Cassius Dio
Roman History
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Book XXXIX
The following is contained in the Thirty-ninth of Dio's Rome:—
1. How Caesar fought the Belgae (chaps. 1-5).
2. How Cicero came back from exile (chaps. 6-11).
3. How Ptolemy, expelled from Egypt, came to Rome (chaps. 12-16).
4. How Cato settled matters in Cyprus (chaps. 22-23).
5. How Pompey and Crassus were chosen consuls (chaps. 27-37).
6. How Pompey's Theatre was dedicated (chap. 38).
7. How Decimus Brutus, Caesar's lieutenant, conquered the Veneti in a
sea-fight (chaps. 40-43).
8. How Publius Crassus, Caesar's lieutenant, fought the Aquitani (chap.
46).
9. How Caesar, after warring with some of the Germans, crossed the
Rhine; and concerning the Rhine (chaps. 47-49).
10. How Caesar crossed over into Britain; and concerning the island
(chaps. 50-53).
11. How Ptolemy was restored to Egypt by Gabinius, and how Gabinius was
brought to trial for this (chaps. 55-63).
Duration of time, four years, in which there were the following
magistrates (consuls) here enumerated:—
B.C.
57
P. Cornelius P. F. Lentulus Spinther, C. Caecilius
C. F. Metellus Nepos.
56
Cn. Cornelius P. F. Lentulus Marcellinus, L. Marcius
L. F. Philippus.
55
Cn. Pompeius Cn. F. Magnus (II), M. Licinius P. F.
Crassus (II).
55
L. Domitius Cn. F. Ahenobarbus, App. Claudius App.
F. Pulcher.
Such was the end of this war. Later, at the end of the winter in which
Cornelius Spinther and Metellus Nepos began their consulship, a third
war arose. The Belgae, who dwelt near the Rhine in many mixed tribes
and extended even to the ocean opposite Britain, though they had
previously been at peace with the Romans, or, in the case of some, had
paid no heed to them, observing now Caesar's success and fearing that
he might advance against them also, came together and by common
agreement, except on the part of the Remi, devised plans against the
Romans and formed a league, placing Galba at their head.
Caesar learned this from the Remi and stationed outposts to watch them;
later he encamped besides the river Axona, where he concentrated his
troops and drilled them. Yet he did not venture to come close quarters
with the enemy, though they were overrunning Roman territory, until in
their contempt for him, believing him to be afraid, they undertook to
occupy the bridge and to put a stop to the conveyance of grain, which
the allies brought across it. He was apprised beforehand by deserters
that this was to be done, and so at night sent against the foe the
light-armed troops and the cavalry. These fell upon the barbarians,
taking them by surprise, and killed many of them, so that the following
night they all withdrew to their own land, especially since the Aedui
were reported to have invaded it. Caesar perceived what was going on,
but through ignorance of the country did not venture to pursue them
immediately. At daybreak, however, taking the cavalry, and bidding the
infantry follow on behind, he came up with the fugitives; and when they
offered battle, supposing he had come with his cavalry alone, he
delayed them until his infantry arrived. In this way, having his whole
army, he surrounded them, cut down the larger part, and received the
surrender of the remainder. Thereupon he won over a number of their
towns, some without fighting and some by war.
The Nervii voluntarily retired before him from the level country, as
they were no match for his forces, and betook themselves into the most
densely wooded mountains; then, when ..... they charged down upon them
unexpectedly. In the part of the battle where Caesar himself was they
soon turned and fled, but with the larger part of their army they
proved superior and captured the camp without a blow. When Caesar, who
had advanced a little way in pursuit of those he had routed, became
aware of this, he turned back and came upon them as they were engaged
in pillage within the entrenchments, where he surrounded and
slaughtered them. After this success he found it no great task to
subdue the rest of the Nervii.
Meanwhile the Aduatuci, near neighbours of theirs, who belonged to the
Cimbri by race and temperament, set out to assist them, but were
overpowered before they accomplished anything, whereupon they withdrew,
and leaving all their other sites, established themselves in one
fortified town, the strongest they had. Caesar assaulted it, but was
for many days repulsed, until he turned to the construction of engines.
