement of the truth
by his inspired prophets, whose words should have claimed belief, but
were in every way resisted by that impious wickedness which hates the
light of truth, and loves the ob-
scure mazes of darkness. Nor was this error unaccompanied by violence
and cruelty, especially in that the will of princes encouraged the
blind impetuosity of the multitude, or rather itself led the way in the
career of reckless folly. Such principles as these, confirmed by the
practice of many generations, became the source of terrible evils in
those early times: but no sooner had the radiance of the Saviour's
presence appeared, than justice took the place of wrong, a calm
succeeded the confusion of the storm, and the predictions of the
prophets were all fulfilled. For after he had enlightened the world by
the glorious discretion and purity of his character, and had ascended
to the mansions of his father's house, he founded his Church on earth,
as a holy temple of virtue, an immortal, imperishable temple, wherein
the worship due to the Supreme Father and to himself should be piously
performed. But what did the insane malice of the nations hereupon
devise? Their effort was to reject the grace of Christ, and to ruin
that Church which was ordained for the salvation of all, though they
thus ensured the overthrow of their own superstition. (4) Once more
then unholy sedition, once more war and strife prevailed, with
stiff-neckedness, luxurious riot, and that craving for wealth which now
soothes its victims with specious hope, now strikes them with
groundless fear; a craving which is contrary to nature, and the very
characteristic of Vice herself. Let her, however, lie prostrate in the
dust, and own the victorious power of Virtue; and let her rend and tear
herself, as well she may, in the bitterness of repentance. But let us
now proceed to speak of topics which pertain to the Divine doctrine.
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CHAPTER II.
An Appeal to the Church and to his Hearers to pardon and correct the
Errors of his Speech.
HEAR then, thou master (1) of the ship, possessor of
virgin purity, and thou Church, the cherisher of tender and
inexperienced age, guardian of truth and gentleness, through whose
perennial fountain the stream" of salvation flows! Be ye also
indulgent, my hearers, who worship God sincerely, and are, therefore,
the objects of his care: attending, not to the language, but to the
truth of what is said; not to him who speaks, but rather to the pious
zeal which hallows his discourse! For what will be the use of words
when the real purpose of the speaker remains unknown? It may be,
indeed, that I essay great things; the love of God which animates my
soul, a love which overpowers natural reserve, is my plea for the bold
attempt. On you, then, I call, who are best instructed in the mysteries
of God, to aid me with your counsel, to follow me with your thoughts,
and correct whatever shall savor of error in my words, expecting no
display of perfect knowledge, but graciously accepting the sincerity of
my endeavor. And may the Spirit of the Father and the Son accord his
mighty aid, while I utter the words which he shall suggest to speech or
thought. (8) For if any one, whether in the practice of eloquence, or
any other art, expects to produce a finished work without the help of
God, both the author and his efforts will be found alike imperfect;
while he has no cause to fear, no room for discouragement, (4) who has
once been blessed with the inspiration of Heaven. Wherefore asking your
indulgence for the length of this preface, let us attempt the theme in
its utmost scope. (5)
CHAPTER III.
That God is the Father of the Word, and
the Creator of all Things; and that Material Objects could not
continue to exist, were their Causes Various.
GOD, who is ever above all existence, and the good
which all things desire, has no origin, and therefore no beginning,
being himself the originator (1) of all things which receive existence.
But he who proceeds from him is again united to him; and this
separation from and union with him is not local, but intellectual in
its character. For this generation was accompanied by no diminution of
the Father's substance (as in the case of generation by seed); but by
the determining act of foreknowledge God manifested a Saviour presiding
over (2) this sensible world, and all created things therein. (3) From
hence, then, is the source of existence and life to all things which
are within the compass of this world; hence proceed the soul, and every
sense; (4) hence those organs through which the sense-perceptions are
perfected. What, then, is the object of this argument? To prove that
there is One director of all things that exist, and that all things,
whether in heaven or on earth, both natural and organized bodies, (5)
are subject to his single sovereignty. For if the dominion of these
things, numberless as they are, were in the hands, not of one but of
many, there must be a partition and distribution of the elements, and
the old fables would be true; (6) jealousy, too, and ambition, striving
for superior power, would destroy the harmonious concord of the whole,
while each of the many masters would regulate in a manner different
from the rest the portion subject to his control. The fact, however,
that this universal order is ever one and the same, is the proof that
it is under the care of a superior power, and that its origin cannot be
ascribed to chance. Else how could the author of universal nature ever
be known? To whom first, or last, could prayers and supplications be
addressed? Whom could I choose (7) as the object of my worship, without
being guilty of impiety towards the rest? Again, if haply I desired to
obtain some temporal blessing, should I not, while expressing my
gratitude to the Power who favored my request, convey a reproach to him
who opposed it? Or to whom should I pray, when desiring to know the
cause of my calamity, and to obtain deliverance? Or let us suppose that
the answer is given by oracles and prophecies,
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but that the case is not within the scope of their authority, being the
province of some other deity.s Where, then, is mercy? where is the
provident care of God for the human race? Unless, indeed, some more
benevolent Power assuming a hostile attitude against another who has no
such feeling, be disposed to accord me his protection. Hence anger,
discords, mutual censure, and finally universal confusion, would ensue,
while each departed from his proper sphere of action, dissatisfied,
through ambitious love of power, with his allotted portion. What, then,
would be the result of these things? Surely this discord among the
heavenly powers would prove destructive to the interests of earth the
orderly alternation of times and seasons would disappear; the
successive productions of the earth would be enjoyed no more: the day
itself, and the repose of night which follows it, would cease to be.
But enough on this subject: let us once more resume that species of
reasoning which admits of no reply.
CHAPTER IV.
On the Error of Idolatrous Worship.
WHATEVER has had a beginning, has also an end. Now
that which is a beginning in respect of time, is called a generation:
and whatever is by generation is subject to corruption, and its beauty
(1) is impaired by the lapse of time. How, then, can they whose origin
is from corruptible generation, be immortal? Again, this supposition
has gained credit with the ignorant multitude, that marriages, and the
birth of children, are usual among the gods. Granting, then, such
offspring to be immortal, and continually produced, the race must of
necessity multiply to excess: and if this were so, where is the heaven,
or the earth, which could contain so vast and still increasing a
multitude of gods? But what shall we say of those men who represent
these celestial beings as joined in incestuous union with their sister
goddesses, and charge them with adultery and impurity? (2) We declare,
further, with all confidence, that the very honors and worship which
these deities receive from men are accompanied by acts of wantonness
and profligacy. Once more; the experienced and skillful sculptor,
having formed the conception of his design, perfects his work according
to the rifles of art; and in a little while, as if forgetful of
himself, idolizes his own creation, and adores it as an immortal god,
while yet he admits that himself, the author and maker of the image, is
a mortal man. Nay, they even show the graves and monuments of those
whom they deem immortal, and bestow divine honors on the dead: not
knowing that that which is truly blessed and incorruptible needs no
distinction which perishable men can give: for that Being, who is seen
by the mental eye, and conceived by the intellect alone, requires to be
distinguished by no external form, and admits no figure to represent
its character and likeness. But the honors of which we speak are given
to those who have yielded to the power of death: they once were men,
and tenants, while they lived, of a mortal body.
CHAPTER V.
That Christ, the Son of God, created
All Things, and has appointed to Every Thing the Term of its Existence.
BUT why do I defile my tongue with unhallowed words,
when my object is to sound the praises of the true God? Rather let me
cleanse myself, as it were, from this bitter draught by the pure stream
which flows from the everlasting fountain of the virtue (1) of that God
who is the object of my praise. Be it my special province to glorify
Christ, as well by the actions of my life, as by that thanksgiving
which is due to him for the manifold and signal blessings which he has
bestowed. I affirm, therefore, that he (2) has laid the foundations of
this universe; and conceived the race of men, ordaining these things by
his word. And immediately he transferred our newly created parents
(ignorant at first, according to his will, of good and evil) to a happy
region, abounding in flowers and fruits of every kind. (3) At length,
however, he appointed them a seat on earth befitting creatures endued
with reason; and then unfolded to their faculties, as intelligent
beings, the knowledge of good and evil. Then, too, he bade the race
increase; and each healthy region of the world, as far as the bounds of
the circumambient ocean, became the dwelling-place of men; while with
this increase of numbers the invention of the useful arts went hand in
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hand. Meantime the various species of inferior (4) animals increased in
due proportion, each kind discovering some characteristic quality, the
special gift of nature: the tame distinguished by gentleness and
obedience to man; the wild by strength and swiftness, and an
instinctive foresight which warned them to escape from peril. The
gentler animals he placed entirely beneath man's protecting care, but
entailed on him the necessity of strife with those of fiercer nature.
He next created the feathered race, manifold in number, diverse in
character and habits; brilliant with every variety of color, and endued
with native powers of melody. Finally, having arranged with wise
discrimination whatever else the compass of this world contains, and
having assigned to every creature the stated term of its existence, he
thus completed the beautiful order of the perfect whole.
CHAPTER VI.
The Falsity of the General Opinion
respecting Fate (1) is proved by the Consideration of Human Laws, and
by the Works of Creation, the Course of which is not Fortuitous, but
according to an Orderly Arrangement which evinces the Design of the
Creator.
THE great majority, however, in their folly, ascribe
the regulation of the universe to nature, while some imagine fate, or
accident, (2) to be the cause. With regard to those who attribute the
control of all things to fate, they know not that in using this term
they utter a mere word, but designate no active power, nor anything
which has real and substantial existence. For what can this fate be,
considered in itself, if nature be the first cause of all things? Or
what shall we suppose nature itself to be, if the law of fate be
inviolable? Indeed, the very assertion that there is a law of fate
implies that such law is the work of a legislator: if, therefore, fate
itself
be a law, it must be a law devised by God. All things, therefore, are
subject to God, and nothing is beyond the sphere of his power. If it be
said that fate is the will (3) of God, and is so considered, we admit
the fact. But in what respect do justice, (4) or self-control, (5) or
the other virtues, depend on fate? From whence, if so, do their
contraries, as injustice and intemperance, proceed? For vice has its
origin from nature, not from fate; and virtue is the due regulation of
natural character and disposition. But, granting that the varied
results of actions, whether right or erroneous in themselves, depend on
fortune or fate: in what sense can the general principle of justice,
(6) the principle of rendering to every one his due, be ascribed to
fate? (7) Or how can it be said that laws, encouragements to virtue and
dissuasives from what is evil, praise, blame, punishment, in short
whatever operates as a motive to virtue, and deters from the practice
of vice, derive their origin from fortune or accident, and not rather
from that of justice, (8) which is a characteristic attribute of the
God of providence? For the events which befall men are consequent upon
the tenor of their lives. Hence pestilence or sedition, famine
and plenty, succeed in turn, declaring plainly and emphatically that
all these things are regulated with reference to our course of life.
For the Divine Being delights in goodness, but turns with aversion from
all impiety; looks with acceptance on the humble spirit, but abhors
presumption, and that pride which exalts itself above what becomes a
creature. And though the proofs of these truths are clear and manifest
to our sight, they appear in a still stronger light, when we collect,
and as it were concentrate our thoughts within ourselves, and ponder
their causes with deep attention. I say, then, that it becomes us to
lead a life of modesty and gentleness, not suffering our thoughts to
rise proudly above our natural condition, and ever mindful that God is
near us,
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and is the observer of all our actions. But let us still farther test
the truth of the proposition, that the order of the universe depends on
chance (9) or accident. (1) Are we then to suppose that the stars and
other heavenly bodies, the earth and sea fire and wind, water and air,
the succession of the seasons, the recurrence of summer and winter,
that all these have an undesigned and fortuitous existence, and not
rather that they proceed from the creative hand of God? Some indeed,
are so senseless as to say that most of these things have been devised
by mankind because of their need of them. Let it be admitted that this
opinion has a semblance of reason in regard to earthly and corruptible
things (though Nature herself supplies every good with a lavish hand);
yet can we believe that things which are immortal and unchangeable are
the inventions of men? These, indeed, and all things else which are
beyond the reach of our senses, and comprehended by the intellect (11)
alone, receive their being, not from the material life of man, but from
the intellectual and eternal essence of God. Again, the orderly
arrangement of these things is the work of his providence: for
instance, that the day, deriving radiance from the sun, is bright; that
night succeeds his setting, and the starry host (12) by which night
itself is redeemed from total darkness. And what shall we say of the
moon, which when most distant from, and opposite to the sun, is filled
with light, but wanes in proportion to the nearness of her approach to
him? Do not these things manifestly evince the intelligence (13) and
sagacious wisdom of God? Add to this that needful warmth of the solar
rays which ripens the fruits of the earth; the currents of wind, so
conducive to the fertility of the seasons; the cool and refreshing
showers; and the harmony of all these things in accordance with which
all are reasonably and systematically conducted: lastly, the
everlasting order of the planets, which return to the selfsame place at
their appointed times: are not all these, as well as the perfect
ministry of the stars, obedient to a divine law, evident proofs of the
ordinance (14) of God? Again, do the mountain heights, the deep and
hollow valleys, the level and extensive plains, useful as they are, as
well as pleasing to the eye, appear to exist independently of the will
of God? Or do not the proportion and alternate succession of land and
water, serviceable, the one for husbandry, the other for the transport
of such foreign products as we need, afford a clear demonstration of
his exact and proportionate providential care? For instance, the
mountains contain a store of water, which the level ground receives,
and after imbibing sufficient for the renovation of the soil, sends
forth the residue into the sea, and the sea in turn passes it onward to
the ocean. And still we dare to say that all these things happen by
chance (15) and accident; unable though we be to show by what shape or
form this chance is characterized; a thing which has no foundation
either in intellect or sense existence; which rings in our ears as the
mere sound of an unsubstantial name!
CHAPTER VII.
In regard to Things above our Comprehension,
we should glorify the Creator's Wisdom, and attribute their Causes to
him alone, and not
to Chance.
IN fact, this word "chance" is the expression of men
who think in haphazard and illogical fashion; who are unable to
understand the causes of these things, and who, owing to the feebleness
of their own apprehensions, conceive that those things for which they
cannot assign a reason, are ordered without reason. There are,
unquestionably, some things which possess wonderful natural properties,
and the full apprehension of which is very difficult: for example, the
nature of hot springs. For no one can easily explain the cause of so
powerful a fire; and it is indeed surprising that though surrounded on
all sides by a body of cold water, it loses none of its native heat.
These phenomena appear to be of rare occurrence throughout the world,
being intended, I am persuaded, to afford to mankind convincing
evidence of the power of that Providence which ordains that two
directly opposite natures, heat and cold, should thus proceed from the
self-same source. Many indeed, yea, numberless, are the gifts which God
has bestowed for the comfort and enjoyment of man; and of these the
fruit of the olive-tree and the vine deserve especial notice; the one
for its power of renovating and cheering the soul, (1) the other
because it ministers to our enjoyment, and is likewise adapted for the
cure of bodily disease. Marvelous, too, is the course of rivers,
flowing night and day with unceasing motion, and presenting a type of
ever-flowing, never-ceasing life: and equally wonderful is the
alternate succession of day and night.
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CHAPTER VIII.
That God bestows an Abundant Supply of
whatever is suited to the Wants of Man, and ministers but sparingly to
his Pleasures; in Both Cases with a View to his Advantage.
LET what has been said suffice to prove that nothing
exists without reason and intelligence, and that reason itself and
providence are of God. It is he who has also distributed the metals, as
gold, silver, copper, and the rest, in due proportion; ordaining an
abundant supply of those which would be most needed and generally
employed, while he dispensed those which serve the purposes merely of
pleasure in adornment of luxury with a liberal and yet a sparing hand,
holding a mean between parsimony and profusion. For the searchers for
metals, were those which are employed for ornament procured in equal
abundance with the rest, would be impelled by avarice to despise and
neglect to gather those which, like iron or copper, are serviceable for
husbandry, or house-building, or the equipment of ships; and would care
for those only which conduce to luxury and a superfluous excess of
wealth. Hence it is, as they say, that the search for gold and silver
is far more difficult and laborious than that for any other metals, the
violence of the toil thus acting as a counterpoise to the violence of
the desire. And how many instances might still further be enumerated of
the workings of that Divine Providence which, in all the gifts which it
has so unsparingly conferred upon us, plainly urges us to the practice
of self-control and all other virtues, and leads us away from
unbefitting covetousness! To trace the secret reasons of all these
things is indeed a task which exceeds the power of human faculties. For
how can the intellect of a frail and perishable being arrive at the
knowledge of perfect truth, or apprehend in its purity the counsel of
God from the beginning?
CHAPTER IX.
Of the Philosophers, who fell into Mistaken
Notions, and Same of them into Danger, by their
Desire of Universal Knowledge. -- Also of the Doctrines of Plato.
WE ought, therefore, to aim at objects which are
within our power, and exceed not the capacities of our nature. For the
persuasive influence of argument has a tendency to draw most of us away
from the truth of things, which has happened to many philosophers, who
have employed themselves in reasoning, and the study of natural
science, and who, as often as the
magnitude of the subject surpasses their powers of investigation, adopt
various devices for obscuring the truth. Hence their diversities of
judgment, and contentious opposition to each others' doctrines, and
this notwithstanding their pretensions to wisdom. Hence, too, popular
commotions have arisen, and severe sentences, passed by those in power,
apprehensive of the overthrow of hereditary institutions, have proved
destructive to many of the disputants themselves. Socrates, for
example, elated by his skill in argumentation, indulging his power of
making the worse appear the better reason, (1) and playing continually
with the subtleties of controversy, fell a victim to the slander of his
own countrymen and fellow-citizens. Pythagoras, too, who laid special
claim to the virtues of silence and self-control, was convicted of
falsehood. For he declared to the Italians that the doctrines which he
had received during his travels in Egypt, and which had long before
been divulged by the priests of that nation, were a personal revelation
to himself from God. Lastly, Plato himself, the gentlest and most
refined of all, who first essayed to draw men's thoughts from sensible
to intellectual and eternal objects, and taught them to aspire to
sublimer speculations, in the first place declared, with truth, a God
exalted above every essence, but to him he added also a second,
distinguishing them numerically as two, though both possessing one
perfection, and the being of the second Deity proceeding from (2) the
first. For he is the creator and controller of the universe, and
evidently supreme: while the second, as the obedient agent of his
commands, refers the origin of all creation to him as the cause. In
accordance, therefore, with the soundest reason, we may say that
there is one Being whose care and providence are over all things, even
God the Word, who has ordered all things; but the Word being God
himself is also the Son of God. For by what name can we designate him
except by this title of the Son, without falling into the most grievous
error? For the Father of all things is properly considered the Father
of his own Word. Thus far, then, Plato's sentiments were sound; but in
what follows he appears to have wandered from the truth, in that he
introduces a plurality of gods, to each of whom he assigns specific
forms. And this has given occasion to still greater error among the
unthinking portion of
567
mankind, who pay no regard to the providence of the Supreme God, but
worship images of their own devising, made in the likeness of men or
other living beings. Hence it appears that the transcendent nature and
admirable learning of this philosopher, tinged as they were with such
errors as these, were by no means free from impurity and alloy. And yet
he seems to me to retract, and correct his own words, when he-plainly
declares that a rational soul is the breath (3) of God, and divides all
things into two classes, intellectual and sensible: [the one simple,
the other] (4) consisting of bodily structure; the one comprehended by
the intellect alone, the other estimated by the judgment and the
senses. The former class, therefore, which partakes of the divine
spirit, and is uncompounded and immaterial, is eternal, and inherits
everlasting life; but the latter, being entirely resolved into the
elements of which it is composed, has no share in everlasting life. He
farther teaches the admirable doctrine, that those who have passed a
life of virtue, that is, the spirits of good and holy men, are
enshrined, after their separation from the body, in the fairest
mansions of heaven. A doctrine not merely to be admired, but profitable
too. (3) For who can believe in such a statement, and aspire to such a
happy lot, without desiring to practice righteousness and temperance,
and to turn aside from vice? Consistently with this doctrine he
represents the spirits of the wicked as tossed like wreckage on the
streams of Acheron and Pyriphlegethon.
CHAPTER X.
Of those who reject the Doctrines of
Philosophers, as well as those of Scripture: and that we ought to
believe the Poets in All Things, or disbelieve them in All.
THERE are, however, some persons so infatuated, that
when they meet with such sentiments as these, they are neither
converted or alarmed: nay, they even treat them with contempt and
scorn, as if they listened to the inventions of fable; applauding,
perhaps, the beauty of the eloquence, but abhorring the severity of the
precepts. And yet they give credence to the fictions of the poets, and
make both civilized and
barbarous (1) countries ring with exploded and false tales. For the
poets assert that the judgment of souls after death is committed to men
whose parentage they ascribe to the gods, (2) ex-tolling their
righteousness and impartiality and represent them as guardians of the
dead. The same poets describe the battles of the gods and certain
usages of war among them, and speak of them as subject to the power of
fate. Some of these deities they picture to us as cruel, others as
strangers to all care for the human race, and others again as hateful
in their character. They introduce them also as mourning the slaughter
of their own children, thus implying their inability to succor, not
strangers merely, but those most dear to them. They describe them, too,
as subject to human passions, and sing of their battles and wounds,
their joys and sorrows. And in all this they appear worthy of belief.
(3) For if we suppose them to be moved by a divine impulse to attempt
the poetic art, we are bound to believe them and to be persuaded of
what they utter under this inspiration. They speak, then, of the
calamities to which their divinities are subject; calamities which of
course are altogether true! But it will be objected that it is the
privilege of poets to lie, since the peculiar province of poetry is to
charm (4) the spirits of the hearers, while the very essence of truth
is that things told be in reality exactly what they are said to be. (5)
Let us grant that it is a characteristic of poetry occasionally to
conceal the truth. But they who speak falsehood do it not without an
object; being influenced either by a desire of personal gain or
advantage, or possibly, being conscious of some evil conduct, they are
induced to disguise the truth by dread of the threatening vengeance of
the laws. But surely it were possible for them (in my judgment), by
adhering faithfully to truth at least while treating of the nature of
the Supreme Being, to avoid the guilt at once of falsehood and impiety.
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CHAPTER XI.
On the Coming of our Lord in the Flesh; its
Nature and Cause. (1)
WHOEVER, then, has pursued a course unworthy of a
life of virtue, and is conscious of having lived an irregular and
disorderly life, let him repent, and turn with enlightened spiritual
vision to God; and let him abandon his past career of wickedness,
content if he attain to wisdom even in his declining years. We,
however, have received no aid from human instruction; nay, whatever
graces of character are esteemed of good report by those who have
understanding, are entirely the gift of God. And I am able to oppose no
feeble buckler against the deadly weapons of Satan's armory; I mean the
knowledge I possess of those things which are pleasing to him: and of
these I will select such as are appropriate to my present design, while
I proceed to sing the praises of the Father of all. But do thou, O
Christ Saviour of mankind, be present to aid me in my hallowed task!