Then for a time they gazed at the Romans cutting wood and constructing
the machines and in their ignorance of what was taking place, scoffed
at them. But when the machines were finished and heavy-armed soldiers
upon them were advanced from all sides at once, they became
panic-stricken, since they never before had seen anything of the kind;
so they made overtures, supplied some of the soldiers with provisions,
and threw some of their arms from the wall. When, however, they saw the
machines stripped of men again and noticed that the latter had given
themselves over to pleasure, as after a victory, they changed their
minds, and recovering courage, made a sortie by night, thinking to cut
them down unawares. But Caesar was carefully managing everything all
the while, and when they fell on the outposts from every side, they
were beaten back. Not one of the survivors could any longer obtain
pardon, and they were all sold.
When these had been subjugated and others, too, some by him and many by
his lieutenants, and winter had now set in, he retired to
winter-quarters. The Romans at home when they learned of these
achievements, were astonished that he had seized so many nations, whose
names they had known but imperfectly before, and voted a thanksgiving
of fifteen days because of his achievements — a thing that had never
before occurred.
During the same period Servius Galba, who was serving as his
lieutenant, had, while the season lasted and his army employed a unit,
brought to terms the Veragri, who dwelt along Lake Leman and besides
the Allobroges as far as the Alps; some he had gained by force and
others through surrender, and he was even preparing to winter where he
was. When, however, the majority of the soldiers had departed, some on
furlough because they were not far from Italy, and others elsewhere for
reasons of their own, the natives took advantage of this situation and
unexpectedly attacked him. Then Galba, driven mad by despair, suddenly
dashed out of the winter camp, astounding the besiegers by the
incredible boldness of his move, and passing through them, gained the
heights. On reaching safety he fought them off and later subjugated
them; he did not winter there, however, but transferred his quarters to
the territory of the Allobroges. These were the events in Gaul.
Pompey meanwhile had brought about a vote for the recall of Cicero.
Thus, the man whom he had expelled through Clodius, he now brought back
to help him against that very individual. So quickly does human nature
sometimes change, and from the persons by whom people are expecting to
be helped or injured, as the case may be, they receive the very
opposite treatment. Assisting him were Titus Annius Milo and others of
the praetors and tribunes, who also brought the measure before the
populace. Spinther, the consul, aided Cicero's cause in the senate (?),
partly as a favour to Pompey and partly to avenge himself upon Clodius,
by reason of a private enmity which had led him as a juror to vote to
condemn Clodius for adultery. Clodius, on the other hand, was supported
by various magistrates, including Appius Claudius, his brother, who was
praetor, and Nepos, the consul, who had a private grudge against
Cicero. These men, accordingly, now that they had the consuls as
leaders, made more disturbance than before, and the same was true of
the others in the city, as they championed one side or the other. Many
disorderly proceedings were the result, chief of which was that during
the very taking of the vote on the measure Clodius, knowing that the
multitude would be on Cicero's side, took the gladiators that his
brother held in readiness for the funeral games in honour of Marcus,
his relative, and rushing into the assemblage, wounded many and killed
many others. Consequently the measure was not passed, and Clodius, both
as the companion of those armed champions and otherwise, was dreaded by
all. He then stood for the aedileship, thinking he would escape the
penalty of his violence if he were elected. Milo did, indeed, indict
him, but did not succeed in bringing him the trial, since the
quaestors, by whom the allotment of jurors had to be made, had not been
elected, and Nepos forbade the praetor to allow any trial before their
allotment. Now it was necessary for the aediles to be chosen before the
quaestors, and this proved to be the principal cause of delay. While
contesting this very point Milo caused much disturbance, and at last
himself collected some gladiators and others like-minded with himself
and kept continually coming to blows with Clodius, so that bloodshed
occurred throughout practically the whole city. Nepos, accordingly,
inspired with fear by his colleague and by Pompey and by the other
leading men, changed his attitude; and thus the senate decreed, on the
motion of Spinther, that Cicero should be restored, and the populace,
on the motion of both consuls, passed the measure. Clodius, to be sure,
spoke in opposition to the others, but he had Milo as an opponent, so
that he could commit no violence, and Pompey, among others, spoke in
favour of the enactment, so that that side proved much the stronger.