Direct the words which celebrate thy virtues, (2) and instruct me
worthily to sound thy praises. And now, let no one expect to listen to
the graces of elegant language: for well I know that the nerveless
eloquence of those who speak to charm the ear, and whose aim is rather
applause than sound argument, is distasteful to hearers of sound
judgment. It is asserted, then, by some profane and senseless persons,
that Christ, whom we worship, was justly condemned to death, and that
he who is the author of life to all, was himself deprived of life. That
such an assertion should be made by those who have once dared to enter
the paths of impiety, who have cast aside all fear, and all thought of
concealing their own depravity, is not surprising. But it is beyond the
bounds of folly itself that they should be able, as it seems, really to
persuade themselves that the incorruptible God yielded to the violence
of men, and not rather to that love alone which he bore to the human
race: that they should fail to perceive that divine magnanimity and
forbearance is changed by no insult, is moved from its intrinsic
steadfastness by no revilings; but is ever the same, breaking down and
repelling, by the spirit of wisdom and greatness of soul, the savage
fierceness of those who assail it. The gracious kindness of God had
determined to abolish iniquity, and to exalt order and justice.
Accordingly, he gathered a
company of the wisest among men, (3) and ordained that most noble and
useful doctrine, which is calculated to lead the good and blessed of
mankind to an imitation of his own providential care. And what higher
blessing can we speak of than this, that God should prescribe the way
of righteousness, and make those who are counted worthy of his
instruction like himself; that goodness might be communicated to all
classes of mankind, and eternal felicity be the result? This is the
glorious victory: this the true power: this the mighty work, worthy of
its author, the restoration of all people to soundness of mind: and the
glory of this triumph we joyfully ascribe to thee, thou Saviour of all!
But thou, vile and wretched blasphemy, whose glory is in lies and
rumors and calumny; thy power is to deceive and prevail with the
inexperience of youth, and with men who still retain the folly of
youth. These thou seducest from the service of the true God, and
settest up false idols as the objects of their worship and their
prayers; and thus the reward of their folly awaits thy deluded victims:
for they calumniate Christ, the author of every blessing, who is God,
and the Son of God. Is not the worship of the best and wisest of the
nations of this world worthily directed to that God, who, while
possessing boundless power, remains immovably true to his own purpose,
and retains undiminished his characteristic kindness and love to man?
Away, then, ye impious, for still ye may while vengeance on your
transgressions is yet withheld; begone to your sacrifices, your feasts,
your scenes of revelry and drunkenness, wherein, under the semblance of
religion, your hearts are devoted to profligate enjoyment, and
pretending to perform sacrifices, yourselves are the willing slaves of
your own pleasures. No knowledge have ye of any good, nor even of the
first commandment of the mighty God, who both declares his will to man,
and gives commission to his Son to direct the course of human life,
that they who have passed a career of virtue and self-control may
obtain, according to the judgment of that Son, a second, yea, a blessed
and happy existence. (4) I have now declared the decree of God
respecting the life which he prescribes to man, neither ignorantly, as
many have done, nor
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resting on the ground of opinion or conjecture. But it may be that some
will ask, Whence this title of Son? Whence this generation of which we
speak, if God be indeed only One, and incapable of union with another?
We are, however, to consider generation as of two kinds; one in the way
of natural birth, which is known to all; the other, that which is the
effect of an eternal cause, the mode of which is seen by the prescience
of God, and by those among men whom he loves. For he who is wise will
recognize the cause which regulates the harmony of creation. Since,
then, nothing exists without a cause, of necessity the cause of
existing substances preceded their existence. But since the world and
all things that it contains exist, and are preserved, (5) their
preserver must have had a prior existence; so that Christ is the cause
of preservation, and the preservation of things is an effect: (6) even
as the Father is the cause of the Son, and the Son the effect of that
cause. Enough, then, has been said to prove his priority of existence.
But how do we explain his descent to this earth, and to men? His motive
in this, (7) as the prophets had foretold, originated in his watchful
care for the interests of all: for it needs must be that the Creator
should care for his own works. But when the time came for him to assume
a terrestrial body, and to sojourn on this earth, the need requiring,
he devised for himself a new mode (8) of birth. Conception was there,
yet apart from marriage: childbirth, yet pure virginity: and a maiden
became the mother of God! An eternal nature received a beginning of
temporal existence: a sensible form of a spiritual essence, a material
manifestation of incorporeal brightness, (9) appeared. Alike wondrous
were the circumstances which attended this great event. A radiant dove,
like that which flew from the
ark of Noah, (10) alighted on the Virgin's bosom:
and accordant with this impalpable union, purer than chastity, more
guileless than innocence itself, were the results which followed. From
infancy possessing the wisdom of God, received with reverential awe by
the Jordan, in whose waters he was baptized, gifted with that royal
unction, the spirit of universal intelligence; with knowledge and power
to perform miracles, and to heal diseases beyond the reach of human
art; he yielded a swift and unhindered assent to the prayers of men, to
whose welfare, indeed, his whole life was devoted without reserve. His
doctrines instilled, not prudence only, (11) but real wisdom: his
hearers were instructed, not in the mere social virtues, (12) but in
the ways which conduct to the spiritual world; and devoted themselves
to the contemplation of immutable and eternal things, and the knowledge
of the Supreme Father. The benefits which he bestowed were no common
blessings: for blindness, the gift of sight; for helpless weakness, the
vigor of health; in the place of death, restoration to life again. I
dwell not on that abundant provision in the wilderness, whereby a
scanty measure of food became a complete and enduring supply (13) for
the wants of a mighty multitude? Thus do we render thanks to thee, our
God and Saviour, according to our feeble power; unto thee, O Christ,
supreme Providence of the mighty Father, who both savest us from evil,
and impartest to us thy most blessed doctrine: for I say these things,
not to praise, but to give thanks. For what mortal is he who shall
worthily declare thy praise, of whom we learn that thou didst from
nothing call creation into being, and illumine it with thy light; that
thou didst regulate the confusion of the elements by the laws of
harmony and order? But chiefly we mark thy loving-kindness, (15) in
that thou hast caused those
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whose hearts inclined to thee to desire earnestly a divine and blessed
life, and hast provided that, like merchants of true blessings, they
might impart to many others the wisdom and good fortune they had
received; themselves, meanwhile, reaping the everlasting fruit of
virtue. Freed from the trammels of vice, and imbued with the love of
their fellow-men, they keep mercy ever before their eyes, and hoping
for the promises of faith; (16) devoted to modesty, and all those
virtues which the past career of human life had thrown aside [but which
were now restored by him whose providence is over all]. (17) No other
power could be found to devise a remedy for such evils, and for that
spirit of injustice which had heretofore asserted its dominion over the
race of men. Providence, however, could reach the circumstances even
here, and with ease restored whatever had been disordered by violence
and the licentiousness of human passion. And this restoring power he
exercised without concealment. For he knew that, though there were some
whose thoughts were able to recognize and understand his power, others
there were whose brutish and senseless nature led them to rely
exclusively on the testimony of their own senses. In open day,
therefore, that no one, whether good or evil, might find room for
doubt, he manifested his blessed and wondrous healing power; restoring
the dead to life again, and renewing with a word the powers of those
who had been bereft of bodily sense. (18) Can we, in short, suppose,
that to render the sea firm as the solid ground, to still the raging of
the storm, and finally to ascend to heaven, after turning the unbelief
of men to steadfast faith by the performance of these wondrous acts,
demanded less than almighty power, was less than the work of God? Nor
was the time of his passion unaccompanied by like wonders: when the sun
was darkened, and the shades of night obscured the light of day. Then
terror everywhere laid hold upon the people, and the thought that the
end of all things was already come, and that chaos, such as had been
ere the order of creation began, would once more prevail. Then, too,
the cause was sought of so terrible an evil, and in what respect the
trespasses of men had provoked the wrath of Heaven; until God himself,
who surveyed with calm dignity the arrogance of the ungodly, renewed
the face of heaven, and adorned it with the host of stars. Thus the
be-clouded face of Nature was again restored to her pristine beauty.
CHAPTER XII.
Of those who are Ignorant of this Mystery;
and that their Ignorance is Voluntary. The Blessings which await those
who know it, especially such as die in the Confession of the Faith. (1)
BUT it will be said by some, who love to blaspheme,
that it was in the power of God to ameliorate and soften the natural
will of man. What better way, I ask, what better method could be
devised, what more effectual effort put forth for reclaiming evil man,
than converse with God himself? Was not he visibly present to teach
them the principles of virtuous conduct? And if the personal
instructions of God were without effect, how much more, had he
continued absent and unheard? What, then, had power to hinder this most
blessed doctrine? The perverse folly of man. For the clearness of our
perceptions is at once obscured, as often as we receive with angry
impatience those precepts which are given for our blessing and
advantage. In truth, it was the very choice of men to disregard these
precepts, and to turn a deaf ear to the commandments so distasteful to
them; though had they listened, they would have gained a reward well
worthy such attention, and that not for the present only, but the
future life, which is indeed the only true life. For the reward of
obedience to God is imperishable and everlasting life, to which they
may aspire who know him, (2) and frame their course of life so as to
afford a pattern to others, and as it were a perpetual standard for the
imitation of those who desire to excel in virtue. Therefore was the
doctrine committed to men of understanding, that the truths which they
communicated might be kept with care and a pure conscience by the
members of their households, and that thus a truthful and steadfast
observance of God's commands might be secured, the fruit of which is
that boldness in the prospect of death which springs from pure faith
and genuine holiness before God. He who is thus armed can withstand the
tempest of the world, and is sustained even to martyrdom by the
invincible power of God, whereby he boldly overcomes the greatest
terrors, and is accounted worthy of a crown of glory by him to whom he
has thus nobly testi-
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fied. (3) Nor does he himself assume the praise, knowing full well that
it is God who gives the power both to endure, and to fulfill with ready
zeal the Divine commands. And well may such a course as this receive
the meed of never-failing remembrance and everlasting honor. For as the
martyr's life is one of sobriety and obedience to the will of God, so
is his death an example of true greatness and generous fortitude of
soul. Hence it is followed by hymns and psalms, words and songs of
praise to the all-seeing God: and a sacrifice of thanksgiving is
offered in memory of such men, a bloodless, a harmless sacrifice,
wherein is no need of the fragrant frankincense, no need of fire; but
only enough of pure light (4) to suffice the assembled worshipers.
Many, too, there are whose charitable spirit leads them to prepare a
temperate banquet for the comfort of the needy, and the relief of those
who had been driven from their homes: a custom which can only be deemed
burdensome (5) by those whose thoughts are not accordant with the
divine and sacred doctrine.
CHAPTER XIII.
That there is a Necessary Difference between
Created Things. That the Propensity to Good and Evil depends on the
Will of Man; and that, consequently, Judgment is a Necessary and
Reasonable Thing.
THERE are, indeed, some who venture with childish
presumption to find fault with God in respect of this also, and ask why
it is that he has not created one and the same natural disposition for
all, but rather has ordained the existence of many things different,
nay, contrary in their nature, whence arises the dissimilarity of our
moral conduct and character. Would it not (say they) have been better,
both as regards obedience to the commands of God, and a just
apprehension of himself, and for the confirmation of individual faith,
that all mankind should be of the same moral character? It is indeed
ridiculous to expect that this could be the case, and to forget that
the constitution of the world is different from that of the things that
are in the world; that physical and moral objects are not identical in
their nature, nor the affections of the body the same as those of the
soul. [For the immortal soul far exceeds the material world
in dignity, and is more blessed than the perishable and terrestrial
creation, in proportion as it is noble and more allied to God. (1)] Nor
is the human race excluded from participation in the divine goodness;
though this is not the lot of all indiscriminately, but of those only
who search deeply into the Divine nature, and propose the knowledge of
sacred things as the leading object of their lives.
CHAPTER XIV.
That Created Nature differs infinitely from
Un-created Being; to which Man makes the Nearest Approach by a Life of
Virtue.
SURELY it must be the very height of folly to
compare created with eternal things, which latter have neither
beginning nor end, while the former, having been originated and called
into being, and having received a commencement of their existence at
some definite time, must consequently, of necessity have an end. How
then can things which have thus been made, bear comparison with him who
has ordained their being? Were this the case, (1) the power to command
their existence could not rightly be attributed to him. Nor can
celestial things be compared to him, any more than the material (2)
with the intellectual (3) world, or copies with the models from which
they are formed. Nay, is it not absurd thus to confound all things, and
to obscure the honor of God by comparing him with men, or even with
beasts? And is it not characteristic of madmen, utterly estranged from
a life of sobriety and virtue, to affect a power equivalent to that of
God? If indeed we in any sense aspire to blessedness like that of God,
our duty is to lead a life according to his commandments: so shall we,
having finished a course consistent with the laws which he has
prescribed, dwell for ever superior to the power of fate, in eternal
and undecaying mansions. For the only power in man which can be
elevated to a comparison with that of God, is sincere and guileless
service and devotion of heart to himself, with the contemplation and
study of whatever pleases him, the raising our affections above the
things of earth, and directing our thoughts, as far as we may, to high
and heavenly objects: for from such endeavors, it is said, a victory
accrues to us more valuable than
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many blessings. (4) The cause, then, of that difference which subsists,
as regards the inequality both of dignity and power in created beings,
is such as I have described. In this the wise acquiesce with abundant
thankfulness and joy: while those who are dissatisfied, display their
own folly, and their arrogance will reap its due reward.
CHAPTER XV.
Of the Saviour's Doctrines and Miracles; and
the Benefits he confers on those who own Subjection to him.
THE Son of God invites all men to the practice of
virtue, and presents himself to all who have understanding hearts, as
the teacher of his saving precepts. (1) Unless, indeed, we will deceive
ourselves; and remain in wretched ignorance of the fact, that for our
advantage, that is, to secure the blessing of the human race, he went
about upon earth; and, having called around him the best men of their
age, committed to them instructions full of profit, and of power to
preserve them in the path of a virtuous life; teaching them the faith
and righteousness which are the true remedy against the adverse power
of that malignant spirit whose delight it is to ensnare and delude the
inexperienced. Accordingly he visited the sick, relieved the infirm
from the ills which afflicted them, and consoled those who felt the
extremity of penury and want. He commended also sound and rational
sobriety of character, enjoining his followers to endure, with dignity
and patience, every kind of injury and contempt: teaching them to
regard such as visitations permitted by their Father, and the victory
is ever theirs who nobly bear the evils which befall them. For he
assured them that the highest strength of all consisted in this
steadfastness of soul, combined with that philosophy which is nothing
else than the knowledge of truth and goodness, producing in men the
generous habit of sharing with their poorer brethren those riches which
they have themselves acquired by honorable means. At the same time he
utterly forbade all proud oppression, declaring that, as he had come to
associate with the lowly, so those who despised the lowly would be
excluded from his favor. Such and so great was the test whereby he
proved the faith of those who owned allegiance to his authority, and
thus he not only prepared them for the contempt of danger and
terror, but taught them at the same time the most genuine confidence in
himself. Once, too, his rebuke was uttered to restrain the zeal of one
of his companions, who yielded too easily to the impulse of passion,
when he assaulted with the sword, and, eager to protect his Saviour's
life, exposed his own. Then it was that he bade him desist, and
returned his sword to its sheath, reproving him for his distrust of
refuge and safety in himself, and declaring solemnly that all who
should essay to retaliate an injury by like aggression, or use the
sword, should perish by a violent death. (2) This is indeed heavenly
wisdom, to choose rather to endure than to inflict injury, and to be
ready, should necessity so require, to suffer, but not to do, wrong.
For since injurious conduct is in itself a most serious evil, it is not
the injured party, but the injuring, on whom the heaviest punishment
must fall. It is indeed possible for one who is subject to the will of
God to avoid the evil both of committing and of suffering injury,
provided his confidence be firm in the protection of that God whose aid
is ever present to shield his servants from harm. For how should that
man who trusts in God attempt to seek for resources in himself? In such
a case he must abide the conflict with uncertainty of victory: and no
man of understanding could prefer a doubtful to a certain issue. Again,
how can that man doubt the presence and aid of God, who has had
experience of manifold dangers, and has at all times been easily
delivered, at his simple nod, from all terrors: who has passed, as it
were, through the sea which was leveled by the Saviour's word, and
afforded a solid road for the passage of the people? This is, I
believe, the sure basis of faith, the true foundation of confidence,
that we find such miracles as these performed and perfected at the
command of the God of Providence. Hence it is that even in the midst of
trial we find no cause to repent of our faith, but retain an unshaken
hope in God; and when this habit of confidence is established in the
soul, God himself dwells in the inmost thoughts. But he is of
invincible power: the soul, therefore, which has within it him who is
thus invincible, will not be overcome by the perils which may surround
it. Likewise, (3) we learn this truth from the victory of God himself,
who, while intent on providing for the blessing of mankind, though
grievously insulted by the malice of the ungodly, yet passed unharmed
through the sufferings of his passion, and gained a mighty conquest, an
everlasting crown of triumph, over all
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iniquity; thus accomplishing the purpose of his own providence and love
as regards the just, and destroying the cruelty of the impious and
unjust.
CHAPTER XVI.
The Coming of Christ was predicted by the
Prophets; and was ordained to be the Overthrow of Idols and Idolatrous
Cities.
LONG since had his passion, as well as his advent in
the flesh, been predicted by the prophets. The time, too, of his
incarnation had been foretold, and the manner in which the fruits of
iniquity and profligacy, so ruinous to the works and ways of
righteousness, should be destroyed, and the whole world partake of the
virtues of wisdom and sound discretion, through the almost universal
prevalence of those principles of con-
duct which the Saviour should promulgate, over the minds of men;
whereby the worship of God should be confirmed, and the rites of
superstition utterly abolished. By these not the slaughter of animals
alone, but the sacrifice of human victims, and the pollutions of an
accursed worship, had been devised: as, for example, by the laws of
Assyria and Egypt, the lives of innocent men were offered up in images
of brass or earth. Therefore have these nations received a recompense
worthy so foul a worship. Memphis and Babylon [it was declared] (1)
shall be wasted, and left desolate with their fathers' gods. Now these
things I speak not from the report of others, but having myself been
present, and actually seen the most wretched of these cities, the
unfortunate Memphis. (2) Moses desolated, at the Divine command, the
land of the once mighty Pharaoh, whose arrogance was his destruction,
(3) and destroyed his army (which had proved victorious over numerous
and mighty nations, an army strong in defenses and in arms), not by the
flight of arrows or the hurling of hostile weapons, but by holy prayer
alone, and quiet supplication.
CHAPTER XVII.
Of the Wisdom of Moses, which was an Object
of Imitation to the Wise among Heathen Nations. Also concerning Daniel,
and the Three Children.
No nation has ever been more highly blessed than
that which Moses led: none would have continued to enjoy higher
blessings, had they not willingly withdrawn themselves from the
guidance of the Holy Spirit. But who can worthily describe the praises
of Moses himself; who, after reducing to order an unruly nation, and
disciplining their minds (1) to habits of obedience and respect, out of
captivity restored them to a state of freedom, turned their mourning
into gladness, and so far elevated their minds, (1) that, through the
excess of contrast with their
former circumstances, and the abundance of their prosperity, the spirit
of the people was elated with haughtiness and pride? So far did he
surpass in wisdom those who had lived before him, that even the wise
men and philosophers (2) who are extolled by heathen nations aspired to
imitate his wisdom. For Pythagoras, following his wisdom, attained to
such a pitch of self-control, that he became to Plato, himself a model
of discretion, the standard of his own self-mastery. Again, how great
and terrible the cruelty of that ancient Syrian king, over whom Daniel
triumphed, the prophet who unfolded the secrets of futurity, whose
actions evinced transcendent greatness of soul, and the
luster of whose character and life shone conspicuous above all? The
name of this tyrant was Nebuchadnezzar, whose race afterward became
extinct, and his vast and mighty power was transferred to Persian
hands. The wealth of this tyrant was then, and is even now, celebrated
far and wide, as well as his ill-timed devotion to unlawful worship,
his idol statues, lifting their heads to heaven, and formed of various
metals, and the terrible and savage laws ordained to uphold this
worship. These terrors Daniel, sustained by genuine piety towards the
true God, utterly despised, and predicted that the tyrant's
unseasonable zeal would be productive of fearful evil to himself. He
failed, however, to convince the tyrant (for excessive wealth is an
effectual barrier to true soundness of judgment), and at length the
monarch displayed the savage cruelty of his character, by commanding
that the righteous prophet should be exposed to the fury of wild
beasts. Noble, too, indeed was the united spirit exhibited by those
brethren (3) (whose example others have since followed, and
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have won surpassing glory by their faith in the Saviour's name), (4)
those, I mean, who stood unharmed in the fiery furnace, and the terrors
appointed to devour them, repelling by the holy touch of their bodies
the flame by which they were surrounded. On the overthrow of the
Assyrian Empire, which was destroyed by thunderbolts from Heaven, (5)
the providence of God conducted Daniel to the court of Cambyses the
Persian king. Yet envy followed him even here; nor envy only, but the
deadly plots of the magians against his life, with a succession of many
and urgent dangers, from all which he was easily delivered by the
providential care of Christ, (6) and shone conspicuous in the practice
of every virtue. Three times in the day did he present his prayers to
God, and memorable were the proofs of supernatural power which he
displayed: and hence the magians, filled with envy at the very efficacy
of his petitions, represented the possession of such power to the king
as fraught with danger, and prevailed on him to adjudge this
distinguished benefactor of the Persian people to be devoured by savage
lions. Daniel, therefore, thus condemned, was consigned to the lions'
den (not indeed to suffer death, but to win unfading glory); and though
surrounded by these ferocious beasts of prey, he found them more gentle
than the men who had enclosed him there. Supported by the power of calm
and steadfast prayer, he was enabled to subdue all these animals,
ferocious as, by nature, they were. Cambyses, on learning the event
(for so mighty a proof of Divine power could not possibly be
concealed), amazed at the marvelous story, and repenting the too easy
credence he had given to the slanderous charges of the magians,
resolved, notwithstanding, to be himself a witness of the spectacle.
But when he saw the prophet with uplifted hands rendering praises to
Christ, and the lions crouching, and as it were worshiping, at his
feet, immediately he adjudged the magians, to whose persuasions he had
listened, to perish by the self-same sentence, and shut them up in the
lions' den. (7) The beasts, erewhile so gentle, rushed at once upon
their victims, and with all the fierceness of their nature tore and
destroyed them all. (8)
CHAPTER XVIII.
Of the Erythraean Sibyl, who pointed in a Prophetic Acrostic at our
Lord and his Passion. The Acrostic is "Jesus Christ, Son of God,
Saviour, Cross."
My desire, however, is to derive even from foreign
sources a testimony to the Divine nature of Christ. For on such
testimony it is evident that even those who blaspheme his name must
acknowledge that he is God, and the Son of God if indeed they will
accredit the words of those whose sentiments coincided with their own.