Cicero accordingly came home from exile and expressed his gratitude to
both the senate and the people, the consuls having given him the
opportunity of appearing before both bodies. He put aside the hatred he
bore Pompey on account of his banishment, became reconciled with him,
and immediately repaid his kindness. A sore famine had arisen in the
city and the entire populace rushed into the theatre (they were then
still using a temporary (?) theatre for public games) and afterwards to
the Capitol where the senators were in session, threatening at first to
slay them with their own hands, and later to burn them alive, temples
and all. Cicero now persuaded them to elect Pompey as commissioner of
the grain supply and to give him also on this account the office of
proconsul for five years both in Italy and outside. So now in the case
of the grain supply, as previously in the case of the pirates, he was
once more to hold sway over the entire world then under Roman power.
Caesar and Crassus really disliked Cicero, but showed some interest in
him when they perceived that he would return in any case, Caesar even
while absent displaying some good-will toward him; but they received no
thanks for their pains. For Cicero knew that they had done this in
accordance with their real inclination, and he regarded them as having
been most to blame for his banishment. And though he did not openly act
toward them with marked insolence, since he had recently tasted the
fruits of unrestrained free speech, nevertheless he secretly composed a
little book to which he gave a title indicating that it contained a
defence of his policies, and in it he heaped together many
denunciations against them and certain other men. Fearing, therefore,
that these statements might get out during his lifetime, he sealed up
the volume and delivered it to his son with the injunction not to read
or publish what was written until his death.
Cicero, accordingly, was thriving once more; and he recovered his
property and likewise the site of his house, although the latter had
been dedicated to Liberty, and though Clodius both called the gods to
witness and placed religious scruples in his way. But Cicero attacked
the lex curiata by which the other had been transferred from the
patricians to the plebs, on the ground that it had not been proposed at
the time established by ancestral custom. Thus he tried to render null
and void the entire tribuneship of Clodius, during which the decree
regarding his house had been passed, claiming that inasmuch as his
transfer to the common people had taken place unlawfully, it was not
possible for any one of his acts while in office to be considered
binding. By this means he persuaded the pontifices to give back to him
the site, on the ground that it was profane and unconsecrated. Thus he
obtained not only that but also money for restoring his house and any
other property of his that had been injured.
After this there was further disturbance on account of King Ptolemy. He
had spent large amounts upon some of the Romans, part of it out of his
own purse and part borrowed, in order to have his rule confirmed and to
receive the name of friend and ally; and he was now collecting this sum
forcibly from the Egyptians. They were accordingly very angry at him
both on this account and also because when they had bidden him demand
back Cyprus from the Romans or else renounce his friendship for them,
he had been unwilling to do so. And since he could neither persuade nor
yet compel them to be quiet, as he had no foreign troops, he fled from
Egypt, and coming to Rome, accused his countrymen of having expelled
him from his kingdom. He was successful in having his restoration
entrusted to Spinther, to whom Cilicia had been assigned. While this
was going on, the people of Alexandria, who for a while did not know
that he had departed for Italy, or supposed he was dead, placed
Berenice, his daughter, on the throne in his place. Then, learning the
truth, they sent a hundred men to Rome to defend them against his
charges and to bring counter-complaints of all the wrongs they had
suffered. Now he heard of it in season, while still in Rome, and sent
men out in various directions to lie in wait for the envoys before they
could arrive. Thus he caused the majority of them to perish by the way,
while of the survivors he had some slain in the city itself, and others
he either terrified by what had happened or by administering bribes
persuaded them neither to consult the magistrates touching the matters
for which they had been sent nor to make any mention at all of those
who had been killed. The affair, however, became so noised abroad that
even the senate was mightily displeased; it was urged to action chiefly
by Marcus Favonius, on the double ground that many envoys sent by their
allies had perished by violence and that numerous Romans had again on
this occasion taken bribes. So they summoned Dio, the leader of the
envoys, who survived, in order to learn the truth from him. But this
time, too, Ptolemy had such influence with his money that not only did
Dio fail to enter the senate-house, but there was not even any mention
made of the murder of the dead men, so long at least as Ptolemy was
there. Furthermore, even after Dio had later been assassinated, he
suffered no punishment for that deed either, largely owing to the fact
that Pompey had entertained him in his house and continued to render
him powerful assistance. Of the other Alexandrines, however, many were
accused at a later time, yet few were convicted; for those who had
taken bribes were many, and each coöperated with the others
because of his own fear.
While mortals were acting thus under the influence of money, Heaven at
the very beginning of the next year struck with a thunderbolt the
statue of Jupiter erected on the Alban Mount, and so delayed the return
of Ptolemy for some time. For when they read the Sibylline verses, they
found written in them this very passage: "If the king of Egypt come
requesting any aid, refuse him not friendship, nor yet succour him with
any great force; else you shall have both toils and dangers."
Thereupon, amazed at the coincidence between the verses and the events
of the time, they rescinded all their action in his case, following the
advice of Gaius Cato, a tribune. Such was the nature of the oracle; and
it was made public through Cato. Now it was unlawful to announce to the
populace any of the Sibylline verses, unless the senate voted it; yet
as soon as the sense of the verses, as usually happens, began to be
talked about, he became afraid that it might be suppressed, and so
brought the priest before the populace and there compelled them to
utter the oracle before the senate had taken any action at all in the
matter. The more scruples they had against doing so, the more insistent
was the multitude. Such, then, was the oracle, and it was translated
into the Latin tongue and proclaimed. When later the senate discussed
the matter, some were for assigning to Spinther the restoration of
Ptolemy without an army, and others argued that Pompey with two lictors
should escort him home. Ptolemy, on learning of the oracle, had asked
for the latter arrangement, and his letter was read in public be Aulus
Plautius, a tribune. But the senators, fearing that Pompey would by
this means obtain still greater power, opposed it, using his connection
with the corn-supply as an excuse.
All this happened in the consulship of Lucius Philippus and Gnaeus
Marcellinus. Ptolemy, when he heard of it, despaired of his
restoration, and going to Ephesus, passed his time in the temple of the
goddess.
The year before there had occurred an incident of a private nature
which, however, has some bearing upon our history. It was this.
Although the law expressly forbade any two persons of the same gens to
hold the same priesthood at the same time, Spinther, the consul, was
anxious to place his son Cornelius Spinther among the augurs, and since
Faustus, the son of Sulla, of the Cornelian gens, had been enrolled
before him, he transferred his son to the gens of Manlius Torquatus;
thus, though the letter of the law was observed, its spirit was broken.
After this Clodius attained the aedileship in the year of Philippus and
Marcellinus; for, being anxious to avoid the lawsuit, he had got
himself elected by a political combination. He immediately instituted
proceedings against Milo for providing himself with gladiators,
actually charging him with the very thing he was doing himself and for
which he was likely to be brought to trial. He did this, not in the
expectation of convicting Milo, inasmuch as the latter had many strong
champions, among them Cicero and Pompey, but in order that under this
pretext he might not only carry on a campaign against Milo but also
insult his backers. For example, the following was one of his devices.
He had instructed his clique that whenever he should ask them in
assemblies: "Who was it that did or said so-and-so?" they should all
cry out: "Pompey!" Then on several occasions he would suddenly ask
about everything that could be taken amiss in Pompey, either in the way
of physical peculiarities or any other respect, touching upon such
topics individually, one at a time, as if he were not speaking of him
particularly. Thereupon, as usually happens in such cases, some would
start up and others would join in with them, crying "Pompey!" and there
was much jeering. Now Pompey could not control himself and keep quiet,
nor would he stoop to a trick like that of Clodius, and so he grew
exceedingly angry, yet could not stir; thus nominally Milo was the
defendant, but in reality Pompey was being convicted without even
offering a defence. For Clodius, in order to embarrass him the more,
would not allow the lex curiata to be introduced; and until that was
enacted no other serious business could be transacted in the state or
any suit instituted.