(1) The Erythraean Sibyl, then, who herself assures us that she lived
in the sixth generation after the flood, was a priestess of Apollo, who
wore the sacred fillet in imitation of the God she served, who guarded
also the tripod encompassed with the serpent's folds, and returned
prophetic answers to those who approached her shrine; having been
devoted by the folly of her parents to this service, a service
productive of nothing good or noble, but only of indecent
fury, such as we find recorded in the case of Daphne. (2) On one
occasion, however, having rushed into the sanctuary of her vain
superstition, she became really filled with inspiration from above, and
declared in prophetic verses the future purposes of God; plainly
indicating the advent of Jesus by the initial letters of these verses,
forming an acrostic in these words: JESUS CHRIST, SON OF GOD, SAVIOUR,
CROSS. The verses themselves are as follows:
Judgment! Earth's oozing pores (3) shall mark the day; Earth's heavenly
king his glories shall display: Sovereign of all, exalted on his throne,
Unnumbered multitudes their God shall own;
Shall sea their Judge, with mingled joy and fear, Crowned with his
saints, in human form appear.
How vain, while desolate earth's glories lie,
Riches, and pomp, and man's idolatry!
In that dread hour, when Nature's fiery doom
Startles the slumb'ring tenants of the tomb,
Trembling all flesh shall stand; each secret wile,
Sins long forgotten, thoughts of guilt and guile,
Open beneath God's searching light shall lie:
No refuge then, but hopeless agony.
O'er heaven's expanse shall gathering shades of night From earth, sun,
stars, and moon, withdraw their light; God's arm shall crush each
mountain's towering pride; On ocean's plain no more shall navies ride.
Dried at the source, no river's rushing sound
Shall soothe, no fountain slake the parched ground. Around, afar, shall
roll the trumpet's blast,
Voice of wrath long delayed, revealed at last.
In speechless awe, while earth's foundations groan,
On judgment's seat earth's kings their God shall own.
575
Uplifted then, in majesty divine,
Radiant with light, behold Salvation's Sign! Cross of that Lord, who,
once for sinners given, Reviled by man, now owned by earth and heaven,
O'er every land extends his iron sway.
Such is the name these mystic lines display; Saviour, eternal king, who
bears our sins away. (4)
It is evident that the virgin uttered these verses
under the influence of Divine inspiration. And I cannot but esteem her
blessed, whom the Saviour thus selected to unfold his gracious purpose
towards us.
CHAPTER XIX.
That this Prophecy respecting our Saviour was
not the Fiction of any Member of the Christian Church, but the
Testimony of the Erythraean Sibyl, whose Books were translated into
Latin by Cicero before the coming of Christ. Also that Virgil makes
mention of the same, and of the Birth of the Virgin's Child: though he
spoke obscurely of this Mystery from Fear of the Ruling Powers.
MANY, however, who admit that the Erythraean Sibyl
was really a prophetess, yet refuse to credit this prediction, and
imagine that some one professing our faith, and not unacquainted with
the poetic art, was the composer of these verses. They hold, in short,
that they are a forgery, and alleged to be the prophecies of the Sibyl
on the ground of their containing useful moral sentiments, tending to
restrain licentiousness, and to lead man to a life of sobriety and
decorum. Truth, however, in this case is evident, since the diligence
of our countrymen (1) has made a careful computation of the times; so
that there is no room to suspect that this poem was composed after the
advent and condemnation of Christ, or that the general report is false,
that the verses were a prediction of the Sibyl in an early age. For it
is allowed that Cicero was acquainted with this poem, which he
translated into the Latin tongue, and incorporated with his own works.
(2) This writer was put to death during the ascendancy of Antony, who
in his turn was conquered by Augustus, whose reign lasted fifty-six
years. Tiberius succeeded, in whose age it was that the Saviour's
advent enlightened the world, the mystery of our most holy religion
began to prevail, and as it were a new race of men commenced: of which,
I suppose, the prince of Latin poets thus speaks:
Behold, a new, a heaven-born race appears. (3) And again, in another
passage of the Bucolics:
Sicilian Muses, sound a loftier strain. What can be clearer than this?
For he adds,
The voice of Cuma's oracle is heard again. (4)
Evidently referring to the Cumaean Sibyl. Nor was even this enough: the
poet goes further, as if irresistibly impelled to bear his testimony.
What then does he say?
Behold! the circling years new blessings bring:
The virgin comes, with her the long-desired king. (5)
576
Who, then, is the virgin who was to come? Is it not she who was filled
with, and with child of the Holy Spirit? And why is it impossible that
she who was with child of the Holy Spirit should be, and ever continue
to be a virgin? This king, too, will return, and by his coming lighten
the sorrows of the world. The poet adds,
Thou, chaste Lucina, greet the new-born child,
Beneath whose reign the iron offspring ends,
A golden progeny from heaven descends;
His kingdom banished virtue shall restore,
And
crime shall threat the guilty world no more.
We perceive that these words are spoken plainly and at the same time
darkly, by way of allegory. Those who search deeply for the import of
the words, are able to discern the Divinity of Christ. But lest any of
the powerful in the imperial city might be able to accuse the poet of
writing anything contrary to the laws of the country, and subverting
the religious sentiments which had prevailed from ancient times, he
intentionally obscures the truth. For he was acquainted, as I believe,
with that blessed mystery which gave to our Lord the name of Saviour:
(6) but, that he might avoid the severity of creel men, he drew the
thoughts of his hearers to objects with which they were familiar,
saying that altars must be erected, temples raised, and sacrifices
offered to the new-born child. His concluding words also are adapted to
the sentiments of those who were accustomed to such a creed; for he
says:
CHAPTER XX.
A Farther Quotation from Virgilius Maro respecting
Christ, with its Interpretation, showing that the Mystery was indicated
therein darkly, as might be expected from a Poet.
A life immortal he shall lead, and be
By heroes seen, himself shall heroes see;
evidently meaning the righteous.
The jarring nations he in peace shall bind, And with
paternal virtues rule mankind. Unbidden earth her earliest fruits shall
bring, And fragrant herbs, to greet her infant king.
Well indeed was this admirably wise and accomplished man acquainted
with the cruel character of the times. He proceeds:
The goats, uncall'd, full udders home shall bear;
The lowing herds no more fierce lions fear.
Truly said: for faith will not stand in awe of the mighty in the
imperial palace.
His cradle shall with rising flowers be crown'd:
The serpent's brood shall die; the sacred ground
Shall weeds and poisonous plants refuse to bear;
Each common bush th' Assyrian rose (1) shall wear.
Nothing could be said more true or more consistent with the Saviour's
excellency than this. For the power of the Divine Spirit presents the
very cradle of God, like fragrant flowers, to the new-born race. (2)
The serpent, too, and the venom of that serpent, perishes, who
originally beguiled our first parents, and drew their thoughts from
their native innocence (3) to the enjoyment of pleasures, that they
might experience (4) that threatened death. For before the Saviour's
advent, the serpent's power was shown in subverting the souls of those
who were sustained by no well-grounded hope, and ignorant of that
immortality which awaits the righteous. But after that he had suffered,
and was separated for a season from the body which he had assumed, the
power of the resurrection was revealed to man through the communication
of the Holy Spirit: and whatever stain of human guilt might yet remain
was removed by the washing of sacred lustrations.
Then indeed could the Saviour bid his followers be
of good cheer, and, remembering his adorable and glorious resurrection,
expect the like for themselves. Truly, then, the poisonous race may be
said to be extinct. Death himself is extinct, and the truth of the
resurrection sealed. Again, the Assyrian race is gone, which first led
the way to faith in God. (5) But when he speaks of the growth of amomum
every where, he alludes to the multitude of the true worshipers of God.
(6) For it is as though a multitude of branches, crowned with fragrant
flowers, and fitly watered, sprung from the self-same root. Most justly
said, Maro, thou wisest of poets! and with this all that follows is
consistent.
But when heroic worth his youth shall hear, And learn his father's
virtues to revere.
By the praises of heroes, he indicates the works of righteous men: by
the virtues of his Father he speaks of the creation and everlasting
structure of the world: and, it may be, of those laws by which God's
beloved Church is guided, and ordered in a course of righteousness and
virtue. Admirable, again, is the advance to higher
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things of that state of life which is intermediate, as it were, between
good and evil, and which seldom admits a sudden change:
Unlabored harvests shall the fields adorn, (7)
that is, the fruit of the Divine law springs up for the service of men.
And
clustered gropes shall blush on every thorn.
Far otherwise has it been during the corrupt and lawless period of
human life.
The
knotted oaks shall showers of honey weep. (8)
He here describes the folly and obduracy of the men of that age; and
perhaps he also intimates that they who suffer hardships in the cause
of God, shall reap sweet fruits of their own endurance.
Yet, of old fraud some footsteps shall remain;
The merchant still shall plough the deep for gain: Great cities shall
with walls be compassed round, And sharpened shares shall vex the
fruitful ground: Another Tiphys shall new seas explore;
Another Argo land the chiefs upon the Iberian shore; Another Helen
other wars create,
And great Achilles urge the Trojan fate.
Well said, wisest of bards! Thou hast carried the license of a poet
precisely to the proper point. For it was not thy purpose to assume the
functions of a prophet, to which thou hadst no claim. I suppose also he
was restrained by a sense of the danger which threatened one who should
assail the credit of ancient religious practice. Cautiously, therefore,
and securely, as far as possible, he presents the truth to those who
have faculties to understand it; and while he denounces the munitions
and conflicts of war (9) (which indeed are still to be found in the
course of human life), he describes our Saviour as proceeding to the
war against Troy, understanding by Troy the world itself. (10) And
surely he did maintain the struggle against the opposing powers of
evil, sent on that mission both by the designs of his own providence
and the commandment of his Almighty Father. How, then, does the poet
proceed?
But when to ripen'd manhood he shall grow,
that is, when, having arrived at the age of manhood, he shall utterly
remove the evils which encompass the path of human life, and
tranquilize the world by the blessings of peace
The greedy sailor shall the seas forego;
No keel shall cut the waves for foreign ware,
For every soil shall every product bear.
The laboring hind his oxen shall disjoin;
But the luxurious father of the fold,
With native purple, and unborrow'd gold,
Beneath his pompous fleece shall proudly sweat;
And under Tyrian robes the lamb shall bleat.
Mature in years, to ready honors move,
O of celestial seed, O foster son of Jove!
See, laboring nature calls thee to sustain
The nodding flame of heaven, and earth, and main! See to their base
restored earth seas, and air;
And joyful ages, from behind, in crowing ranks appear. To ring thy
praise, would heaven my breath prolong. Infusing spirits worthy such a
song,
Not Thracian Orpheus should transcend my lays,
Nor Linus, crown'd with never-fading bays;
Though each his heavenly parent should inspire;
The Muse instruct the voice, and Phoebus tune the lyre. Should Pan
contend in verse, and thou my theme, Arcadian judges should their God
condemn. (11)
Behold (says he) how the mighty world and the elements together
manifest their joy.
CHAPTER XXI.
That these Things cannot have been spoken of
a Mere Man: and that Unbelievers, owing to their Ignorance of Religion,
know not even the Origin of their own Existence.
IT may be some will foolishly suppose that these
words were spoken of the birth of a mere ordinary mortal. But if this
were all, what reason could there be that the earth should need neither
seed nor plough, that the vine should require no pruning-hook, or other
means of culture? How can we suppose these things to be spoken of a
mere mortal's birth? For nature is the minister of the Divine will not
an instrument obedient to the command of man. Indeed, the very joy of
the elements indicates the advent of God, not the conception of a human
being. The prayer, too, of the poet that his life might be prolonged is
a proof of the Divinity of him whom he invoked; for we desire life and
preservation from God, and not from man. Indeed, the Erythraean Sibyl
thus appeals to God: "Why, O Lord, dost thou compel me still to
foretell the future, and not rather remove me from this earth to await
the blessed day of thy coming?" And Maro adds to what he had said
before:
578
Begin, sweet boy! with smiles thy mother know,
Who ten long months did with thy burden go.
No mortal parents smiled upon thy birth:
No nuptial joy thou know'st, no feast of earth.
How could his parents have smiled on him? For his Father (1) is God,
who is a Power without sensible quality, (2) existing, not in any
definite shape, but as comprehending other beings, (3) and not,
therefore, in a human body. And who knows not that the Holy Spirit has
no participation in the nuptial union? For what desire can exist in the
disposition of that good which all things rise desire? What fellowship,
in short, can wisdom hold with pleasure? But let these arguments be
left to those who ascribe to him a human origin, and who care not to
purify themselves from all evil in word as well as deed. On thee,
Piety, I call to aid my words, on thee who art the very law of purity,
most desirable of all blessings, teacher of holiest hope, assured
promise of immortality! Thee, Piety, and thee, Clemency, I adore. We
who have obtained thine aid (4) owe thee everlasting gratitude for thy
healing power. But the multitudes whom their innate hatred of thyself
deprives of thy succor, are equally estranged from God himself, and
know not that the very cause of their life and being, and that of all
the ungodly, is connected with the rightful worship of him who is Lord
of all: for the world itself is his, and all that it contains.
CHAPTER XXII.
The Emperor thankfully ascribes his Victories
and all other Blessings to Christ; and condemns the Conduct of the
Tyrant Maximin, the Violence of whose Persecution had enhanced the
Glory of Religion.
To thee, Piety, I ascribe the cause of my own
prosperity, and of all that I now possess. To this truth the happy
issue of all my endeavors
the great city itself allows with joy and praise. The people, too, of
that much-loved city accord in the same sentiment, though once,
deceived by ill-grounded hopes, they chose a ruler unworthy of
themselves, (1) a ruler who speedily received the chastisement which
his audacious deeds deserved. But be it far from me now to recall the
memory of these events, while hold-
gentle words. Yet will I say one thing, which hazy shall not be
unbefitting or unseemly. A furious, a cruel, and implacable war was
maintained by the tyrants against thee, Piety, and thy holy churches:
nor were there wanting some in Rome itself who exulted at a calamity so
grievous to the public weal. Nay, the battlefield was prepared; when
thou disdst stand forth, (2) and present thyself a voluntary victim,
supported by faith in God. Then indeed it was that the cruelty of
ungodly men, which raged incessantly like a devouring fire, wrought for
thee a wondrous and ever memorable glory. Astonish-merit seized the
spectators themselves, when they beheld the very executioners who
tortured the bodies of their holy victims wearied out, and disgusted at
the cruelties; (3) the bonds loosened, the engines of torture
powerless, the flames extinguished, while the sufferers preserved their
constancy unshaken even for a moment. What, then, hast thou gained by
these atrocious deeds, most impious of men? (4) And what was the cause
of thy insane fury? Thou wilt say, doubtless, these acts of thine were
done in honor of the gods. What gods are these? or what worthy
conception hast thou of the Divine nature? Thinkest thou the gods are
subject to angry passions as thou art? Were it so indeed, it had been
better for thee to wonder at their strange determination than obey
their harsh command, when they urged thee to the unrighteous slaughter
of innocent men. Thou wilt allege, perhaps, the customs of thy
ancestors and the opinion of mankind in general, as the cause of this
conduct. I grant the fact: for those customs are very like the acts
themselves, and proceed from the self-same source of folly. Thou
thoughtest, it may be, that some special power resided in images formed
and fashioned by human art; and hence thy reverence, and diligent care
lest they should be defiled: those mighty and highly exalted gods, thus
dependent on the care of men!
CHAFFER XXIII.
Of Christian Conduct. That God is pleased
with those who lead a Life of Virtue: and that we must expect a
Judgment and Future Retribution.
COMPARE our religion with your own. Is
579
there not with us genuine concord, and un-
we not exercise,, not only sincere faith towards God, but fidelity in
the relations of social life? Do we not pity the unfortunate? Is not
ours a life of simplicity which disdains to cover evil beneath the mask
of fraud and hypocrisy? Do we not acknowledge the true God, and his un-
is the life of wisdom; and they who have it are travelers, as it were,
on a noble road which
the pollutions of the body, does not wholly die: rather may he be said
to complete the service appointed him by God, than to die. Again, he
who confesses allegiance to God is not easily overborne by insolence or
rage, but nobly stands under the pressure of necessity and the trial of
his constancy is as it were, a passport to the favor of God. For we
cannot doubt that the Deity is pleased with excellence in human
conduct. For it would be absurd indeed if the powerful and the humble
alike acknowledge gratitude to those from whose services they receive
benefit, and repay them by services in return, and yet that he who is
supreme and sovereign of all, nay, who is Good itself should be
negligent in this respect. Rather does he follow us throughout the
course of our lives, is near us in every act of goodness, accepts, and
at once rewards our virtue and obedience; though he defers the full
recompense to that future period, when the actions of our lives shall
pass under his review and when those who are clear in that account
shall receive the reward of everlasting life, while the wicked shall be
visited with the penalties due to their crimes.
CHAPTER XXIV.
Of Decius, Valerian, and Aurelian who
experienced a Miserable End in consequence of their Persecution of the
Church.
To thee, Decius, (1) I now appeal, who has trampled
with insult on the labors of the righteous: to thee, the hater of the
Church, the punisher of those who lived a holy life: what is now thy
condition after death? How hard and wretched thy present
circumstances! Nay, the
thy miserable fate, when overthrown with all thine army on the plains
of Scythia, thou didst expose the vaunted power of Rome to the contempt
of the Goths. Thou, too, Valerian, who didst manifest the same spirit
of cruelty towards the servants of God, hast afforded an example of
righteous judgment. A captive in the enemies' hands, led in chains
while yet arrayed in the purple and imperial attire, and at last thy
skin stripped from thee, and preserved by command of Sapor the Persian
king, thou hast left a perpetual trophy of thy calamity. And thou,
Aurelian, fierce perpetrator of every wrong, how signal was thy fall,
when, in the midst of thy wild career in Thrace, thou wast slain on the
CHAPTER XXV.
Of Diocletian, who ignobly abdicated (1) the
Imperial Throne, and was terrified by the Dread of Lightning for his
Persecution of the Church.
DIOCLETIAN, however, after the display of relentless
cruelty as a persecutor, evinced a consciousness of his own guilt and
owing to the affliction of a disordered mind, endured the confinement
of a mean and separate dwelling. (2) What then, did he gain by his
active hostility against our God? Simply this I believe, that he passed
the residue of his life in continual dread of the lightning's stroke.
Nicomedia attests the fact; eyewitnesses, of whom I myself am one,
declare it. The palace, and the emperor's private chamber were
destroyed, consumed by lightning, devoured by the fire of heaven. Men
of understanding hearts had indeed predicted the issue of such conduct;
for they could not keep silence, nor conceal their grief at such
unworthy deeds; but boldly and openly expressed their feeling, saying
one to another: "What madness is this? and what an insolent abuse of
power, that man should dare to fight against God; should deliberately
insult the most holy and just of alI religions; and plan, without the
slightest provocation, the destruction of so great a multitude of
righteous persons? O rare example of moderation to his subjects! Worthy
instructor of his army in the care and protection due to their
fellow-citizens! Men who had never seen the backs of a retreating army
plunged their swords into the breasts of their own countrymen!" So
great was the effusion of blood shed, that if shed in battle with
barbarian enemies, it had been sufficient to pur-
580
chase a perpetual peace. (3) At length, indeed, the providence of God
took vengeance on these unhallowed deeds; but not without severe damage
to the state. For the entire army of the emperor of whom I have just
spoken, becoming subject to the authority of a worthless person, (4)
who had violently usurped the supreme authority at Rome (when the
providence of God restored freedom to that great city), was destroyed
in several successive battles. And when we remember the cries with
which those who were oppressed, and who ardently longed for their
native liberty implored the help of God; and their praise and
thanksgiving to him on the removal of the evils under which they had
groaned, when that liberty was regained, and free and equitable
intercourse restored: do not these things every way afford convincing
proofs of the providence of God, and his affectionate regard for the
interests of mankind?
CHAPTER XXVI.
The Emperor ascribes his Personal Piety to God;
and shows that we are bound to seek Success from God, an attribute it
to him; but to consider Mistakes as the Result of our own Negligence.
WHEN men commend my services, which owe their origin
to the inspiration of Heaven, do they not dearly establish the truth
that God is
the cause of the exploits I have performed? Assuredly they do: for it
belongs to God to do whatever is best, and to man,, to perform the
commands of God. I believe, indeed, the best and noblest course of
action is, when, before an attempt is made, we provide as far as
possible for a secure result: and surely all men know that the holy
service in which these hands have been employed has originated in pure
and genuine faith towards God; that whatever has been done for the
common welfare has been effected by active exertion combined with
supplication and prayer; the consequence of which has been as great an
amount of individual and public benefit as each could venture to hope
for himself and those he holds most dear. They have witnessed battles,
and have been spectators of a war in which the providence of God has
granted victory to this people: (1) they have seen how he has favored
and seconded our prayers. For righteous prayer is a thing invincible;
and no one fails to attain his object who addresses holy supplication
to God: nor is a refusal possible, except in the case of wavering
faith; (2) for God is ever favorable, ever ready to approve of human
virtue. While, therefore, it is natural for man occasionally to err,
yet God is not the cause
first for our own individual security and then for the happy posture of
public affairs: at the same time intreating the favor of Christ with
holy prayers and constant supplications, that he would continue to us
our present blessings. For he is the invincible ally and protector of
the righteous: he is the supreme judge of all things, the prince of
immorality, the Giver of everlasting life.
THE ORATION
EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS,
IN PRAISE OF
THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE.
PRONOUNCED ON
THE THIRTIETH ANNIVERSARY OF HIS REIGN.
I COME not forward prepared with a fictitious
narrative, nor with elegance of language to captivate the ear, desiring
to charm my hearers as it were, with a siren's voice; nor shall I
present the draught of pleasure in cups of gold decorated with lorry
flowers (I mean the graces of style) to those who are pleased with such
things. Rather would I follow the precepts of the wise, and admonish
all to avoid and turn aside from the beaten road, and keep themselves
from
2 contact with the vulgar crowd. I come,
then, prepared to celebrate our emperor's
praises in a newer strain; and, though the
number be infinite of those who desire to be
my companions in my present task, I am re-
solved to shun the common track of men, (2) and
to pursue that untrodden path which it is unlawful
to enter on with unwashed feet. Let those who
admire a vulgar style, abounding in puerile subtleties, and who court a
pleasing and popular
muse, essay, since pleasure is the object they
have in view, to charm the earn of men by a
narrative of merely human merits. Those, how-
ever who are initiated into the universal science, (3)
and have attained to Divine as well as human
knowledge, and account the choice of the latter
as the real excellence, will prefer those virtues
of the emperor which Heaven itself approves,
and his pious actions, to his merely human
accomplishments; and will leave to inferior encomiasts the task of
celebrating his lesser
merits. For since our emperor is gifted as3
well with that sacred wisdom which has immediate reference to God, as
with the knowledge
which concerns the interests of men; let those
who are competent to such a task describe his
secular acquirements, great and transcendent as
they are, and fraught with advantage to man-
kind (for all that characterizes the emperor is
great and noble), yet still inferior to his diviner
qualifies, to those who stand without the
sacred precincts. Let those, however, who 4
are within the sanctuary, and have access to
its inmost and untrodden recesses, close the doors against every
profane ear, and unfold, as it were, the secret mysteries of our
emperors character to the initiated alone. And let those who have
purified their ears in the streams of piety, and raised their thoughts
on the soaring wing of the mind itself, join the company which
surrounds the Sovereign Lord of all, and
learn in silence the divine mysteries. Mean- 5
while let the sacred oracles, given, not by
the spirit of divination (or rather let me say of madness and folly),
but by the inspiration of
Divine truth, (4) be our instructors in these mysteries; speaking to us
of sovereignty, generally: the heavenly array which surrounds the Lord
of all; of that exemplar of imperial power which
582
is before us, and that counterfeit coin: and, lastly, of the
consequences which result from both. With these oracles, then, to
initiate us in the knowledge of the sacred rites, let us essay, as
follows, the commencement of our divine mysteries.
CHAPTER I.
The Oration.
1 TO-DAY iS the festival of our great emperor: and we his
children rejoice therein,
feeling the inspiration of our sacred theme. He who presides over our
solemnity is the Great Sovereign himself; he, I mean, who is truly
great; of whom I affirm (nor will the sovereign
who hears me be offended, but will rather ap-
repels the gaze of every eye from
his
Divine majesty. His ministers are the heavenly
hosts; his armies the supernal powers,
angels, the companies of archangels, the chorus of holy spirits, draw
from and reflect his radiance as from the fountains of everlasting
light. Yea every light, and specially those divine and incorporeal
intelligences whose place is beyond the heavenly sphere, celebrate this
august Sovereign with lofty and sacred strains of praise. The vast
expanse of heaven, like an azure veil is interposed between those
without, and those who inhabit his royal mansions: while round this
expanse the sun and moon, with the rest of the heavenly luminaries
(like torch-bearers around the entrance of the imperial palace),
perform, in honor of their sovereign, their appointed courses; holding
forth, at the word of his command, an ever-burning light to those whose
lot is cast in the darker regions with-
3 out the pale of heaven. And surely when
I remember that our own victorious emperor renders praises to
this Mighty Sovereign, I do well to follow him, knowing as I do that to
him alone we owe that imperial power under which we live. The
pious Caesars, instructed by their father's wisdom, acknowledge him as
the source of every blessing: the soldiery, the entire body of the
people, both in the country and in the cities of the empire, with the
governors of the several provinces, assembling together in accordance
with the precept of their great Saviour and Teacher,, worship him. In
short, the whole family of mankind, of every nation, tribe, and tongue,
both collectively and severally, however diverse their opinions on
other subjects, are unanimous in this one confession; and, in obedience
to the reason implanted in them, and the spontaneous and uninstructed
impulse of their own minds, unite in calling on
the One and only God. (2) Nay, does not the 4
universal frame of earth acknowledge him
her Lord, and declare, by the vegetable and animal life which she
produces her subjection to the will of a superior Power? The rivers,
flowing with abundant stream, and the perennial fountains, springing
from hidden and exhaust-less depths, ascribe to him the cause of their
marvellous source. The mighty waters of the
sea, enclosed in chambers of unfathomable ing currents of the winds,
and the airy courses
of the clouds, all reveal his presence to those to whom his Person is
invisible. The 5 all-radiant sun, who holds his constant career through
the lapse of ages, owns him Lord alone, and obedient to his will,
dares not depart from his appointed path. The inferior splendor of the
moon, alternatively diminished and increased at stated periods, is
subject to his Divine command. The beauteous mechanism of the heavens,
glittering with the hosts of stars, moving in harmonious order, and
preserving the measure of each several orbit, proclaims him the giver
of all light: yea, all the heavenly luminaries maintaining at his will
and word a grand and perfect unity of motion, pursue the track of their
ethereal career, and complete in the lapse of revolving ages their
distant course. The alternate recurrence of day and night, the changing
seasons, the order and proportion of the universe, all declare the
manifold wisdom of [his boundless power]. To him the unseen agencies
which hold their course throughout the expanse of space, render the due
tribute of praise. To him this terrestrial globe itself, to him the
heavens above, and the choirs beyond the vault of heaven, give honor as
to their mighty Sovereign: the angelic hosts greet him with
ineffable songs of Praise; and the spirits which draw their being from
incorporeal light, adore him as their Creator. The
583
everlasting ages which were before this heaven and earth, with other
periods beside them, infinite, and antecedent to all visible creation
acknowledge him the sole and supreme
6 Sovereign and Lord. Lastly, he who is in
all, before, and after all, [3] his only begotten,
pre-existent Word, the great High Priest of the mighty God, elder than
all time and every age, devoted to his Father's glory, first and alone
makes intercession with him for the salvation of mankind. [4] Supreme
and pre-eminent Ruler of the universe, he shares the glory of his
Father's kingdom: for he is that Light, which, transcendent above the
universe, encircles the Father's Person, interposing and dividing
between the eternal and uncreated Essence and all derived existence:
that Light which, streaming from on high, proceeds from that Deity who
knows not origin or end, and illumines the super-celestial regions, and
all that heaven itself contains, with the radiance of wisdom bright
beyond the splendor of the sun. This is he who holds a supreme dominion
over this whole world, [5] who is over and in all things, and pervades
all things [6] visible and invisible; the Word of God. From whom and by
whom our divinely favored emperor, receiving, as it were a transcript
of the Divine sovereignty, directs, in imitation of God himself, the
administration of this world's affairs.
CHAPTER II.
1 THIS only begotten Word of God reigns,
from ages which had no beginning, to infinite and endless
ages, the partner of his Father's kingdom. And [our emperor] ever
beloved by him, who derives the source of imperial authority from
above, and is strong in the power of his sacred title, [1] has
controlled the empire of the world for a long period of years. Again,
that Preserver of the universe orders these heavens and earth, and the
celestial kingdom, consistently with his Father's will. Even so our
emperor whom he loves, by bringing those whom he rules on earth to the
only begotten Word and Saviour renders them fit subjects of his
3 kingdom. And as he who is the common
Saviour of mankind, by his invisible and
Divine power as the good shepherd, drives far
away from his flock, like savage beasts, those apostate spirits
which once flew through the airy tracts above this earth, and fastened
on the souls of men; [2] so this his friend, graced by his heavenly
favor with victory over all his foes, subdues and chastens the open
adversaries of the truth in accordance with the usages of
war. He who is the pre-existent Word, the 4
Preserver of all things, imparts to his disciples the seeds of true
wisdom and salvation, and at once enlightens and gives them
understanding in the knowledge of his Father's kingdom. Our emperor,
his friend, acting as interpreter to the Word of God, aims at recalling
the whole human race to the knowledge of God; proclaiming clearly in
the ears of all, and declaring with powerful voice the laws of truth
and godliness to all who dwell on the earth. Once more, the universal
Saviour opens the heavenly gates of his Father's kingdom to those whose
course is thitherward from this world. Our emperor, emulous of his
Divine example, having purged his earthly dominion from every stain of
impious error, invites each holy and pious worshiper within his
imperial mansions, earnestly desiring to save with all its crew that
mighty vessel of which he is the appointed pilot. And he alone of all
who have wielded the imperial power of Rome, being honored by the
Supreme Sovereign with a reign of three decennial periods, now
celebrates this festival, not,
his ancestors might have done, in honor of infernal demons, or the
apparitions of seducing spirits, or of the fraud and deceitful arts of
impious men; but as an act of thanksgiving to him by whom he has thus
been honored, and in acknowledgment of the blessings he has received at
his hands. He does not, in imitation of ancient usage, defile his
imperial mansions with blood and gore, nor propitiate the infernal
deities with fire and smoke, and sacrificial offerings; but dedicates
to the universal Sovereign a pleasant and acceptable sacrifice, even
his own imperial soul, and a mind truly fitted for the service of God.
For this sacrifice alone is grateful to him: and this sacrifice our
emperor has learned, with purified mind and thoughts, to present as an
offering without the intervention of fire and blood, while his own
piety, strengthened by the truthful doctrines with which his soul is
stored, he sets forth in magnificent language the praises of God, and
584
imitates his Divine philanthropy by his own imperial acts. Wholly
devoted to him, he dedicates himself as a noble offering, a first-fruit
of that world, the government of which is intrusted to his charge. This
first and greatest sacrifice our emperor first dedicates to God; and
then, as a faithful shepherd, he offers, not "famous hecatombs of
firstling lambs," but the souls of that flock which is the object of
his care, those rational beings whom he leads to the knowledge and
pious worship of God.
CHAPTER III.
1 AND gladly does he accept and welcome
this sacrifice, and commend the presenter
of so august and noble an offering, by protracting his reign to a
lengthened period of years, giving larger proofs of his beneficence in
proportion to the emperor's holy services to himself. Accordingly he
permits him to celebrate each successive festival during great and
general prosperity throughout the empire, advancing one of his sons, at
the recurrence of each decennial period, to a share of his own imperial
2 power. [1] The eldest, who bears his father's
name, he received as his partner in the empire about the
close of the first decade of his reign: the second, next in point of
age, at the second; and the third in like manner at the third decennial
period, the occasion of this our present festival. And now that the
fourth period has commenced, and the time of his reign is still further
prolonged, he desires to extend his imperial authority by calling still
more of his kindred to partake his power; and, by the appointment of
the Caesars, [2] fulfills the predictions
of the holy prophets, according to what they
uttered ages before: "And the saints of the Most High shall take the
kingdom." [3] And thus the Almighty Sovereign himself accords an
increase both of years and of children to our most pious emperor, and
renders his sway over the nations of the world still fresh and
flourishing, as though it were even now springing up in its earliest
vigor. He it is who appoints him this present festival, in that he has
made him victorious over every enemy that disturbed his peace:
he it is who displays him as an example of
4 true godliness to the human race. And
thus our emperor, like the radiant sun, illuminates the most
distant subjects of his empire
through the presence of the Caesars, as with the far piercing rays of
his own brightness. To us who occupy the eastern regions he has given a
son worthy of himself; [4] a second and a third respectively to other
departments of his empire, to be, as it were, brilliant reflectors of
the light which proceeds from himself. Once more, having harnessed, as
it were, under the self-same yoke the four most noble Caesars [5] as
horses in the imperial chariot, he sits on high and directs their
course by the reins of holy harmony and concord; and, himself every
where present, and observant of every event, thus traverses every
region of the world. Lastly, invested as he 5 is with a semblance of
heavenly sovereignty, he directs his gaze above, and frames his earthly
government according to the pattern of that Divine original, feeling
strength in its conformity to the monarchy of God. And this conformity
is granted by the universal Sovereign to man alone of the creatures of
this earth: for he only is the author of sovereign power, who decrees
that all should be subject to the rule of one.
And surely monarchy far transcends every 6 other constitution and form
of government: for that democratic equality of power, which is its
opposite, may rather be described as anarchy and disorder. Hence there
is one God, and not two, or three, or more: for to assert a plurality
of gods is plainly to deny the being of God at all. There is one
Sovereign; and his Word and royal Law is one: a Law not expressed in
syllables and words, not written or engraved on tablets, and therefore
subject to the ravages of time; but the living and self-subsisting
Word, who himself is God, and who administers his Father's kingdom on
behalf of all who are after him
and subject to his power. His attendants are 7 the heavenly hosts; the
myriads of God's angelic ministers; the super-terrestrial armies, of
unnumbered multitude; and those unseen spirits within heaven itself,
whose agency is employed in regulating the order of this world. Ruler
and chief of all these is the royal Word, acting as Regent of the
Supreme Sovereign. To him the names of Captain, and great High Priest,
Prophet of the Father, Angel of mighty counsel, Brightness of the
Father's light, Only begotten Son, with a thousand other titles, are
ascribed in the oracles of the sacred writers. And the Father, having
constituted him the living Word, and Law and Wisdom the fullness of all
blessing, has presented this best and greatest gift to all who are the
subjects of his sovereignty. And he himself, who pervades 8
all things, and is every where present, un-
folding his Father's bounties to all with unsparing hand, has accorded
a specimen of his sov-
585
ereign power even to his rational creatures of this earth, in that he
has provided the mind of man, who is formed after his own image, with
Divine faculties, whence it is capable of other virtues also, which
flow from the same heavenly source. For he only is wise, who is the
only God: he only is essentially good: he only is of mighty power, the
Parent of justice, the Father of reason and wisdom, the Fountain of
light and life, the Dispenser of truth and virtue: in a word, the
Author of empire itself, and of all dominion and power.
CHAPTER IV.
1 BUT whence has man this knowledge, and
who has ministered these truths to mortal
ears? Or whence has a tongue of flesh the power to speak of things so
utterly distinct from fleshly or material substance? Who has gazed on
the invisible King, and beheld these perfections in him? The bodily
sense may comprehend elements and their combinations, of a nature
kindred to its own: but no one yet has boasted to have scanned with
corporeal eye that unseen kingdom which governs all things nor has
mortal nature yet discerned the beauty of perfect wisdom. Who has
beheld the face of righteousness through the medium of flesh? And
whence came the idea of legitimate sovereignty and imperial power to
man? Whence the thought of absolute dominion to a being composed of
flesh and blood? Who declared those ideas which are invisible and
undefined, and that incorporeal essence which has no external form, to
the mortals of this earth?
2 Surely there was but one interpreter of
these things; the all-pervading Word of
God. [1] For he is the author of that rational and
intelligent being which exists in man; and, being
himself one with his Father's Divine nature, he
sheds upon his offspring the out-flowings of his
Father's bounty. Hence the natural and un-
taught powers of thought, which all men, Greeks
or Barbarians, alike possess: hence the perception of reason and
wisdom, the seeds of integrity and righteousness, the understanding of
the
arts of life, the knowledge of virtue, the precious
name of wisdom, and the noble love of philosophic learning. Hence the
knowledge of all
that is great and good: hence apprehension of
God himself, and a life worthy of his worship:
hence the royal authority of man, and his invincible lordship over the
creatures of this
world. And when that Word, who is the
Parent of rational beings, had impressed a character
on the mind of man according to the image and likeness of God, [2] and
had made him a royal creature, in that he gave him alone of all earthly
creatures capacity to rule and to obey (as well as forethought and
foreknowledge even here, concerning the promised hope of his heavenly
kingdom, because of which he himself came, and, as the Parent of his
children, disdained not to hold converse with mortal men); he continued
to cherish the seeds which himself had sown, and renewed his gracious
favors from above; holding forth to all the promise of sharing his
heavenly kingdom. Accordingly he called men, and exhorted them to be
ready for their heavenward journey, and to provide themselves with the
garment which became their calling. And by an indescribable power he
filled the world in every part with his doctrine, expressing by the
similitude of an earthly kingdom that heavenly one to which he
earnestly invites all mankind, and presents it to them as a worthy
object of their hope.
CHAPTER V.
AND in this hope our divinely-favored 1
emperor partakes even in this present life,
gifted as he is by God with native virtues, and having received into
his soul the out-flowings of his favor. His reason he derives from the
great Source of all reason: he is wise, and good, and just, as having
fellowship with perfect Wisdom, Goodness, and Righteousness: virtuous,
as following the pattern of perfect virtue: valiant,
as partaking of heavenly strength. And 2 truly may he deserve the
imperial title, who has formed his soul to royal virtues, according to
the standard of that celestial kingdom. But he who is a stranger to
these blessings, who denies the Sovereign of the universe, and owns no
allegiance to the heavenly Father of spirits; who invests not himself
with the virtues which become , an emperor, but overlays his soul with
moral deformity and baseness; who for royal clemency substitutes the
fury of a savage beast; for a generous temper, the incurable venom of
malicious wickedness; for prudence, folly; for reason and wisdom, that
recklessness which is the most odious of all vices, for from it, as
from a spring of bitterness, proceed the most pernicious fruits; such
as inveterate profligacy of life, covetousness, murder, impiety and
defiance of God; surely one abandoned to; such vices as these, however
he may be deemed powerful through despotic violence, has no true title
to the name
of Emperor. For how should he whose soul 3 is impressed with a thousand
absurd images of
586
false deities, [1] be able to exhibit a counterpart of the true and
heavenly sovereignty? Or how can he be absolute lord of others, who has
subjected himself to the dominion of a thousand cruel masters? a slave
of low delights and un-governed lust, a slave of wrongfully-extorted
wealth, of rage and passion, as well as of cowardice and terror; a
slave of ruthless demons, and soul-destroying spirits? Let then, our
emperor, on the testimony of truth itself, be declared alone worthy of
the title; who is dear to the Supreme Sovereign himself; who alone is
free, nay, who is truly lord: above the thirst of wealth, superior to
sexual desire; victorious even over natural pleasures; controlling, not
controlled by, anger and passion. [2] He is indeed an emperor, and
bears a title corresponding to his deeds; a VICTOR in truth, who has
gained the victory over those passions which overmaster the rest of
men: whose character is formed after the Divine original a of the
Supreme Sovereign, and whose mind reflects, as in a mirror, the
radiance of his virtues. Hence is our emperor perfect in discretion, in
goodness, in justice, in courage, in piety, in devotion to God: he
truly and only is a philosopher, since he knows himself, and is fully
aware that supplies of every blessing are showered on him from a source
quite external to himself, even from heaven itself. Declaring the
august title of supreme authority by the splendor of his vesture, he
alone worthily wears that imperial purple which so well becomes
5 him. He is indeed an emperor, who calls
on and implores in prayer the favor of his
heavenly Father night and day, and whose ardent
desires are fixed on his celestial kingdom. For he knows that present
things, subject as they are to decay and death, flowing on and
disappearing like a river's stream, are not worthy to be compared with
him who is sovereign of all; therefore it is that he longs for the
incorruptible and incorporeal kingdom of God. And this kingdom he
trusts he shall obtain, elevating his mind as he does in sublimity of
thought above the vault of heaven, and filled with inexpressible
longing for the glories which shine there, in comparison with which he
deems the precious things of this present world but darkness. For he
sees earthly sovereignty to be but a petty and fleeting dominion over a
mortal and temporary life, and rates it not much higher than the
goatherd's, or shepherd's, or herdsman's power: nay, as more burdensome
than theirs, and exercised over more stubborn subjects. The
acclamations of the people, and the voice of flattery, he reckons
rather troublesome than pleasing, because of the steady constancy of
his character, and genuine discipline of his
mind. Again, when he beholds the mili- 6 tary service of his subjects,
the vast array of his armies, the multitudes of horse and foot,
entirely devoted to his command, he feels no astonishment, no pride at
the possession of such mighty power; but turns his thoughts inward on
himself, and recognizes the same common nature there. He smiles at his
vesture, embroidered with gold and flowers, and at the imperial purple
and diadem itself, when he sees the multitude gaze in wonder, like
children at a bugbear, on the splendid spectacle. [4] Himself superior
to such feelings, he clothes his soul with the knowledge of God, that
vesture, the broidery of which is temperance, righteousness, piety, and
all other virtues; a vesture
such as truly becomes a sovereign. The 7 wealth which others so much
desire, as gold, silver, or precious gems, he regards to be, as they
really are, in themselves mere stones and worthless matter, of no avail
to preserve or defend from evil. For what power have these things to
free from disease, or repel the approach of death? And knowing as he
does this truth by personal experience in the use of these things, he
regards the splendid attire of his subjects with calm indifference, and
smiles at the childishness of those to whom they prove attractive.
Lastly, he abstains from all excess in food and wine, and leaves
superfluous dainties to gluttons, judging that such indulgences, I
however suitable to others, are not so to him, and
deeply convinced of their pernicious tendency, and their effect in
darkening the intellectual powers of the soul. For all these reasons, 8
587
our divinely taught and noble-minded emperor, aspiring to higher
objects than this life affords, calls upon his heavenly Father as one
who longs for his kingdom; exhibits a pious spirit in each action of
his life; and finally, as a wise and good instructor, imparts to his
subjects the knowledge of him who is the Sovereign Lord of all.
CHAPTER VI.
1 AND God himself, as an earnest of future
reward, assigns to him now as it were tricennial crowns
[1] composed of prosperous periods of time; and now, after the
revolution of three circles of ten years, he grants permission to
all mankind to celebrate this general, nay rather, this universal
festival. And while those on earth thus rejoice, crowned as it were
with the flowers of divine knowledge, surely, we may not unduly suppose
that the heavenly choirs, attracted by a natural sympathy, unite their
joy with the joy of those on earth: nay, that the Supreme Sovereign
himself, as a gracious father, delights in the worship of duteous
children, and for this reason is pleased to honor the author and cause
of their obedience through a lengthened period of time; and, far from
limiting his reign to three decennial circles of years, he extends it
to the remotest period, even to far distant eternity. Now eternity [2]
in its whole extent is beyond the power of decline or death: its
beginning and extent alike incapable of being scanned by mortal
thoughts. Nor will it suffer its central point to be perceived, nor
that which is termed its present duration to be grasped by the
inquiring mind. Far less, then, the future, or the past: for the one is
not, but is already gone; while the future has not yet arrived, and
therefore is not. As regards what is termed the present time, it
vanishes even as we think or speak, more swiftly than the word itself
is uttered. Nor is it possible in any sense to apprehend this time as
present; for we must either expect the future, or contemplate the past;
the present slips from us, and is gone, even in the act of thought.
Eternity, then, in its whole extent,
resists and refuses subjection to mortal rea-
4 son. But it does not refuse to acknowledge
its own Sovereign and Lord, [3] and bears him
as it were mounted on itself, rejoicing in the
fair trappings which he bestows. [4] And he himself, not binding it, as
the poet imagined, with a golden chain, [5] but as it were controlling
its movements by the reins of ineffable wisdom, has adjusted its months
and seasons, its times and years, and the alterations of day and night,
with perfect harmony, and has thus attached to it limits and
measures of various kinds. For eternity, being in its nature direct,
and stretching onward into infinity, and receiving its name, eternity,
as having an everlasting existence, [6] and being similar in all its
parts, or rather having no division or distance, progresses only in a
line of direct extension. But God, who has distributed it by
intermediate sections, and has divided it, like a far extended line, in
many points, has included in it a vast number of portions; and though
it is in its nature one, and resembles unity itself, he has attached to
it a multiplicity of numbers, and has given it, though formless in
itself, an endless variety of forms
For first of all he framed in it formless matter 5, as a substance
capable of receiving all forms. He next, by the power of the number
two, imparted quality to matter, and gave beauty to that which before
was void of all grace. Again, by means of the number three, he framed a
body compounded of matter and form, and presenting the three dimensions
of breadth, and length, and depth. Then, from the doubling of the
number two, he devised the quaternion of the elements, earth, water,
air, and fire, and ordained them to be everlasting sources for the
supply of this universe. Again, the number four produces the number
ten. For the aggregate of one, and two, and three, and four, is ten.