For a season, then, Milo served as an excuse for their taunts and
assassinations. But about this time some portents occurred: on the
Alban Mount a small temple of Juno, set on a kind of table facing the
east, was turned around toward the north; a blaze of light darted from
the south across to the north; a wolf entered the city; an earthquake
occurred; some of the citizens were killed by thunderbolts; in the
Latin territory a subterranean tumult was heard; and the soothsayers,
being anxious to find a remedy, said that some divinity was angry with
them because some temples or consecrated sites were being used for
residence. Then Clodius substituted Cicero for Milo and not only
attacked him vigorously in a speech because the site of the house he
had built upon was dedicated to Liberty, but even went to it once, with
the intention of razing it to the ground; but he did not do so, as he
was prevented by Milo. Cicero, however, was as angry with him as if he
had actually accomplished his purpose, and kept making accusations.
Finally, taking with him Milo and some tribunes, he ascended the
Capitol and took down the tablets set up by Clodius to commemorate his
exile. This time Clodius came up with his brother Gaius, a praetor, and
took them away from him, but later he watched for a time when Clodius
was out of town, and going up to the Capitol again, took them and
carried them home. After this occurrence no quarter was shown on either
side, but they abused and slandered each other as much as they could,
without refraining from the basest means. The one declared that the
tribuneship of Clodius had been contrary to the laws and that therefore
his official acts were invalid, and the other that Cicero's exile had
been justly decreed and his return unlawfully voted.
While they were contending, and Clodius was getting much the worst of
it, Marcus Cato came upon the scene and restored their balance. He had
a grudge against Cicero and was likewise afraid that all his acts in
Cyprus would be annulled, because he had been sent out under Clodius as
tribune; hence he eagerly took the latter's side. For he was very proud
of his deeds and anxious above all things that they should be
confirmed. For Ptolemy, who at the time had been master of the island,
when he learned of the vote that had been passed, and neither dared to
rise against the Romans nor could endure to live deprived of his
kingdom, had taken his life by drinking poison. Then the Cypriotes
readily received Cato, expecting to be friends and allies of the Romans
instead of slaves. Over this fact, however, Cato had no reason to vaunt
himself; but because he had administered everything in the best
possible manner, and after collecting slaves and large amounts of money
from the royal treasury, had incurred no reproach but had turned over
everything unchallenged, for these reasons he laid claim to valour no
less than if he had conquered in some war. So many men were accepting
bribes that he thought it more unusual for a man to despise money than
to conquer the enemy.
So at that time Cato for these reasons had created some expectation
that he would receive a regular triumph, and the consuls proposed in
the senate that he be given the praetorship, although by law he could
not yet hold it. And though he was not appointed, for he spoke against
the measure himself, yet he obtained greater renown from this very
circumstance. Clodius undertook to name the slaves brought from Cyprus
Clodians, because he himself had sent Cato there; but he failed because
the latter opposed it. So they received the title of Cyprinas, although
some wished to call them Porcians; but Cato prevented this too. So
Clodius became angry at his opposition and proceeded to attack his
administration; he demanded the accounts of the transactions, not
because he could prove him guilty of any wrongdoing, but because nearly
all of the documents had been destroyed by shipwreck and he expected to
gain some advantage from this circumstance. And Caesar, although not
present, was again aiding Clodius at this time, and according to some
was sending him in letters the accusations brought against Cato. One of
the attacks upon Cato consisted in the charge that he himself had
persuaded the consuls (so they affirmed) to propose the praetorship for
him, and that he had then pretended to give it up voluntarily, in order
not to appear to have lost it unwillingly.