[7] And three multiplied with ten discovers the period of a month: and
twelve successive months complete the course of the sun. Hence the
revolutions of years, and changes of the seasons, which give grace,
like variety of color in painting, to that eternity which before was
formless and devoid of beauty, for the refreshment and delight of those
whose lot it is to traverse
therein the course of life. For as the ground 6
is defined by stated distances for those who
run in hope of obtaining the prize; and as the road of those who travel
on a distant journey is marked by resting-places and measured
intervals, that the traveler's courage may not fail at the interminable
prospect; even so the Sovereign of the universe, controlling eternity
itself within
588
the restraining power of his own wisdom, directs
and turns its course as he judges best. The
same God, I say, who thus clothes the once un-
defined eternity as with fair colors and blooming flowers, gladdens the
day with the solar
rays; and, while he overspreads the night with
a covering of darkness, yet causes the glittering
stars, as golden spangles, to shine therein. It
is he who lights up the brilliancy of the morning
stab the changing splendor of the moon, and
the glorious companies of the starry host, and
has arrayed the expanse of heaven, like some
vast mantle, in colors of varied beauty. Again,
having created the lofty and profound expanse
of air, and caused the world in its length and
breadth to feel its cooling influence, he decreed
that the air itself should be graced with birds of
every kind, and left open this vast ocean of space
to be traversed by every creature, visible or
invisible, whose course is through the tracts of
heaven. In the midst of this atmosphere he
poised the earth, as it were its center, and en-
compassed it with the ocean as with a beautiful 7 azure
vesture. Having ordained this
earth to be at once the home, the nurse,
and the mother of all the creatures it contains, and watered it both
with rain and water-springs, he caused it to abound in plants and
flowers of every species, for the enjoyment of life. And when he had
formed man in his own likeness, the noblest of earthly creatures, and
dearest to himself, a creature gifted with intellect and knowledge, the
child of reason and wisdom, he gave him dominion over all other animals
which move and live upon the earth. For man was in truth of all earthly
creatures the dearest to God: man, I say, to whom, as an indulgent
Father, he has subjected the brute creation; for whom he has made the
ocean navigable, and crowned the earth with a profusion of plants of
every kind; to whom he has granted reasoning faculties for acquiring
all science; under whose control he has placed even the creatures of
the deep, and the winged inhabitants of the air; to whom he has
permitted the contemplation of celestial objects, and revealed the
course and changes of the sun and moon, and the periods of the planets
and fixed stars. In short, to man alone of earthly beings has he given
commandment to acknowledge him as his heavenly Father,
and to celebrate his praises as the Supreme
8 Sovereign of eternity itself. But the un-
changeable course of eternity the Creator
has limited by the four seasons of the year, terminating the winter by
the approach of spring, and regulating as with an equal balance that
season which commences the annual period. Having thus graced the
eternal course of time with the varied productions of spring, he added
the summer's heat; and then granted as it were
a relief of toil by the interval of autumn: and
lastly, refreshing and cleansing the season by the
showers of winter, he brings it, rendered sleek
land glossy, like a noble steed, by these abundant rains, once more to
the gates of spring.
As soon, then, as the Supreme Sovereign 9
had thus connected his own eternity by
these cords of wisdom with the annual circle, he committed it to the
guidance of a mighty Governor, even his only begotten Word, to whom, as
the Preserver of all creation, he yielded the reins of universal power.
And he, receiving this inheritance as from a beneficent Father, and
uniting all things both above and beneath the circumference of heaven
in one harmonious whole, directs their uniform course; providing with
perfect justice whatever is expedient for his rational creatures on the
earth, appointing its allotted limits to human life, and granting to
all alike permission to anticipate even here the commencement of a
future existence. For he has taught them that beyond this present world
there is a divine and blessed state of being, reserved for those who
have been supported here by the hope of heavenly blessings; and that
those who have lived a virtuous and godly life will remove hence to a
far better habitation; while he adjudges to those who have been guilty
and wicked here a place of punishment ac-
cording to their crimes. Again, as in the 10
distribution of prizes at the public games,
he proclaims various crowns to the victors, and invests each with the
rewards of different virtues: but for our good emperor, who is clothed
in the very robe of piety, he declares that a higher recompense of his
toils is prepared; and, as a prelude to this recompense, permits us now
to assemble at this festival, which is composed_ of perfect numbers, of
decades thrice, and
triads ten times repeated. The first of 11
these, the triad, is the offspring of the unit,
while the unit is the mother of number itself, and presides over all
months, and seasons, and years, and every period of time. It may,
indeed, be justly termed the origin, foundation, and principle of all
number, and derives its name from its abiding character. [8] For, while
every other number is diminished or increased according to the
subtraction or addition of others, the unit alone continues fixed and
steadfast, abstracted from all multitude and the numbers which are
formed from it, and resembling that indivisible essence which is
distinct from all things beside, but by virtue of participation in
which the nature
of all things else subsists. For the unit is 12
the originator of every number, since all
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multitude is made up by the composition and addition of units; nor is
it possible without the unit to conceive the existence of number at
all. But the unit itself is independent of multitude, apart from and
superior to all number; forming, indeed, and making all, but receiving
13 no increase from any. Kindred to this is
the triad; equally indivisible and perfect,
the first of those sums which are formed of even and uneven numbers.
For the perfect number two, receiving the addition of the unit, forms
the triad, the first perfect compound number. And the triad, by
explaining what equality is, first taught men justice, having itself an
equal beginning, and middle, and end. And it is also an image of the
mysterious, most holy, and royal Trinity, which, though itself without
beginning or origin, yet contains the germs, the reasons, and causes of
the existence of all created
14 things. Thus the power of the triad may
justly be regarded as the first cause of all
things. Again, the number ten, which contains the end of all numbers,
and terminates them in itself, may truly be called a full and perfect
number, as comprehending every species and every measure of numbers,
proportions, concords, and harmonies. For example, the units by
addition form and are terminated by the number ten; and, having this
number as their parent, and as it were the limit of their course they
round this as the goal of their career.
15 Then they perform a second circuit, and
again a third, and a fourth, until the tenth
and thus by ten decades they complete the hundredth number. Returning
thence to the first starting point, they again proceed to the number
ten, and having ten times completed the hundredth number, again they
recede, and perform round the same barriers their protracted course,
proceeding from themselves back to themselves again, with revolving
motion. For the unit is the tenth of ten, and ten units make up a
decade, which is itself the limit, the settled goal and boundary of
units: it is that which terminates the infinity of number; the term and
end of units. Again, the triad combined with the decade, and performing
a threefold circuit of tens, produces that most natural number, thirty.
For as the triad is in respect to units, so is the number thirty in
17 respect to tens. It is also the constant
limit to the course of that luminary which
is second to the sun in brightness. For the course of the moon from one
conjunction with the sun to the next, completes the period of a month;
after which, receiving as it were a second birth, it recommences a new
light, and other days, being adorned and honored with thirty
18 units, three decades, and ten triads. In the
same manner is the universal reign of our
victorious emperor distinguished by the giver of all good, and now
enters on a new sphere of blessing, accomplishing, at present, this
tricennalian festival, but reaching forward beyond this to far more
distant intervals of time, and cherishing the hope of future blessings
in the celestial kingdom; where, not a single sun, but infinite hosts
of light surround the Almighty Sovereign, each surpassing the splendor
of the sun, glorious and resplendent with rays derived from the
everlasting source of light. There the soul enjoys its existence,
surrounded by fair and unfading blessings; there is a life beyond the
reach of sorrow; there the enjoyment of pure and holy pleasures, and a
time of un-measured and endless duration, extending into illimitable
space; not defined by intervals of days and months, the
revolutions of years, or the recurrence of times and seasons, but
commensurate with a life which knows no end. And this life needs not
the light of the sun, nor the lustre of the moon or the starry host,
since it has the great Luminary himself, even God the Word, the only
begotten Son of the Almighty Sovereign. Hence it is that the mystic and
sacred oracles reveal him to be the Sun of righteousness, and the Light
which far transcends all light. We believe that he illumines also the
thrice-blessed powers of heaven with the rays of righteousness, and the
brightness of wisdom, and that he receives truly pious souls, not
within the sphere of heaven alone, but into his own bosom, and confirms
indeed the assurances which he himself has given. No mortal eye has
seen, nor ear heard, nor can the mind in its vesture of flesh
understand what things are prepared for those who have been here
adorned with the graces of godliness; blessings which await thee too,
most pious emperor, to whom alone since the world began has the
Almighty Sovereign of the universe granted power to purify the course
of human life: to whom also he has revealed his own symbol of
salvation, whereby he overcame the power of death, and triumphed over
every enemy. And this victorious trophy, the scourge of evil spirits,
thou hast arrayed against the errors of idol worship, and hast obtained
the victory not only over all thy impious and savage foes, but over
equally barbarous adversaries, the evil spirits themselves.
CHAPTER VII.
FOR whereas we are composed of two distinct natures,
I mean of body and spirit,
of which the one is visible to all, the other i
invisible, against both these natures two kinds
of barbarous and savage enemies, the one invisibly, the other openly,
are constantly arrayed.
590
The one oppose our bodies with bodily force
the other with incorporeal assaults besiege the naked soul itself.
Again, the visible barbarians, like the wild nomad tribes, no better
than savage beasts, assail the nations of civilized men, ravage their
country, and enslave their cities, rushing on those who inhabit them
like ruthless wolves of the desert, and destroying all who fall under
their power. But those unseen foes, more cruel far than barbarians, I
mean the soul-destroying demons whose course is through the regions of
the air, had succeeded, through the snares of vile polytheism, in
enslaving the entire human race, insomuch that they no longer
recognized the true God, but wandered in the mazes of atheistic error.
For they procured, I know not whence, gods who never anywhere
existed, and set him aside who is the only
and the true God, as though he were not. Accordingly the generation of
bodies was esteemed by them a deity, and so the opposite principle to
this, their dissolution and destruction, was also deified. The first,
as the author of generative power, was honored with rites under the
name of Venus: [1] the second, as rich, and mighty in dominion over the
human race, received the names of Pluto, and Death. For men in those
ages, knowing no other than naturally generated life, declared the
cause and origin of that life to be divine: and again, believing in no
existence after death, they proclaimed Death himself a universal
conqueror and a mighty god. Hence, unconscious of responsibility, as
destined to be annihilated by death, they lived a life unworthy of the
name, in the practice of actions deserving a thousand deaths. No
thought of God could enter their minds, no expectation of Divine
judgment, no recollection of, no reflection on, their spiritual
existence: acknowledging one dread superior, Death, and persuaded that
the dissolution of their bodies by his power was final annihilation,
they bestowed on Death the title of a mighty, a wealthy god, and hence
the name of Pluto. [2] Thus, then, Death became to them a god; nor only
so, but
whatever else they accounted precious in
comparison with death, whatever contributed to
4 the luxuries of life. Hence animal pleasure
became to them a god; nutrition, and its
production, a god; the fruit of trees, a god; drunken riot, a god;
carnal desire and pleasure, a god. Hence the mysteries of Ceres and
Proserpine, the rape of the latter, and her subsequent restoration, by
Pluto: hence the orgies of Bacchus, and Hercules overcome by
drunkenness as by a mightier god: hence the adulterous rites of Cupid
and of Venus: hence Jupiter him-
self infatuated with the love of women, and of Ganymede: [8] hence the
licentious legends of deities abandoned to effeminacy and pleasure.
Such were the weapons of superstition 5
whereby these cruel barbarians and enemies
of the Supreme God afflicted, and indeed entirely subdued, the human
race; erecting everywhere the monuments of impiety, and rearing in
every corner the shrines and temples of
their false religion. Nay, so far were the 6
ruling powers of those times enslaved by
the force of error, as to appease their gods with the blood of their
own countrymen and kindred; to whet their swords against those who
stood forward to defend the truth; to maintain a ruthless war and raise
unholy hands, not against foreign or barbarian foes, but against men l
bound to them by the ties of family and affection, against brethren,
and kinsmen, and dearest friends, who had resolved, in the practice of
virtue and true piety, to honor and worship
God. Such was the spirit of madness with 7
which these princes sacrificed to their de-
mon deities men consecrated to the service of
the King of kings. On the other hand their
victims, as noble martyrs in the cause of true
godliness, resolved to welcome a glorious death
in preference to life itself, and utterly despised
these cruelties. Strengthened, as soldiers of
God, with patient fortitude, they mocked at
death in all its forms; at fire, and sword, and
the torment of crucifixion; at exposure to savage beasts, and drowning
in the depths of the
sea; at the cutting off and searing of limbs, the
digging out of eyes, the mutilation of the whole
body; lastly, at famine, the labor of the mines,
and captivity: nay, all these sufferings they
counted better than any earthly good or pleasure, for the love they
bore their heavenly King.
In like manner women also evinced a spirit of
constancy and courage not inferior to that
of men. Some endured the same conflicts 8
with them, and obtained a like reward of
their virtue: others, forcibly carried off to be the victims of
violence and pollution, welcomed death rather than dishonor; while
many, very many more, endured not even to hear the same threats
wherewith they were assailed by the provincial governors, but boldly
sustained every variety of torture, and sentence of death in every
form? Thus did these valiant soldiers of the Almighty Sovereign
maintain the conflict with steadfast fortitude of soul against the
hostile forces of polytheism: and thus did these enemies of God and
adversaries of man's salvation, more cruel far than the ferocious
savage, delight in libations of human blood: thus did
591
their ministers drain as it were the cup of un-righteous slaughter in
honor of the demons whom they served, and prepare for them this
dread and impious banquet, to the ruin of
9 the human race. In these sad circum-
stances, what course should the God and
King of these afflicted ones pursue? Could he be careless of the safety
of his dearest friends or abandon his servants in this great extremity?
Surely none could deem him a wary pilot, who, without an effort to save
his fellow-mariners should suffer his vessel to sink with all her crew:
surely no general could be found so reckless as to yield his own
allies, without resistance, to the mercy of the foe: nor can a faithful
shepherd regard with unconcern the straying of a single sheep from his
flock, but will rather leave the rest in safety, and dare all things
for the wanderer's sake, even, if need be, to contend
10 with savage beasts. The zeal, however, of
the great Sovereign of all was for no unconscious [5]
sheep: his care was exercised for his own faithful host, for those who
sustained the battle for his sake: whose conflicts in the cause of
godliness he himself approved, and honored those who had returned to
his presence with the prize of victory which he only can bestow,
uniting them to the angelic choirs. Others he still preserved on earth,
to communicate the living seeds of piety to future generations; to be
at once eye-witnesses of his vengeance on the ungodly, and narrators
11 of the events. After this he outstretched
his arm in judgment on the adversaries, and
utterly destroyed them with the stroke of Divine wrath, compelling
them, how reluctant soever to confess with their own lips and recant
their wickedness, but raising from the ground and
exalting gloriously those who had long been
12 oppressed and disclaimed by all. Such
were the dealings of the Supreme Sovereign, who ordained
an invincible champion to be the minister of his heaven-sent vengeance
(for our emperor's surpassing piety delights in the title of Servant of
God), and him he has, proved victorious over all that opposed him,
having raised him up, an individual against many foes. For they were
indeed numberless, being the friends of many evil spirits (though in
reality they were nothing, and hence are now no more); but our emperor
is one, appointed by, and the representative of, the one Almighty
Sovereign. And they, in the very spirit of impiety, destroyed the
righteous with cruel slaughter: but he, in imitation of his Saviour,
and knowing only how to save men's lives, has spared and instructed in
godliness the impious 13 themselves. And so, as truly worthy
the name of VICTOR, he has subdued the
twofold race of barbarians; soothing the savage tribes of men by
prudent embassies, compelling them to know and acknowledge their
superiors, and reclaiming them from a lawless and brutal life to the
governance of reason and humanity; at the same time that he proved by
the facts themselves that the fierce and ruthless race of unseen
spirits had long ago been vanquished by a higher power. For he who is
the preserver of the universe had punished these invisible spirits by
an invisible judgment: and our emperor, as the delegate of the Supreme
Sovereign, has followed up the victory, bearing away the spoils of
those who have long since died and mouldered into dust, and
distributing the plunder with lavish hand among the soldiers of his
victorious Lord. [6]
CHAPTER VIII.
FOR as soon as he understood that the 1
ignorant multitudes were inspired with a
vain and childish dread of these bugbears of
error, wrought in gold and silver, he judged
it right to remove these also, like stumbling-
stones thrown in the path of men walking m
the dark, and henceforward to open a royal
road, plain and unobstructed, to all. Having 2 formed this resolution,
he considered
that no soldiers or military force of any sort
was needed for the repression of the evil: a
few of his own friends sufficed for this service,
and these he sent by a simple expression of
his will to visit each several province. Accordingly 3, sustained by
confidence in the
emperor's piety and their own personal devotion to God, they passed
through the midst of
numberless tribes and nations, abolishing this
ancient system of error in every city and country. They ordered the
priests themselves, in
the midst of general laughter and scorn, to
bring their gods from their dark recesses to the
light of day. They then stripped them of their
ornaments, and exhibited to the gaze of all the
unsightly reality which had been hidden beneath
a painted exterior: and lastly, whatever part of
the material appeared to be of value they scraped
off and melted in the fire to prove its worth,
after which they secured and set apart whatever
they judged needful for their purposes, leaving
to the superstitious worshipers what was altogether useless, as a
memorial of their
shame. Meanwhile our admirable prince 4
was himself engaged in a work similar to
that we have described. For at the same time that these costly images
of the dead were stripped, as we have said, of their precious
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materials, he also attacked those composed of brass; causing those to
be dragged from their places with ropes, and, as it were, carried away
captive, whom the dotage of mythology had esteemed as gods. The next
care of our august emperor was to kindle, as it were, a brilliant
torch, by the light of which he directed his imperial gaze around, to
see if any hidden
5 vestiges of error might yet exist. And as
the keen-sighted eagle in its heavenward
flight is able to descry from its lofty height the most distant objects
on the earth: so did he whilst residing in the imperial palace of his
own fair city, discover, as from a watch-tower, a hidden and fatal
snare of souls in the province of Phoenicia. This was a grove and
temple, not situated in the midst of any city, or in any public place,
as for splendor of effect is generally 6 the case, but apart from the
beaten
and frequented road, on part of the summit
of Mount Lebanon, and dedicated to the foul demon known by the name of
Venus. It was a school of wickedness for all the abandoned rotaries of
impurity and such as destroyed their bodies with effeminacy. Here men
undeserving the name forgot the dignity of their sex, and propitiated
the demon by their effeminate conduct: here too unlawful commerce of
women, and adulterous intercourse, with other horrible and infamous
practices, were perpetrated in this temple as in a place beyond the
scope and restraint of law.
Meantime these evils remained unchecked by the
presence of any observer, since no one of fair character ventured to
visit such scenes.
7 These proceedings, however, could not escape the vigilance of our
august emperor,
who, having himself inspected them with characteristic forethought, and
judging that such a temple was unfit for the light of heaven, gave
orders that the building with its offerings should be utterly
destroyed. Accordingly, in obedience to the imperial edict, these
engines of an impure superstition were immediately abolished, and the
hand of military force was made instrumental in purging the place. And
now those who had heretofore lived without restraint, learned, through
the imperial threat of punishment,
8 to practice self-control. Thus did our
emperor tear the mask from this system of
delusive wickedness, and expose it to the public gaze, at the same time
proclaiming openly his Saviour's name to all. No advocate appeared;
neither god nor demon, prophet nor diviner, could lend his aid to the
detected authors of the imposture. For the souls of men were no longer
enveloped in thick darkness: but enlightened by the rays of true
godliness, they deplored the ignorance and pitied the blindness of
their forefathers, rejoicing at the same time in their
own deliverance from such fatal error. [1]
Thus speedily, according to the counsel 9
of the mighty God, and through our emperor's agency, was every enemy,
whether visible or unseen, utterly removed: and henceforward peace, the
happy nurse of youth, extended her reign throughout the world. Wars
were no more, for the gods were not: no more did warfare in country or
town, no more did the effusion of human blood, distress mankind, as
heretofore, when demon-worship and the madness of idolatry prevailed.
CHAPTER IX.
AND now we may well compare the present 1 with former things, and
review these
happy changes in contrast with the evils that are past, and mark the
elaborate care with which in ancient times porches and sacred
precincts, groves and temples, were prepared in every city for these
false deities, and how their shrines
were enriched with abundant offerings. The 2 sovereign rulers of those
days had indeed a high regard for the worship of the gods. The nations
also and people subject to their power honored them with images both in
the country and in every city, nay, even in their houses and secret
chambers, according to the religious practice of their fathers. The
fruit, however, of this devotion, far different from the peaceful
concord which now meets our view, appeared in war, in battles, and
seditions, which harassed them throughout their lives, and deluged
their countries with blood and civil slaughter.
Again, the objects of their worship could 8 hold out to these
sovereigns with artful flattery the promise of prophecies, and oracles,
and the knowledge of futurity: yet could they not predict their own
destruction, nor forewarn themselves of the coming ruin: and surely
this was the greatest and most convincing proof of
their imposture. Not one of those whose 4
words once were heard with awe and wonder, had announced the glorious
advent of the Saviour of mankind, [1] or that new revelation of divine
knowledge which he came to give. Not Pythius himself, nor any of those
mighty gods, could apprehend the prospect of their approaching
desolation; nor could their oracles point at him who was to be their
conqueror and
destroyer. What prophet or diviner could 15 foretell that their rites
would vanish at the presence of a new Deity in the world, and that the
knowledge and worship of the Almighty Sovereign should be freely given
to all mankind?
593
Which of them foreknew the august and pious reign of our victorious
emperor, or his triumphant conquests everywhere over the false de-
mons, or the overthrow of their high places?
6 Which of the heroes has announced the
melting down and conversion of the lifeless
statues from their useless forms to the necessary uses of men? Which of
the gods have yet had power to speak of their own images thus melted
and contemptuously reduced to fragments?
7 Where were the protecting powers, that they
should not interpose to save their sacred
memorials, thus destroyed by man? Where, I ask, are those who once
maintained the strife of war, yet now behold their conquerors abiding
securely in the profoundest peace? And where are they who upheld
themselves in a blind and foolish confidence, and trusted in these
vanities as gods; but who, in the very height of their superstitious
error, and while maintaining an implacable war with the champions of
the truth, perished by a fate proportioned to their
8 crimes? Where is the giant race whose
arms were turned against heaven itself; the
hissings of those serpents whose tongues were pointed with impious
words against the Almighty King? These adversaries of the Lord of all,
confident in the aid of a multitude of gods, advanced to the attack
with a powerful array of military force, preceded by certain images of
the dead, and lifeless statues, as their defense. On the other, side
our emperor, secure in the armor of godliness, opposed to the numbers
of the enemy the salutary and life-giving Sign, as at the same time a
terror to the foe, and a protection against every harm; and returned
victorious at once over the enemy and the demons whom they served? And
then, with thanksgiving and praise, the tokens of a grateful spirit, to
the Author of his victory, he proclaimed this triumphant Sign, by
monuments as well as words, to all mankind, erecting it as a mighty
trophy against every enemy in the midst of the imperial city, and
expressly enjoining on all to acknowledge this imperishable symbol of
salvation as the safeguard of the power of Rome and of the
9 empire of the world. Such were the instructions which he gave to his
subjects
generally; but especially to his soldiers, whom he admonished to repose
their confidence, not in their weapons, or armor, or bodily strength,
but to acknowledge the Supreme God as the giver of every good, and of
victory itself.
10 Thus did the emperor himself, strange and
incredible as the fact may seem, become
the instructor of his army in their religious exercises, and teach them
to offer pious prayers in
accordance with the divine ordinances, uplifting their hands towards
heaven, and raising their mental vision higher still to the King of
heaven, on whom they should call as the Author of victory, their
preserver, guardian, and helper. He commanded too, that one day should
be regarded as a special occasion for religious worship; I mean that
which is truly the first and chief of all, the day of our Lord and
Saviour; that day the name of which is connected with light, and life,
and immortality, and every good. Prescribing the same pious conduct to
himself, he honored his Saviour in the chambers of his palace,
performing his devotions according to the Divine commands, and storing
his mind with instruction through the hearing of the sacred word. The
entire care of his household was intrusted to ministers devoted to the
service of God, and distinguished by gravity of life and every other
virtue; while his trusty body-guards, strong in affection and fidelity
to his person, found in their emperor an instructor in the practice of
a godly life. Again, the honor with which he regards the victorious
Sign is founded on his actual experience of its divine efficacy. Before
this the hosts of his enemies have disappeared: by this the powers of
the unseen spirits have been turned to flight: through this the proud
boastings of God's adversaries have come to nought, and the tongues of
the profane and blasphemous been put to silence. By this Sign the
Barbarian tribes were vanquished: through his the rites of
superstitious fraud received a just rebuke: by this our emperor,
discharging as it were a sacred debt, has performed the crowning good
of all, by erecting triumphant memorials of its value in all parts of
the world, raising temples and churches on a scale of royal costliness,
and commanding all to unite in constructing the sacred houses of prayer.
Accordingly these signal proofs of our emperor's 13 magnificence
forthwith appeared in
the provinces and cities of the empire, and soon shone conspicuously in
every country; convincing memorials of the rebuke and overthrow of
those impious tyrants who but a little while before had madly dared to
fight against God, and, raging like savage dogs, had vented on
unconscious buildings that fury which they were unable to level against
him; had thrown to the ground and Upturned the very foundations of the
houses of prayer, causing them to present the appearance of a city
captured and abandoned to the enemy. Such was the exhibition of that
wicked spirit whereby they sought as it were to assail God himself, but
soon experienced the result of their own madness and folly. But a
little time elapsed, when a single blast of the storm of Heaven's
displeasure swept
594
them utterly away, leaving neither kindred, nor offspring, nor memorial
of their existence among
men: for all, numerous as they were,
disappeared as in a moment beneath the stroke
14 of Divine vengeance. Such, then, was the
fate which awaited these furious adversaries
of God: but he who, armed with the salutary Trophy, had alone opposed
them (nay rather, not alone, but aided by the presence and the power of
him who is the only Sovereign), has replaced the ruined edifices on a
greater scale, and made the second far superior to the first. For
example, besides erecting various churches to the honor of God in the
city which bears his name, and adorning the Bithynian capital with
another on the greatest and most splendid scale, he has distinguished
the principal cities of the other provinces by structures of a similar
15 kind. Above all, he has selected two places
in the eastern division of the empire, the
one in Palestine (since from thence the life-giving stream has flowed
as from a fountain for the blessing of all nations), the other in that
metropolis of the East which derives its name from that of Antiochus;
in which, as the head of that portion of the empire, he has consecrated
to the service of God a church of unparalleled size and beauty. The
entire building is encompassed by an enclosure of great extent, within
which the church itself rises to a vast elevation, of an octagonal
form, surrounded by many chambers and courts on every side, and
decorated with ornaments of the richest kind. [3]
16 Such was his work here. Again, in the
province of Palestine, in that city which
was once the seat of Hebrew sovereignty, on the very site of the Lord's
sepulchre, he has raised a church of noble dimensions, and adorned a
temple sacred to the salutary Cross with rich and lavish magnificence,
honoring that everlasting monument, and the trophies of the Saviour's
victory over the power of death, with a splendor which no language can
describe.
17 In the same country he discovered three
places venerable as the localities of three
sacred caves: and these also he adorned with costly structures, paying
a fitting tribute of reverence to the scene of the first manifestation
of the Saviour's presence; while at the second cavern he hallowed the
remembrance of his final ascension from the mountain top; and
celebrated his mighty conflict, and the victory which crowned it, at
the third. [4] All these places our emperor thus adorned in the hope of
proclaiming the symbol of redemption to
all mankind; that Cross which has in- 18
deed repaid his pious zeal; through which
his house and throne alike have prospered, his reign has been confirmed
for a lengthened series of years, and the rewards of virtue bestowed on
his noble sons, his kindred, and their descendants. And surely it is a
mighty evidence of the power of that God whom he serves, that he has
held the balances of justice with an equal hand, and has apportioned to
each party their due reward. With regard to the destroyers of the
houses of prayer, the penalty of their impious conduct followed hard
upon them: forthwith were they swept away, and left neither race, nor
house, nor family behind. On the other hand, he whose pious devotion to
his Lord is conspicuous in his every act, who raises royal temples to
his honor, and proclaims his name to his subjects by sacred offerings
throughout the world, he, I say, has deservedly experienced him to be
the preserver and defender of his imperial house and race. Thus clearly
have the dealings of God been manifested, and this through the sacred
efficacy of the salutary Sign.
CHAPTER X.
MUCH might indeed be said of this salutary 1 Sign, by those who
are skilled in the
mysteries of our Divine religion. For it is in
very truth the symbol of salvation, wondrous to
speak of, more wondrous still to conceive; the
appearance of which on earth has thrown the
fictions of all false religion from the beginning
into the deepest shade, has buried superstitious
error in darkness and oblivion, and has revealed
to all that spiritual light which enlightens the
souls of men, even the knowledge of the
only true God. Hence the universal change2
for the better, which leads men to spurn
their lifeless idols, to trample under foot the
lawless rites of their demon deities, and laugh
to scorn the time-honored follies of their fathers.
Hence, too, the establishment in every place of
those schools of sacred learning, wherein men
are taught the precepts of saving truth, and
dread no more those objects of creation which
are seen by the natural eye, nor direct a gaze
of wonder at the sun, the moon, or stars; but
acknowledge him who is above all these, that
invisible Being who is the Creator of them
all, and learn to worship him alone. Such 3
are the blessings resulting to mankind from
this great and wondrous Sign, by virtue of which the evils which once
existed are now no more, and virtues heretofore unknown shine
everywhere resplendent with the light of true godliness. Discourses,
and precepts, and 4
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exhortations to a virtuous and holy life, are proclaimed in the ears of
all nations. Nay, the emperor himself proclaims them: and it is indeed
a marvel that this mighty prince, raising his voice in the hearing of
all the world, like an interpreter of the Almighty Sovereign's will,
invites his subjects in every country to the
5 knowledge of the true God. No more, as
in former times, is the babbling of impious
men heard in the imperial palace; but priests
and pious worshipers of God together celebrate
his majesty with royal hymns of praise. The
name of the one Supreme Ruler of the universe
is proclaimed to all: the gospel of glad tidings
connects the human race with its Almighty King,
declaring the grace and love of the heavenly
Father to his children on the earth. His praise is
everywhere sung in triumphant strains: the voice
of mortal man is blended with the harmony 6 of the angelic
choirs in heaven; and
the reasoning soul employs the body which
invests it as an instrument for sounding forth a fitting tribute of
praise and adoration to his name. The nations of the East and the West
are instructed at the same moment in his precepts: the people of the
Northern and Southern regions unite with one accord, under the
influence of the same principles and laws, in the pursuit of a godly
life, in praising the one Supreme God, in acknowledging his only
begotten Son their Saviour as the source of every blessing, and our
emperor as the one ruler on the earth, together with his pious sons. He
himself, as a skillful pilot, sits on high at the helm of state, and
directs the vessel with unerring course, conducting his people as it
were with favoring breeze to a secure and tranquil haven. Meanwhile God
himself, the great Sovereign, extends the right hand of his power from
above for his protection, giving him victory over every foe, and
establishing his empire by a lengthened period of years: and he will
bestow on him yet higher blessings, and confirm in every deed the truth
of his own promises. But on these we may not at present dwell; but must
await the change to a better world: for it is not given to mortal eyes
or ears of flesh, fully to apprehend the things of God. [1]
CHAPTER XI.
1 AND now, victorious and mighty Constantine, in this
discourse, whose noble
argument is the glory of the Almighty King, let me lay before thee some
of the mysteries of his sacred truth: not as presuming to instruct
thee, who art thyself taught of God; nor to disclose
to thee those secret wonders which he himself, not through the agency
of man, but through our common Saviour, and the frequent light of his
Divine presence has long since revealed and unfolded to thy view: but
in the hope of leading the unlearned to the light, and displaying
before those who know them not the causes and motives of thy pious
deeds. True it is that thy noble efforts for the daily worship and
honor of the Supreme God throughout the habitable world, are the theme
of universal praise. But those records of gratitude to thy Saviour and
Preserver which thou hast dedicated in our own province of Palestine,
and in that city from which as from a fountain-head the Saviour Word
[1] has issued forth to all mankind; and again, the hallowed edifices
and consecrated temples which thou hast raised as trophies of his
victory over death; and those lofty and noble structures, imperial
monuments of an imperial spirit, which thou hast erected in honor of
the everlasting memory of the Saviour's tomb
the cause, I say, of these things is not equally obvious to all. Those,
indeed, who are enlightened in heavenly knowledge by the power of the
Divine Spirit, well understand the cause, and justly admire and bless
thee for that counsel and resolution which Heaven itself inspired. On
the other hand the ignorant and spiritually blind regard these designs
with open mockery and scorn, and deem it a strange and unworthy thing
indeed that so mighty a prince should waste his zeal on the graves and
monuments of the dead. "Were it not 4
better," such a one might say, "to cherish
those rites which are hallowed by ancient usage
to seek the favor of those gods and heroes whose worship is observed in
every province; instead of rejecting and disclaiming them, because
subject to the calamities incident to man? Surely they may claim equal
honors with him who himself has suffered: or, if they are to be
rejected, as not exempt from the sorrows of humanity, the same award
would justly be pronounced respecting him." Thus, with important and
contracted brow, might he give utterance in pompous language to his
self-imagined wisdom. Filled with compassion for this ignorance, the
gracious Word of our most beneficent Father freely invites, not such a
one alone, but all who are in the path of error, to receive instruction
in Divine knowledge; and has ordained the means of such instruction
throughout the world, in every country and village, in cultivated and
desert lands alike, and in every city: and, as a gracious Saviour and
Physician of the soul, calls on the Greek and the Barbarian, the wise
and the unlearned, the rich
596
and the poor, the servant and his master, the subject and his lord, the
ungodly, the profane, the ignorant, the evil-doer, the blasphemer,
alike to draw near, and hasten to receive his heavenly cure. And thus
in time past had he clearly announced to all the pardon of former
transgressions, saying, "Come unto me, all ye that labor and are heavy
laden, and I will give you rest." [2] And again, "I am not come to call
the righteous, but sinners, to repentance." [3] And he adds the reason,
saying, "For they that are whole need not a physician, but they that
are sick." [4] And again, "I desire not the death of a sinner, but
rather that he
6 should repent." [5] Hence it is only for those
who are themselves instructed in Divine
things and understand the motives of that zeal of which these works are
the result, to appreciate the more than human impulse by which our
emperor was guided, to admire his piety toward God, and to believe his
care for the memorial of our Saviour's resurrection to be a desire
imparted from above, and truly inspired by that Sovereign, to be whose
faithful servant and minister for good is his proudest boast. In full
persuasion, then, of thy approval, most mighty emperor, I desire at
this present time to proclaim to all the reasons and motives of thy
pious works. I desire to stand as the interpreter of thy designs, to
explain the counsels of a soul devoted to the love of God. I propose to
teach all men, what all should know who care to understand the
principles on which our Saviour God employs his power, the reasons for
which he who was the pre-existent Controller of all things at length
descended to us from heaven: the reasons for which he assumed our
nature, and submitted even to the power of death. I shall declare the
causes of that immortal life which followed, and of his resurrection
from the dead. Once more, I shall adduce convincing proofs and
arguments, for the sake of those who yet need such
8 testimony: and now let me commence my
appointed task.
Those who transfer the worship due to that
God who formed and rules the world to the works of his hand; who hold
the sun and moon, or other parts of this material system, nay, the
elements themselves, earth, water, air, and fire, in equal honor with
the Creator of them all; who give the name of gods to things which
never would have had existence, or even name,
except as obedient to that Word of God who
made the world: such persons in my judgment
resemble those who overlook the master hand
which gives its magnificence to a royal palace;
and, while lost in wonder at its roofs and walls,
the paintings of varied beauty and coloring
which adorn them, and its gilded ceilings and
sculptures, ascribe to them the praise of that
skill which belongs to the artist whose work
they are: whereas they should assign the cause
of their wonder, not to these visible objects, but
to the architect himself, and confess that the
proofs of skill are indeed manifest, but that he
alone is the possessor of that skill who has
made them what they are. Again, well
might we liken those to children, who
should admire the seven-stringed lyre, and disregard him who invented
or has power to use
it: or those who forget the valiant warrior, and
adorn his spear and shield with the chaplet of
victory: or, lastly, those who hold the squares
and streets, the public buildings, temples, and
gymnasia of a great and royal city in equal honor
with its founder; forgetting that their admiration is due, not to
lifeless stones, but to him
whose wisdom planned and executed these
mighty works. Not less absurd is it for 10
those who regard this universe with the
natural eye to ascribe its origin to the sun, or
moon, or any other heavenly body. Rather let
them confess that these are themselves the
works of a higher wisdom, remember the Maker
and Framer of them all, and render to him the
praise and honor above all created objects. Nay
rather, inspired by the sight of these very objects,
let them address themselves with full purpose of
heart to glorify and worship him who is now
invisible to mortal eye, but perceived by the
clear and unclouded vision of the soul, the
supremely sovereign Word of God. To take the
instance of the human body: no one has yet
conferred the attribute of wisdom on the eyes,
or head, the hands, or feet, or other members,
far less on the outward clothing, of a wise and
learned man: no one terms the philosopher's
household furniture and utensils, wise: but
every rational person admires that invisible and
secret power, the mind of the man himself.
How much more, then, is our admiration 11
due, not to the visible mechanism of the
universe, material as it is, and formed of the selfsame elements; but
to that invisible Word who has moulded and arranged it all, who is the
only-begotten Son of God, and whom the Maker of all things, who far
transcends all being, has begotten of himself, and appointed Lord and
Governor of this universe? For since it was impossible that perishable
bodies, or the rational spirits which he had created, should
597
approach the Supreme God, by reason of their immeasurable distance from
his perfections, for he is unbegotten, above and beyond all creation,
ineffable, inaccessible, unapproachable, dwelling, as his holy word
assures us, [6] in the light which none can enter; but they were
created from nothing, and are infinitely far removed from his
unbegotten Essence; well has the all-gracious and Almighty God
interposed as it were an intermediate Power [7] between himself and
them, even the Divine omnipotence of his only-begotten Word. And this
Power, which is in perfect nearness and intimacy of union, with the
Father which abides in him, and shares his secret counsels, has yet
condescended, in fullness of grace, as it were to conform itself to
those who are so far removed from the supreme majesty of God. How else,
consistently with his own holiness could he who is far above and beyond
all things unite himself to corruptible and corporeal matter?
Accordingly the Divine Word, thus connecting himself with this
universe, and receiving into his hands the reins, as it were, of the
world, turns and directs it as a skillful charioteer ac-
13 cording to his own will and pleasure, The
proof of these assertions is evident. For
supposing that those component parts of the world which we call
elements, as earth, water, air, and fire, the nature of which is
manifestly without intelligence, are self-existent; and if they have
one common essence, which they who are skilled in natural science call
the great receptacle, mother, and nurse of all things; and if this
itself be utterly devoid of shape and figure, of soul and reason;
whence shall we say it has obtained its present form and beauty? To
what shall we ascribe the distinction of the elements, or the union of
things contrary in their very nature? Who has commanded the liquid
water to sustain the heavy element of earth? Who has turned back the
waters from their downward course, and carried them aloft in clouds?
Who has bound the force of fire, and caused it to lie latent in wood,
and to combine with substances most contrary to itself? Who has mingled
the cold air with heat, and thus reconciled the enmity of opposing
principles? Who has devised the continuous succession of the human
race, and given it as it were an endless term of duration? Who has
moulded the male and female form, adapted their mutual relations with
perfect harmony, and given one common principle of production to every
living creature? Who changes the character of the fluid and corruptible
seed, which in itself is void of reason, and gives it its prolific
power? Who is at this moment working these and ten thousand effects
more wonderful than these, nay, surpassing all wonder, and with
invisible influence is daily and hourly perpetuating the production of
them all? Surely 14
the wonder-working and truly omnipotent
Word of God may well be deemed the efficient cause of all these things:
that Word who, diffusing himself through all creation, pervading height
and depth with incorporeal energy, and embracing the length and breadth
of the universe within his mighty grasp, has compacted and reduced to
order this entire system, from whose unreasoned and formless matter he
has framed for himself an instrument of perfect harmony, the nicely
balanced chords and notes of which he touches with all-wise and
unerring skill. He it is who governs the sun, and moon, and the other
luminaries of heaven by inexplicable laws, and directs their motions
for the service of the universal whole. It 15
is this Word of God who has stooped to the
earth on which we live, and created the manifold species of animals,
and the fair varieties of the vegetable world. It is this same Word who
has penetrated the recesses of the deep, has given their being to the
finny race, and produced the countless forms of life which there exist.
It is he who fashions the burden of the womb, and informs it in
nature's laboratory with the principle of life. By him the fluid and
heavy moisture is raised on high, and then, sweetened by a purifying
change, descends in measured quantities to the earth, and at stated
seasons in more profuse supply. Like a skillful husbandman, he fully
irrigates the land, tempers the moist and dry in just proportion,
diversifying the whole with brilliant flowers, with aspects of varied
beauty, with pleasant fragrance, with alternating varieties of fruits,
and countless gratifications for the taste of men. But why do I dare
essay a hopeless task, to recount the mighty works of the Word of God,
and describe an energy which surpasses mortal thought? By some, indeed,
he has been termed the Nature of the universe, by others, the
World-Soul, by others, Fate. Others again have declared him to be the
most High God himself, strangely confounding things most widely
different; bringing down to this earth, uniting to a corruptible and
material body, and assigning to that supreme and unbegotten Power who
is Lord of all an intermediate place between
598
irrational animals and rational mortals on the one hand, and immortal
beings on the other. [8]
CHAPTER XII.
1 ON the other hand, the sacred doctrine
teaches that he who is the supreme Source
of good, and Cause of all things, is beyond all comprehension, and
therefore inexpressible by word, or speech, or name; surpassing the
power, not of language only, but of thought itself. Un-circumscribed by
place, or body; neither in heaven, nor in ethereal space, nor in any
other part of the universe; but entirely independent of all things
else, he pervades the depths of unexplored and secret wisdom. The
sacred oracles teach us to acknowledge him as the only true God, [1]
apart from all corporeal essence, distinct from all subordinate
ministration. Hence it is said that all things are from him, but not
through him. [2] And he himself dwelling as Sovereign in secret and
undiscovered regions of unapproachable light, ordains and disposes all
things by the single power of his own will. At his will whatever is,
exists; without that will, it cannot be. And his will is in every case
for good, since he is essentially Goodness itself. But he through whom
are all things, even God the Word, proceeding in an ineffable manner
from the Father above, as from an everlasting and exhaustless fountain,
flows onward like a river with a full and abundant stream of power for
the preservation of the universal whole.
3 And now let us select an illustration from
our own experience. The invisible and un-
discovered mind within us, the essential nature of which no one has
ever known, sits as a monarch in the seclusion of his secret chambers,
and alone resolves on our course of action. From this proceeds the
only-begotten word from its father's bosom, begotten in a manner and by
a power inexplicable to us; and is the first messenger of its father's
thoughts, declares his secret
counsels, and, conveying itself to the ears
of others, accomplishes his designs. And 4
thus the advantage of this faculty is enjoyed by all: yet no one has
ever yet beheld that invisible and hidden mind, which is the I parent
of the word itself. [3] In the same manner, or rather in a manner which
far surpasses all likeness or comparison, the perfect Word of the
Supreme God, as the only-begotten Son of the Father (not consisting in
the power of utterance, nor comprehended in syllables and parts of
speech, nor conveyed by a voice which vibrates on the air; but being
himself the living and effectual Word of the most High, and subsisting
personally as the Power and Wisdom of God), [4] proceeds from his
Father's Deity and kingdom. [5] Thus, being the perfect Offspring of a
perfect Father, and the common Preserver of all things, he diffuses
himself with living power throughout creation, and pours from his own
fullness abundant supplies of reason, [6] wisdom, light, and every
other blessing, not only on objects nearest to himself, but on those
most remote, whether in earth, or sea,
or any other sphere of being. To all these 5
he appoints with perfect equity their limits,
places, laws, and inheritance, allotting to each
their suited portion according to his sovereign
will. To some he assigns the super-terrestrial
regions, to others heaven itself as their habitation: others he places
in ethereal space, others
in air, and others still on earth. He it is who
transfers mankind from hence to another sphere,
impartially reviews their conduct here, and be-
stows a recompense according to the life and
habits of each. By him provision is made for
the life and food, not of rational creatures only,
but also of the brute creation, for the service of men; and while to
the latter he 6
grants the enjoyment of a perishable and
fleeting term of existence, the former he invites to a share in the
possession of immortal life. Thus universal is the agency of the Word
of God: everywhere present, and pervading all things by the power of
his intelligence, he looks upward to his Father, and governs this lower
creation, inferior to and consequent upon himself, in accordance with
his will, as the
common Preserver of all things. Interme- 7
599
diate, as it were, and attracting the created to the uncreated Essence,
this Word of God exists as an unbroken bond between the two, uniting
things most widely different by an inseparable tie. He is the
Providence which rules the universe; the guardian and director of the
whole: he is the Power and Wisdom of God the only-begotten God, the
Word begotten of God himself. For "In the beginning was the Word, and
the Word was with God, and the Word was God. All things were made by
him and without him was not any. thing made that hath been made"; as we
learn from the words of the sacred writer? Through his vivifying power
all nature grows and flourishes, refreshed
by his continual showers, and invested
8 with a vigor and beauty ever new. Guiding
the reigns of the universe, he holds its on-
ward course in conformity to the Father's will and moves, as it were,
the helm of this mighty ship. This glorious Agent, the only-begotten
Son of the Supreme God, begotten by the Father as his perfect
Offspring, the Father has given to this world as the highest of all
goods infusing his word, as spirit into a lifeless body, into
unconscious nature; imparting light and energy to that which in itself
was a rude, inanimate, and formless mass, through the Divine power. Him
therefore it is ours to acknowledge and regard as everywhere present,
and giving life to matter and the elements of nature: [8] in him we see
Light, even the spiritual offspring of inexpressible Light: one indeed
in essence, as being the Son of one Father; but
possessing in himself many and varied
9 powers. The world is indeed divided into
many parts; yet let us not therefore sup-
pose that there are many independent Agents nor, though creation's
works be manifold, let us thence assume the existence of many gods. How
grievous the error of those childish and infatuated advocates of
polytheistic worship, who deify the constituent parts of the universe,
and
divide into many that system which is only
10 one! Such conduct resembles theirs who
should abstract the eyes of an individual
man, and term them the man himself, and the ears, another man, and so
the head: or again, by an effort of thought should separate the neck,
the breast and shoulders, the feet and hands,: or other members, nay,
the very powers of sense, and thus pronounce an individual to be a
multitude of men. Such folly must surely be rewarded with contempt by
men of sense. Yet such is he who from the component parts of a single
world can devise for himself a multitude of gods, or even deem that
world which is the
work of a Creator, and consists of many parts, to be itself a god: [9]
not knowing that the Divine Nature can in no sense be divisible into
parts; since, if compounded, it must be so through the agency of
another power; and that which is so compounded can never be Divine. How
indeed could it be so, if composed of unequal and dissimilar, and hence
of worse and better elements? Simple, indivisible, uncompounded, the
Divine Nature exists at an infinite elevation above the visible
constitution of this world. And hence we are assured by the clear
testimony of the sacred Herald, [10] that the Word of God, who is
before all things, must be the sole Preserver of all intelligent
beings: while God, who is above all, and the Author of the generation
of the Word, being himself the Cause of all things, is rightly called
the Father of the Word, as of his only-begotten Son, himself
acknowledging no superior Cause. God, therefore, himself is One, and
from him
proceeds the one only-begotten Word, the omnipresent Preserver of all
things. And as the many-stringed lyre is composed of different chords,
both sharp and flat, some slightly, others tensely strained, and others
intermediate between-the two extremes, yet all attuned according to the
rules of harmonic art; even so this material world, compounded as it is
of many elements, containing opposite and antagonist principles, as
moisture and dryness, cold and heat, yet blended into one harmonious
whole, may justly be termed a mighty instrument framed by the hand of
God: an instrument on which the Divine Word, himself not composed of
parts or opposing principles, but indivisible and uncompounded,
performs with perfect skill, and produces a melody at once accordant
with the will of his Father the Supreme Lord of all, and glorious to
himself. Again, as there are manifold external and internal parts and
members comprised in a single body, yet one invisible soul, one
undivided and incorporeal mind pervades the whole; so is it in this
creation, which, consisting of many parts, yet is but one: and so the
One mighty, yea, Almighty Word of God, pervading all things, and
diffusing himself with undeviating energy throughout this universe, is
the Cause of all things that exist therein. Survey the compass of this
visible world. Seest thou not how the same heaven contains within
itself the countless courses and companies of the stars?
600
Again, the sun is one, and yet eclipses many, nay all other luminaries,
by the surpassing glory of his rays. Even so, as the Father himself is
One, his Word is also One, the perfect Son of that perfect Father.
Should any one object because they are not more, as well might he
complain that there are not many suns, or moons, or worlds, and a
thousand things beside; like the madman, who would fain subvert the
fair and perfect course of Nature herself. As in the visible, so also
in the spiritual world: in the one the same sun diffuses his light
throughout this material earth; in the other the One Almighty Word of
God illumines all things with in-
13 visible and secret power. Again, there is
in man one spirit, and one faculty of reason,
which yet is the active cause of numberless effects. The same mind,
instructed in many things, will essay to cultivate the earth, to build
and guide a ship, and construct houses: nay, the one mind and reason of
man is capable of acquiring knowledge in a thousand forms: the same
mind shall understand geometry and astronomy, and discourse on the
rules of grammar, and rhetoric, and the healing art. Nor will it excel
in science only, but in practice too: and yet no one has ever supposed
the existence of many minds in one human form, nor expressed his wonder
at a plurality of being in man, because he is thus capable of varied
knowledge 14. Suppose one were to find a shape-
less mass of clay, to mould it with his hands,
and give it the form of a living creature; the head in one figure, the
hands and feet in another, the eyes and cheeks in a third, and so to
fashion the ears, the mouth and nose, the breast and shoulders,
according to the rules of the plastic art. The result, indeed, is a
variety of figure, of parts and members in the one body; yet must we
not suppose it the work of many hands, but ascribe it entirely to the
skill of a single artist, and yield the tribute of our praise to him
who by the energy of a single mind has framed it all. The same is true
of the universe itself, which is one, though consisting of many parts:
yet surely we need not suppose many creative powers, nor invent a
plurality of gods. Our duty is to adore the all-wise and all-perfect
agency of him who is indeed the Power and the Wisdom of God, whose
undivided force and energy pervades and penetrates the universe,
creating and giving life to all things, and furnishing to all,
collectively and severally, those manifold supplies of which he is
himself the
15 source. Even so one and the same impression of the solar rays
illumines the air
at once, gives light to the eyes, warmth to the touch, fertility to the
earth, and growth to plants. The same luminary constitutes the course
of time, governs the motions of the stars, performs the circuit of the
heavens, imparts beauty to the earth, and displays the power of God to
all: and all this he performs by the sole and unaided force of his own
nature. In like manner fire has the property of refining gold, and
fusing lead, of dissolving wax, of parching clay, and consuming wood;
producing these varied
effects by one and the same burning power. 16
So also the Supreme Word of God, pervading all things, everywhere
existent, everywhere present in heaven and earth, governs and directs
the visible and invisible creation, the sun, the heaven, and the
universe itself, with an energy inexplicable in its nature,
irresistible in its effects. From him, as from an everlasting fountain,
the sun, the moon, and stars receive their light: and he forever rules
that heaven which he has framed as the fitting emblem of his own
greatness. The angelic and spiritual powers, the incorporeal and
intelligent beings which exist beyond the sphere of heaven and earth,
are filled by him with light and life, with wisdom and virtue, with all
that is great and good, from Iris own peculiar treasures. Once more,
with one and the same creative skill, he ceases not to furnish the
elements with substance, to regulate the union and combinations, the
forms and figures, and the innumerable qualities of organized bodies;
preserving the varied distinctions of animal and vegetable life, of the
rational and the brute creation; and supplying all things to all with
equal power: thus proving himself the Author, not indeed of the
seven-stringed lyre, [11] but of that system of perfect harmony which
is the workmanship of the One world-creating Word. [12]
CHAPTER XIII.
AND now let us proceed to explain the 1
reasons for which this mighty Word of God
descended to dwell with men. Our ignorant and foolish race, incapable
of comprehending him who is the Lord of heaven and earth, proceeding
from his Father's Deity as from the supreme fountain, ever present
throughout the world, and evincing by the clearest proofs his
providential care for the interests of man; have ascribed the adorable
title of Deity to the sun, and moon, the heaven and the stars of
heaven. Nor did they stop here, but deified the earth itself, its
products, and the various substances by which animal life is sustained,
and devised
601
images of Ceres, of Proserpine, of Bacchus, (1) 2 and many such as
these. Nay, they shrank not from giving the name of gods to the very
conceptions of their own minds, and the speech by which those
conceptions are expressed; calling the mind itself Minerva, and
language Mercury, (2) and affixing the names of Mnemosyne and the Muses
to those faculties by means of which science is acquired. Nor was even
this enough: advancing still more rapidly in the career of impiety and
folly, they deified their own evil passions, which it behooved them to
regard with aversion, or restrain by the principles of self-control.
Their very lust and passion and impure disease of soul, the members of
the body which tempt to obscenity, and even the very uncontrol (3) in
shameful pleasure, they described under the titles of Cupid, Priapus 3,
Venus, (4) and other kindred terms. Nor did they stop even here.
Degrading their thoughts of God to this corporeal and mortal life, they
deified their fellow-men, conferring the names of gods and heroes on
those who had experienced the common lot of all, and vainly imagining
that the Divine and imperishable Essence could frequent the tombs and
monuments of the dead. Nay, more than this: they paid divine honors to
animals of various species, and to the most noxious reptiles: they
felled trees, and excavated rocks; they provided themselves with brass,
and iron, and other metals, of which they fashioned resemblances of the
male and female human form, of beasts, and creeping things; and these
they made the objects of
4 their worship. Nor did this suffice. To
the evil spirits themselves which lurked
within their statues, or lay concealed in secret and dark recesses,
eager to drink their libations, and inhale the odor of their
sacrifices, they ascribed the same divine honors. Once more, they
endeavored to secure the familiar aid of these spirits, and the unseen
powers which move through the tracts of air, by charms of forbidden
magic, and the compulsion of unhallowed songs and incantations. Again,
different nations have adopted different persons as objects of their
worship. The Greeks have rendered to Bacchus, Hercules, AEsculapius,
Apollo, and others who were mortal men, the titles of gods and heroes.
The Egyptians have deified Horus and Isis, Osiris, and other mortals
such as these. And thus they who boast of the wondrous skill whereby
they have discovered geometry, astronomy, and the science of number,
know not, wise as they are in their own conceit, nor understand how to
estimate the measure of the power of God, or calculate his exceeding
greatness above the nature of irrational and mortal beings. Hence 5
they shrank not from applying the name of
gods to the most hideous of the brute creation, to venomous reptiles
and savage beasts. The Phoenicians deified Melcatharus, Usorus, (5)
and others; mere mortals, and with little claim to honor:
the Arabians, Dusaris (6) and Obodas: the Getae, Zamolxis: the
Cicilians, Mopsus: and the Thebans, Amphiaraus: (7) in short,
each nation has adopted its own peculiar deities, differing in no
respect from their fellow-mortals, being simply and truly men. Again,
the Egyptians with one consent, the Phoenicians, the Greeks, nay,
every nation beneath the sun, have united in worshiping the very
parts and elements of the world, and even the produce of the ground
itself. And, which is most surprising, though acknowledging the
adulterous, unnatural, and licentious crimes of their deities, they
have not only filled every city, and village, and district with
temples, shrines, and statues in their honor, but have followed their
evil example to the ruin
of their own souls. We hear of gods and 6
the sons of gods described by them as
heroes and good genii, titles entirely opposed to truth, honors utterly
at variance with the qualifies they are intended to exalt. It is as if
one who desired to point out the sun and the luminaries of heaven,
instead of directing his gaze thitherward, should grope with his hands
on the ground, and search for the celestial powers in the mud and mire.
Even so mankind, deceived by their own folly and the craft of evil
spirits, have believed that the Divine and spiritual Essence which is
far above heaven and earth could be compatible with the birth, the
affections, and death, of mortal bodies here below. To such a pitch of
madness did they proceed, as to sacrifice the dearest objects of their
affection to their gods, regardless of all natural ties, and urged by
frenzied feeling to slay their only and best
beloved children. For what can be a 7
greater proof of madness, than to offer
human sacrifice, to pollute every city, and even their own houses, with
kindred blood? Do not the Greeks themselves attest this, and is not all
history filled with records of the same impiety? The Phoenicians
devoted their best beloved and only children as an annual sacrifice to
Saturn. The Rhodians, on the sixth day of the month Metageitnion, (8)
offered human victims to the same god. At Salamis, a man was pursued in
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the temple of Minerva Agraulis and Diomede, compelled to run thrice
round the altar, afterwards pierced with a lance by the priest, and
consumed as a burnt offering on the blazing pile. In Egypt, human
sacrifice was most abundant. At Heliopolis three victims were daily
offered to Juno, for whom king Amoses, impressed with the atrocity of
the practice, commanded the substitution of an equal number of waxen
figures. In Chios, and again in Tenedos, a man was slain and offered up
to Omadian Bacchus. At Sparta they immolated human beings to Mars. In
Crete they did likewise, offering human sacrifices to Saturn. In
Laodicea of Syria a virgin was yearly slain in honor of Minerva, for
whom a hart is now the substitute. The Libyans and Carthaginians
appeased their gods with human victims. The Dumateni of Arabia buried a
boy annually beneath the altar. History informs us that the Greeks
without exception, the Thracians also, and Scythians, were accustomed
to human sacrifice before they marched forth to battle. The Athenians
record the immolation of the virgin children of Leus, (9) and the
daughter of Erechtheus. (10) Who knows not that at this day a human
victim is offered in Rome itself at the festival of Jupiter Latiaris 8?
And these facts are confirmed by the
testimony of the most approved philosophers. Diodorus, the
epitomizer of libraries, (11) affirms that two hundred of the noblest
youths were sacrificed to Saturn by the Libyan people, and that three
hundred more were voluntarily offered by their own parents. Dionysius,
the compiler of Roman history, (12) expressly says that Jupiter and
Apollo demanded human sacrifices of the so-called Aborigines, in Italy.
He relates that on this demand they offered a proportion of all their
produce to the gods; but that, because of their refusal to slay human
victims, they became involved in manifold calamities, from which they
could obtain no release until they had decimated themselves, a
sacrifice of life which proved the desolation of their country. Such
and so great were the evils which of
9 old afflicted the whole human race. Nor
was this the full extent of their misery:
they groaned beneath the pressure of other evils equally numerous and
irremediable. All nations, whether civilized or barbarous, throughout
the world, as if actuated by a demoniac frenzy, were infected with
sedition as with some fierce and
terrible disease: insomuch that the human family was irreconcilably
divided against itself; the great system of society was distracted and
torn asunder; and in every corner of the earth men stood opposed to
each other, and strove with fierce contention on questions of law and
government. Nay, more than this: with passions 10 aroused to fury, they
engaged in mutual
conflicts, so frequent that their lives were passed
as it were in uninterrupted warfare. None could
undertake a journey except as prepared to
encounter an enemy in the very country and
villages the rustics girded on the sword, provided themselves with
armor rather than with
the implements of rural labor, and deemed it
noble exploit to plunder and enslave any
who belonged to a neighboring state. Nay, 11
more than this: from the fables they had
themselves devised respecting their own deities, they deduced occasions
for a vile and abandoned life, and wrought the ruin of body and soul by
licentiousness of every kind. Not content with this, they even
overstepped the bounds which nature had defined, and together committed
incredible and nameless crimes, "men with men (in the words of the
sacred writer) working un-seemliness, and receiving in themselves that
recompense of their error which was due." Nor did they stop even here;
but perverted 12 their natural thoughts of God, and denied that the
course of this world was directed by his providential care, ascribing
the existence and constitution of all things to the blind operation of
chance, or the necessity of fate. Once more: believing that soul and
body 13 were alike dissolved by death, they led a brutish life,
unworthy of the name: careless of the nature or existence of the soul,
they dreaded not the tribunal of Divine justice, expected no reward of
virtue, nor thought of chastisement as the penalty of an evil life.
Hence 14
it was that whole nations, a prey to wickedness in all its forms, were
wasted by the effects of their own brutality: some living in the
practice of most vile and lawless incest with mothers, others with
sisters, and others again corrupting their own daughters. Some were
found who slew their confiding guests; others who fed on human flesh;
some strangled, and then feasted on, their aged men; others threw them
alive to dogs. The time would fail me were I to attempt to describe the
multifarious symptoms of the inveterate malady which had asserted its
dominion over the whole human race.
Such, and numberless others like these, 15
were the prevailing evils, on account of
which the gracious Word of God, full of compassion for his human flock,
had long since, by the ministry of his prophets, and earlier still, as
well as later, by that of men distinguished by
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pious devotion to God, invited those thus desperately afflicted to
their own cure; and had, by means of laws, exhortations, and doctrines
of every kind, proclaimed to man the principles and elements of true
godliness. But when for mankind, distracted and torn as I have said,
not indeed by wolves and savage beasts, but by ruthless and
soul-destroying spirits of evil, human power no longer sufficed, but a
help was needed superior to that of man; then it was that the Word of
God, obedient to his all-gracious Father's will, at length himself
appeared, and
most willingly made his abode amongst us.
16 The causes of his advent I have already described, induced by which
he condescended
to the society of man; not in his wonted form and manner, for he is
incorporeal, and present everywhere throughout the world, proving by
his agency both in heaven and earth the greatness of his almighty
power, but in a character new and hitherto unknown. Assuming a mortal
body, he deigned to associate and converse with men; desiring, through
the medium of
their own likeness, to save our mortal race.
CHAPTER XIV.
1 AND now let us explain the cause for which
the incorporeal Word of God assumed this
mortal body as a medium of intercourse with man. How, indeed, else than
in human form could that Divine and impalpable, that immaterial and
invisible Essence manifest itself to those who sought for God in
created and earthly objects, unable or unwilling otherwise to discern
the Author and Maker of all things?
2 As a fitting means, therefore, of communi-
cation with mankind, he assumed a mortal
body, as that with which they were themselves familiar; for like, it is
proverbially said, loves its like. To those, then, whose affections
were engaged by visible objects, who looked for gods in statues and
lifeless images, who imagined the Deity to consist in material and
corporeal substance, nay, who conferred on men the title of divinity,
the Word of God presented him-3 self in this form. Hence he procured
for himself this body as a thrice-hallowed temple, a sensible
habitation of an intellectual power; a noble and most holy form, of far
higher worth than any lifeless statue. The material and senseless
image, fashioned by base mechanic hands, of brass or iron, of gold or
ivory, wood or stone, may be a fitting abode for evil spirits: but that
Divine form, wrought by the power of heavenly wisdom, was possessed of
life and spiritual being; a form animated by every excellence,
the dwelling-place of the Word of God, 4 a holy
temple of the holy God. Thus the indwelling Word (1) conversed with and
was known to men, as kindred with themselves; yet yielded not to
passions such as theirs, nor owned, as the natural soul, subjection to
the body. He parted not with aught of his intrinsic greatness, nor
changed his proper Deity. For as the all-pervading radiance of the sun
receives no stain from contact with dead and impure bodies; much less
can the incorporeal power of the Word of God be injured in its
essential purity, or part with any of its greatness, from spiritual
contact with a human body.
Thus, I say, did our common Saviour prove 5
himself the benefactor and preserver of all,
displaying his wisdom through the instrumentality of his human nature,
even as a musician uses the lyre to evince his skill. The Grecian myth
tells us that Orpheus had power to charm ferocious beasts, and tame
their savage spirit, by striking the chords of his instrument with a
master hand: and this story is celebrated by
the Greeks, and generally believed, that an unconscious instrument
could subdue the untamed brute, and draw the trees from their places,
in obedience to its melodious power. But he who is the author of
perfect harmony, the all-wise Word of God, desiring to apply every
remedy to the manifold diseases of the souls of men, employed that
human nature which is the workmanship of his own wisdom, as an
instrument by the melodious strains of which he soothed, not indeed the
brute creation, but savages endued with reason; healing each furious
temper, each fierce and angry passion of the soul, both in civilized
and barbarous nations, by the remedial power of his Divine doctrine.
Like a physician of perfect skill, he met the diseases of their souls
who sought for God in nature and in bodies, by a fitting and kindred
remedy, and showed them God in human
form. And then, with no less care for the 6
body than the soul, he presented before
the eyes of men wonders and signs, as proofs of his Divine power, at
the same time instilling into their ears of flesh the doctrines which
he himself uttered with a corporeal tongue. In short, he performed all
his works through the medium of that body which he had assumed for the
sake of those who else were incapable
of apprehending his Divine nature. In all 7 this he was the servant of
his Father's will, himself remaining still the same as when with the
Father; unchanged in essence, unimpaired in nature, unfettered by the
trammels of mortal flesh, nor hindered by his abode in a human body
from being elsewhere present. (2)
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8 Nay, at the very time of his intercourse
with men, he was pervading all things, was
with and in the Father, and even then was caring for all things both in
heaven and earth. Nor was he precluded, as we are, from being present
everywhere, or from the continued exercise of his Divine power. He gave
of his own to man, but received nothing in return: he imparted of his
Divine power to mortality, but derived no accession from mortality
itself.
9 Hence his human birth to him brought no
defilement; nor could his impassible Essence suffer at the
dissolution of his mortal body. For let us suppose a lyre to receive an
accidental injury, or its chord to be broken; it does not follow that
the performer on it suffers: nor, if a wise man's body undergo
punishment, can we fairly assert that his wisdom, or the soul within
him, are maimed or burned.
10 Far less can we affirm that the inherent
power of the Word sustained any detriment
from his bodily passion, any more than, as in the instance we have
already used, the solar rays which are shot from heaven to earth
contract defilement, though in contact with mire and pollution of every
kind. We may, indeed, assert that these things partake of the radiance
of the light, but not that the light is contaminated, or the sun
defiled, by this contact
11 with other bodies. And indeed these things
are themselves not contrary to nature; but
the Saviour, the incorporeal Word of God, being Life and spiritual
Light itself, whatever he touches with Divine and incorporeal power
must of
necessity become endued with the intelligence of light and life. Thus,
if he touch a body, it becomes enlightened and sanctified, is at once
delivered from all disease, infirmity, and suffering, and that which
before was lacking is 12 supplied by a portion of his fullness. And
such was the tenor of his life on earth; now proving the sympathies of
his human nature with our own, and now revealing himself as the Word of
God: wondrous and mighty in his works as God; foretelling the events of
the far distant future; declaring in every act, by signs, and wonders,
and supernatural powers, that Word whose presence was so little known;
and finally, by his Divine teaching, inviting the souls of men to
prepare for those mansions which are above the heavens.
CHAPTER XV.
1 WHAT now remains, but to account for
those which are the crowning facts of all;
I mean his death, so far and widely known, the
manner of his passion, and the mighty miracle
of his resurrection after death: and then to establish the truth of
these events by the clearest
testimonies? For the reasons detailed
above he used the instrumentality of a
mortal body, as a figure becoming his
Divine majesty, and like a mighty sovereign
employed it as his interpreter in his intercourse
with men, performing all things consistently
with his own Divine power. Supposing, then,
at the end of his sojourn among men, he had
by any other means suddenly withdrawn himself
from their sight, and, secretly removing that interpreter of himself,
the form which he had
assumed, had hastened to flee from death, and
afterwards by his own act had consigned his
mortal body to corruption and dissolution:
doubtless in such a case he would have been
deemed a mere phantom by all. Nor would
he have acted in a manner worthy of himself,
had he who is Life, the Word, and the Power of
God, abandoned this interpreter of himself
to corruption and death. Nor, again, would
his warfare with the spirits of evil have received its consummation by
conflict. with the
power of death. The place of his retirement
must have remained unknown; nor would his
existence have been believed by those who had
not seen him for themselves. No proof would
have been given that he was superior to death
nor would he have delivered mortality from
the law of its natural infirmity. His name
had never been heard throughout the world
nor could he have inspired his disciples with
contempt of death, or encouraged those who.
embraced his doctrine to hope for the enjoyment of a future life with
God. Nor would he
have fulfilled the assurances of his own promise, nor have accomplished
the predictions of
the prophets concerning himself. Nor would
he have undergone the last conflict of all; for
this was to be the struggle with the power
of death. For all these reasons, then, and 4
inasmuch as it was necessary that the mortal
body which had rendered such service to the Divine Word should meet
with an end worthy its sacred occupant, the manner of his death was
ordained accordingly. For since but two alternatives remained: either
to consign his body entirely to corruption, and so to bring the scene
of life to a dishonored close, or else to prove himself victorious over
death, and render mortality immortal by the act of Divine power; the
former of these alternatives would have contravened his own promise.
For as it is not the property of fire to cool, nor of light to darken,
no more is it compatible with life, to deprive of life, or with Divine
intelligence, to act in a manner contrary to reason. For how would it
be consistent,with reason, that he who had promised
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life to others, should permit his own body, the form which he had
chosen, to perish beneath the power of corruption? That he who had
inspired his disciples with hopes of immortality,
should yield this exponent of his Divine
5 counsels to be destroyed by death? The
second alternative was therefore needful
I mean, that he should assert his dominion over the power of death. But
how? should this be a furtive and secret act, or openly performed and
in the sight of all? So mighty an achievement, had it remained unknown
and unrevealed, must have failed of its effect as regards the interests
of men; whereas the same event, if openly declared and understood,
would, from its wondrous character, redound to the common benefit of
all. With reason, therefore, since it was needful to prove his body
victorious over death, and that not secretly but before the eyes of
men, he shrank not from the trial, for this indeed would have argued
fear, and a sense of inferiority to the power of death, but maintained
that conflict with the enemy which has rendered mortality immortal; a
conflict undertaken for the life, the immortality, the salvation of
all. 6 Suppose one desired to show us that a vessel could resist the
force of fire; how could he better prove the fact than by casting it
into the furnace and thence withdrawing it entire and unconsumed? Even
thus the Word of God who is the source of life to all, desiring to
prove the triumph of that body over death which he had assumed for
man's salvation, and to make this body partake his own life and
immortality, pursued a course consistent with this object. Leaving his
body for a little while, (1) and delivering it up to death in proof of
its mortal nature, he soon redeemed it from death, in vindication of
that Divine power whereby he has manifested the immortality which he
has promised to 7 be utterly beyond the sphere of death. The reason of
this is clear. It was needful that l his disciples should receive
ocular proof of the certainty of that resurrection on which he had
taught them to rest their hopes as a motive for rising superior to the
fear of death. It was indeed most needful that they who purposed to
pursue a life of godliness should receive a clear impression of this
essential truth: more needful still for those who were destined to
declare his name in all the world, and to communicate to mankind that
knowledge of God which he 8 had before ordained for all nations. For
such the strongest conviction of a future life was necessary, that they
might be able with fearless and unshrinking zeal to maintain the
conflict with Gentile and polytheistic error: a conflict the dangers of
which they would never,
have been prepared to meet, except as habituated to the contempt of
death. Accordingly, in arming his disciples against the power of this
last enemy, he delivered not his doctrines in mere verbal precepts, nor
attempted to prove the soul's immortality, by persuasive and probable
arguments; but displayed to them in his
own person a real victory over death. Such 9
was the first and greatest reason of our
Saviour's conflict with the power of death, whereby he proved to his
disciples the nothingness of that which is the terror of all mankind,
and afforded a visible evidence of the reality of that life which he
had promised; presenting as it were a first-fruit of our common hope,
of future life and immortality in the presence of God.
The second cause of his resurrection was, 10
that the Divine power might be manifested
which dwelt in his mortal body. Mankind had heretofore conferred Divine
honors on men who had yielded to the power of death, and had given the
titles of gods and heroes to mortals like themselves. For this reason,
therefore, the Word of God evinced his gracious character, and proved
to man his own superiority over death, recalling his mortal body to a
second life, displaying an immortal triumph over death in the eyes of
all, and teaching them to acknowledge the Author of such a victory to
be the only
true God, even in death itself. I may 11
allege yet a third cause of the Saviour's
death. He was the victim offered to the Supreme Sovereign of the
universe for the whole human race: a victim consecrated for the need of
the human race, and for the overthrow of the errors of demon worship.
For as soon as the one holy and mighty sacrifice, the sacred body of
our Saviour, had been slain for man, to be as a ransom for all nations,
heretofore involved in the guilt of impious superstition, thenceforward
the power of impure and unholy spirits was utterly abolished, and every
earth-born and delusive error was at once weakened and
destroyed. Thus, then, this salutary victim 12
taken from among themselves, I mean the
mortal body of the Word, was offered on behalf
of the common race of men. This was that
sacrifice delivered up to death, of which the sacred oracles speak:
"Behold the Lamb of God,
which taketh away the sin of the world." (2) And
again, as follows: "He was led as a sheep to
the slaughter, and as a lamb before the shearer
is dumb." They declare also the cause, saying:
"He bears our sins, and is pained for us: yet
we accounted him to be in trouble, and in suffering, and in affliction.
But he was wounded on
account of our sins, and bruised because of our
iniquities: the chastisement of our peace was
606
upon him; and by his bruises we were healed. All we as sheep have gone
astray; every one has gone astray in this way; and the Lord gave
him up for our sins.'' (3)
13 Such were the causes which led to the
offering of the human body of the Word of
God. But forasmuch as he was the great high
priest, consecrated to the Supreme Lord and
King, and therefore more than a victim, the
Word, the Power, and the Wisdom of God;
he soon recalled his body from the grasp of
death, presented it to his Father as the first-fruit
of our common salvation, and raised this trophy,
a proof at once of his victory over death and
Satan, and of the abolition of human sacrifices,
for the blessing of all mankind.
CHAPTER XVI.
1 AND now the time is come for us to proceed to the
demonstration of these things;
if indeed such truths require demonstration, and if the aid of
testimony be needful to confirm the certainty of palpable facts. Such
testimony, however, shall be here given; and let it be received with an
attentive and gracious ear.
2 Of old the nations of the earth, the entire
human race, were variously distributed into
provincial, national, and local governments, (1) subject to kingdoms
and principalities of many kinds. The consequences of this variety were
war and strife, depopulation and captivity, which raged in country and
city with unceasing fury. Hence, too, the countless subjects of
history, adulteries, and rapes of women; hence the woes of Troy, and
the ancient tragedies, so known 3 among all peoples. The origin of
these may justly be ascribed to the delusion of polytheistic error. But
when that instrument of our redemption, the thrice holy body of Christ,
which proved itself superior to all Satanic fraud, and free from evil
both in word and deed, was raised, at once for the abolition of ancient
evils, and in token of his victory over the powers of darkness; the
energy of these evil spirits was at once destroyed. The manifold forms
of government, the tyrannies and republics, the siege of cities, and
devastation of countries caused thereby, were now no more, and one God
4 was proclaimed to all mankind. At the same time one universal power,
the Roman empire, arose and flourished, while the enduring and
implacable hatred of nation against nation was now removed: and as the
knowledge of
one God, and one way of religion and salvation, even the doctrine of
Christ, was made known to all mankind; so at the self-same period, the
entire dominion of the Roman empire being vested in a single sovereign,
profound peace reigned throughout the world. And thus, by the express
appointment of the same God, two roots of blessing, the Roman empire,
and the doctrine of Christian piety, sprang up together for the benefit
of men. For before 5 this time the various countries of the world, as
Syria, Asia, Macedonia, Egypt, and Arabia, had been severally subject
to different rulers. The Jewish people, again, had established their
dominion in the laud of Palestine. And these nations, in every village,
city, and district, actuated by some insane spirit, were engaged in
incessant and murderous war and conflict. But two mighty powers,
starting from the same point, the Roman empire, which henceforth was
swayed by a single sovereign, and the Christian religion, subdued and
reconciled these contending elements. Our Saviour's mighty 6 power
destroyed at once the many governments and the many gods of the powers
of darkness, and proclaimed to all men, both rude and civilized, to the
extremities of the earth, the sole sovereignty of God himself. Meantime
the Roman empire, the causes of multiplied governments being thus
removed, effected an easy conquest of those which yet remained; its
object being to unite all nations in one harmonious whole; an object in
great measure already secured, and destined to be still more perfectly
attained, even to the final conquest of the ends of the habitable
world, by means of the salutary doctrine, and through the aid of that
Divine power which facilitates and smooths its way. And surely this
must appear a wondrous 7 fact to those who will examine the question in
the love of truth, and desire not to cavil at these blessings. (2) The
falsehood of demon superstition was convicted: the inveterate strife
and mutual hatred of the nations was removed: at the same time One God,
and the knowledge of that God, were proclaimed to all: one universal
empire prevailed; and the whole human race, subdued by the controlling
power of peace and concord, received one another as brethren, and
responded to the feelings of their common nature. Hence, as children of
one God and Father, and owning true religion as their common mother,
they saluted and welcomed each other with words of peace. Thus the
whole world appeared like one well-ordered and united family: each one
might journey unhindered as far as and whithersoever he pleased: men
might
607
securely travel from West to East, and from East to West, as to their
own native country: in short, the ancient oracles and predictions of
the prophets were fulfilled, more numerous than we can at present
cite, and those especially which speak as follows concerning the saving
Word. "He shall have dominion from sea to sea, and from the river to
the ends of the earth." And again, "In his days shall righteousness
spring up; and abundance of peace." "And they shall beat their swords
into plough-shares, and their spears into sickles: and nation shall not
take up sword against nation, neither shall
8 they learn to war any more.'' (3) These
words, predicted ages before in the Hebrew
tongue, have received in our own day a visible fulfillment, by which
the testimonies of the ancient oracles are clearly confirmed. And now,
if thou still desire more ample proof, receive it, not in words, but
from the facts themselves. Open the eyes of thine understanding expand
the gates of thought; pause awhile, and consider; inquire of thyself as
though thou weft another, and thus diligently examine the nature of the
case. What king or prince in any age of the world, what philosopher,
legislator, or prophet, in civilized or barbarous lands, has attained
so great a height of excellence, I say not after death, but while
living still, and full of mighty power, as to fill the ears and tongues
of all mankind with the praises of his name? Surely none save our only
Saviour has done this, when, after his victory over death, he spoke the
word to his followers, and fulfilled it by the event, saying to them,
"Go ye, and make disciples of all nations in my name.'' (4) He it was
who gave the distinct assurance, that his gospel must be preached in
all the world for a tes testimony to all nations, and immediately
verified his word: for within a little time the world
itself was filled with his doctrine. How, then, will those who caviled
at the commencement of my speech be able to reply to this? For surely
the force of ocular testimony is superior to any verbal argument. Who
else than he, with an invisible and yet potent hand, has driven from
human society like savage beasts that ever noxious and destructive
tribe of evil spirits who of old had made all nations their prey, and
by the motions of their images had practiced many a delusion among men?
Who else, beside our Saviour, by the invocation of his name, and by
unfeigned prayer addressed through him to the Supreme God, has given
power to banish from the world the remnant of
those wicked spirits to those who with genuine and sincere obedience
pursue the course of life and conduct which he has himself prescribed?
Who else but our Saviour has taught his followers to offer those
bloodless and reasonable sacrifices which are performed by prayer and
the secret worship of God? Hence is it that throughout the habitable
world altars are erected, and churches dedicated, wherein these
spiritual and rational sacrifices are offered as a sacred service by
every nation to the One Supreme God. Once more, who but he, with
invisible and secret power, has suppressed and utterly abolished those
bloody sacrifices which were offered with fire and smoke, as well as
the cruel and senseless immolation of human victims; a fact which is
attested by the heathen historians themselves? For it was not till
after the publication of the Saviour's Divine doctrine, about the time
of Hadrian's reign, that the practice of human sacrifice was universally
abandoned. Such and so manifest are the 11
proofs of our Saviour's power and energy
after death. Who then can be found of spirit so obdurate as to withhold
his assent to the truth, and refuse to acknowledge his life to be
Divine? Such deeds as I have described are done by the living, not the
dead; and visible acts are to us as evidence of those which we cannot
see. It is as it were an event of yesterday that an impious and godless
race disturbed and confounded the peace of human society, and possessed
mighty power. But these, as soon as life departed, lay prostrate on the
earth, worthless as dung, breathless, motionless, bereft of speech, and
have left neither fame nor memorial behind. For such is the condition
of the dead; and he who no longer lives is nothing: and how can he who
is nothing be capable of any act? But how shall his existence be called
in question, whose active power and energy are greater than in those
who are still alive? And though he be invisible to the natural eye, yet
the discerning faculty is not in outward sense. We do not comprehend
the rules of art, or the theories of science, by bodily sensation; nor
has any eye yet discerned the mind of man. Far less, then, the power of
God: and in such cases our judgment is formed from apparent results.
Even thus are we bound to judge of our Saviour's invisible power, and
decide by its manifest effects whether we shall acknowledge the mighty
operations which he is even now carrying on to be the works of a living
agent; or whether they shall be ascribed to one who has no existence;
or, lastly, whether the inquiry be not absurd and inconsistent in
itself. For with what reason can we assert the existence of one who is
not? Since all allow that that which has no existence
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is devoid of that power, and energy, and action, for these are
characteristics of the living, but the contrary is characteristic of
the dead.
CHAPTER XVII.
1 AND now the time is come for us to consider the works of our
Saviour in our own
age, and to contemplate the living operations of the living God. For
how shall we describe these mighty works save as living proofs of the
power of a living agent, who truly enjoys the life of God? If any one
inquire the nature
2 of these works, let him now attend. But
recently a class of persons, impelled by
furious zeal, and backed by equal power and military force, evinced
their enmity against God, by destroying his churches, and overthrowing
from their foundations the buildings dedicated to his worship. In
short, in every way they directed their attacks against the unseen God,
and assailed him with a thousand shafts of impious words. But he who is
invisible avenged himself with an invisible hand. By the single fiat of
his will his enemies were utterly destroyed, they who a little while
before had been flourishing in great prosperity, exalted by their
fellow men as worthy of divine honor, and blessed with a continued
period of power and glory, (1) so long as they had maintained peace and
amity with him whom they afterwards opposed. As soon, however, as they
dared openly to resist his will, and to set their gods in array against
him whom we adore; immediately, according to the will and power
of that God against whom their arms were raised, they all received the
judgment due to their audacious deeds. Constrained to yield and flee
before his power, together they acknowledged his Divine nature, and
hastened to reverse the measures which they had before essayed.
4 Our Saviour, therefore, without delay erected
trophies of this victory everywhere, and
once more adorned the world with holy temples and consecrated houses of
prayer; in every city and village, nay, throughout all countries, and
even in barbaric wilds, ordaining the erection of churches and sacred
buildings to the honor of the Supreme God and Lord of all. Hence it is
that these hallowed edifices are deemed worthy to bear his name, and
receive not their appellation from men, but from the Lord himself, from
which circumstances they
are called churches (or houses of the 5 Lord). (2)
And now let him who will stand
forth and tell us who, after so complete a
desolation, has restored these sacred buildings
from foundation to roof? Who, when all hope
appeared extinct, has caused them to rise on a
nobler scale than heretofore? And well may it
claim our wonder, that this renovation was not
subsequent to the death of those adversaries of
God, but whilst the destroyers of these edifices
were still alive; so that the recantation of their
evil deeds came in their own words and edicts. (3)
And this they did, not in the sunshine of prosperity and ease (for then
we might suppose that
benevolence or clemency might be the cause),
but at the very time that they were suffering
under the stroke of Divine vengeance.
Who, again, has been able to retain in6
obedience to his heavenly precepts, after
so many successive storms of persecution, nay,
in the very crisis of danger, so many persons
throughout the world devoted to philosophy,
and the service of God and those holy choirs
of virgins who had dedicated themselves to a
life of perpetual chastity and purity? Who
taught them cheerfully to persevere in the exercise of protracted
fasting, and to embrace a life
of severe and consistent self-denial? Who has
persuaded multitudes of either sex to devote
themselves to the study of sacred things, and
prefer to bodily nutriment that intellectual food
which is suited to the wants of a rational soul? (4)
Who has instructed barbarians and peasants,
yea, feeble women, slaves, and children, in
short, unnumbered multitudes of all nations, to
live in the contempt of death; persuaded of
the immortality of their souls, conscious that
human actions are observed by the unerring eye
of justice, expecting God's award to the righteous and the wicked, and
therefore true to the
practice of a just and virtuous life? For they
could not otherwise have persevered in the
course of godliness. Surely these are the acts
which our Saviour, and he alone, even now per-
forms. And now let us pass from these
topics, and endeavor by inquiries such as 7
these that follow to convince the objector's
obdurate understanding. Come forward, then, whoever thou art, and speak
the words of reason: utter, not the thoughts of a senseless heart, but
those of an intelligent and enlightened mind: speak, I say, after deep
solemn converse with thyself. Who of the sages whose names have yet
been known to fame, has ever been fore-known and proclaimed from the
remotest ages, as our Saviour was by the prophetic oracles to the once
divinely-favored Hebrew nation? But
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his very birth-place, the period of his advent the manner of his life,
his miracles, and words and mighty acts, were anticipated and recorded
in the sacred volumes of these prophets.
8 Again, who so present an avenger of crimes
against himself; so that, as the immediate
consequence of their impiety, the entire Jewish people were scattered
by an unseen power, their royal seat utterly removed, and their very
temple with its holy things levelled with the ground? Who, like our
Saviour, has uttered predictions at once concerning that impious nation
and the establishment of his church throughout the world, and has
equally verified both by the event? Respecting the temple of these
wicked men, our Saviour said: "Your house is left unto you desolate":
(5) and, "There shall not be left one stone upon another in this place,
that shall not be thrown down." (6) And again, of his church he says:
"I will build my church upon a rock, and the gates of hell
9 shall not prevail against it." (7) How wondrous, too, must that power
be deemed
which summoned obscure and unlettered men
from their fisher's trade, and made them the
legislators and instructors of the human race!
And how clear a demonstration of his deity do
we find in the promise so well performed, that
he would make them fishers of men: in the
power and energy which he bestowed, so that
they composed and published writings of such
authority that they were translated into every
civilized and barbarous language,s were read
and pondered by all nations, and the doctrines 14
contained in them accredited as the
oracles of God! How marvelous his pre-
dictions of the future, and the testimony whereby his disciples were
forewarned that they should be brought before kings and rulers, and
should endure the severest punishments, not indeed as criminals, but
simply for their confession of his name! Or who shall adequately
describe the power with which he prepared them thus to suffer with a
willing mind, and enabled them, strong in the armor of godliness, to
maintain a constancy of spirit indomitable in the midst
11 of conflict? Or how shall we enough
admire that steadfast firmness of soul which
strengthened, not merely his immediate followers,. but their successors
also, even to our present age, in the joyful endurance of every
infliction, 1 and every form of torture, in proof of their
devotion to the Supreme God? Again, what monarch has prolonged his
government through so vast a series of ages? Who else has power
to make war after death, to triumph over every enemy, to subjugate each
barbarous and civilized nation and city, and to subdue his adversaries
with an invisible and secret hand? Lastly, and chief of all, what
slanderous lip shall dare to question that universal peace to which we
have already referred;
established by his power throughout the world
For thus the mutual concord and harmony of all nations coincided in
point of time with the extension of our Saviour's doctrine and
preaching in all the world: a concurrence of events predicted in long
ages past by the prophets of God. The day itself would fail me,
gracious emperor, should I attempt to exhibit in a single view those
cogent proofs of our Saviour's Divine power which even now are visible
in their effects; for no human being, in civilized or barbarous
nations, has ever yet exhibited such power of Divine virtue as our
Saviour. But why do I speak of men, since of the beings whom all
nations have deemed divine, none has appeared on earth with power like
to his? If there has, let the fact now be proved. Come forward, ye
philosophers, and tell us what god or hero has yet been known to fame,
who has delivered the doctrines of eternal life and a heavenly kingdom
as he has done who is our Saviour? Who, like him, has persuaded
multitudes throughout the world to pursue the principles of Divine
wisdom, to fix their hope on heaven itself, and look forward to the
mansions there reserved for them that love God? What god or hero in
human form has ever held his course from the rising to the setting sun,
a course co-extensive as it were with the solar light, and irradiated
mankind with the bright and glorious beams of his doctrine, causing
each nation of the earth to render united worship to the One true God?
What god or hero yet, as he has done, has set aside all gods and heroes
among civilized or barbarous nations
has ordained that divine honors should be withheld from all, and chimed
obedience to that command: and then, though singly conflicting with the
power of all, has utterly destroyed the opposing hosts; victorious over
the gods and heroes of every age, and causing himself alone, in
every region of the habitable world, to be acknowledged by all people
as the only Son
of God? Who else has commanded the 14
nations inhabiting the continents and islands
of this mighty globe to assemble weekly on the Lord's day, and to
observe it as a festival, not indeed for the pampering of the body, but
for the invigoration of the soul by instruction in Divine truth? What
god or hero, exposed, as our Saviour was, to so sore a conflict, has
raised
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the trophy of victory over every foe? For they indeed, from first to
last, unceasingly assailed his doctrine and his people: but he who is
invisible, by the exercise of a secret power, has raised his servants
and the sacred houses of their worship to the height of glory.
But why should we still vainly aim at detailing
those Divine proofs of our Saviour's power which no language can
worthily express; which need indeed no words of ours, but themselves
appeal in loudest tones to those whose mental ears are open to the
truth? Surely it is a strange, a wondrous fact, unparalleled in the
annals of human life; that the blessings we have described should be
accorded to our mortal race, and that he who is in truth the only, the
eternal Son of God, should thus be visible on earth.
CHAPTER XVIII.
THESE words of ours, however, [gracious] Sovereign,
may well appear superfluous in your ears, convinced as you are, by
frequent and personal experience, of our Saviour's Deity; yourself
also, in actions still more than words, a her-aid of the truth to all
mankind. Yourself, it may be, will vouchsafe at a time of leisure to
relate to us the abundant manifestations which your Saviour has
accorded you of his presence, and the oft-repeated visions of himself
which have at-tended you in the hours of sleep. I speak not of those
secret suggestions which to us are un-revealed: but of those principles
which he has instilled into your own mind, and which are fraught with
general interest and benefit to the human race. You will yourself
relate in worthy
terms the visible protection which your Divine shield and guardian has
extended in the hour of battle; the ruin of your open and secret foes;
and his ready aid in time of peril. To him you will ascribe relief in
the midst of perplexity; defence in solitude; expedients in extremity;
foreknowledge of events yet future; your fore thought for the general
weal; your power to investigate uncertain questions; your conduct of
most important enterprises; your administration of civil affairs; (1)
your military arrangements, and correction of abuses in all
departments; your ordinances respecting public right; and, lastly, your
legislation for the common benefit of all. You will, it may be, also
detail to us those particulars of his favor which are secret to us, but
known to you alone, and treasured in your royal memory as in secret
storehouses. Such, doubtless, are the reasons, and such the convincing
proofs of your Saviour's power, which caused you to raise that sacred
edifice which presents to all, believers and unbelievers alike, a
trophy of his victory over death, a holy temple of the holy God: to
consecrate those noble and splendid monuments of immortal life and his
heavenly kingdom: to offer memorials of our Almighty Saviour's conquest
which well become the imperial dignity of him by whom they are
bestowed. With such memorials have you adorned that edifice which
witnesses of eternal life: thus, as it were in imperial characters,
ascribing victory and triumph to the heavenly Word of God: thus
proclaiming to all nations, with clear and unmistakable voice, in deed
and word, your own devout and pious confession of his name.
End of Etext THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF EUSEBIUS OF C'SAREA.