While these men kept up their conflict, Pompey, too, encountered some
delay in the distribution of the grain. For since many slaves had been
freed in anticipation of the event, he wished to take a census of them
in order that the grain might be supplied to them with some order and
system. This, to be sure, he managed fairly easily through his own
wisdom and because of the large supply of grain; but in seeking the
consulship he met with annoyances and incurred some censure. Clodius'
behaviour, for one thing, irritated him, but especially the fact that
he was treated slightingly by the others, whose superior he was; and he
felt outraged both on account of his reputation and on account of the
hopes by reason of which while still a private citizen he had thought
to be honoured above them all. Yet sometimes he could bring himself to
scorn these; at the moment when people were speaking ill of him he was
vexed, but after a time, when he came to consider carefully his own
excellence and their baseness, he paid no further attention to them.
The fact, however, that Caesar's influence was increasing and the
people admired his achievements so much that they dispatched men from
the senate, on the supposition that the Gauls had been completely
subjugated, and that they were so elated by their hopes based on him as
to vote him large sums of money, was a cruel thorn in Pompey's side. He
attempted to persuade the consuls not to read Caesar's letters
immediately but to conceal the facts as long as possible, until the
glory of his deeds should win its own way abroad, and furthermore to
send some one to relieve him even before the regular time. So jealous
was he that undertook to disparage and undo all that he himself had
helped to gain for Caesar, and that he was displeased with him both
because he was greatly praised and because he was overshadowing his own
exploits, and he blamed the people because they slighted him and were
excessively enthusiastic over Caesar. Especially was he vexed to see
that they remembered the former achievements of a man just so long as
nothing new occurred, that they rushed with the greatest haste to each
new achievement, even if it were inferior to that which had preceded,
because they became tired of the usual and liked the novel, and that,
actuated by envy, they overthrew everyone who had once been in high
repute, but, urged on by their hopes, helped to exalt one who was just
emerging. Because of this he was vexed, and being unable to accomplish
anything through the consuls and seeing that Caesar had passed beyond
the need of keeping faith with him, he regarded the situation as grave.
For he held that there were two things which destroy people's
friendship, fear and envy, and that these can be prevented by nothing
except an equality in fame and strength. For as long as persons possess
these last in equal shares, their friendship is firm, but when one or
the other excels at all, then the inferior party becomes jealous and
hates the superior, while the stronger despises and insults the weaker;
and thus, with such feelings on both sides, the one being vexed by his
inferiority, the other elated by his advantage, they come to strife and
war in place of their former friendship. On the basis of some such
reasoning Pompey began to arm himself against Caesar. And because he
thought he alone could not easily overthrow him, he attached Crassus to
himself even more than before, that he might accomplish his purpose
with his aid.
After reaching an understanding, they decided that they could not hope
to accomplish anything as private citizens, but that if they should
become consuls and devote themselves to public affairs, in imitation of
Caesar, they would not only be a match for him but would quickly
triumph over him, being two against one. So they gave up all their
dissimulation, whereby, whenever any of their associates urged them to
seek the consulship, they had been claiming that they no longer cared
to take the office; and they now openly sought it, in spite of the fact
that they had previously been assisting some of the other candidates.
When they began to canvass for the office outside of the period
specified by law, and, among others the consuls themselves (for
Marcellinus had some little influence) made it plain that they would
not allow them to be elected, they tried to bring it about, through the
agency of Gaius Cato and others, that the elections should not be held
that year, in order that an interrex might be chosen and they might
then seek and secure the office in accordance with the laws.
This result, now, was being achieved, to all appearances, by the men
employed on different pretexts, but in reality by these candidates
themselves; at all events they openly showed dislike of those who
opposed them. The senators, therefore, became highly indignant and once
rose up and departed while these men were wrangling. Thus their strife
was stopped for the time being; but when the same disturbance happened
again, the senators voted to change their dress, as if for some
calamity, in spite of the fact that Cato, when he gained nothing by
speaking against the proposed step, rushed out of the gathering and
called in any one he met in the market-place (?) in order that no
decision might be reached; for, if any person not a senator were
inside, they might not give their vote. But other tribunes were ahead
of him and prevented the outsiders from entering; and so this decree
was passed, and it was also decided that the senators would not be
spectators at the games then going on. When Cato opposed this measure,
too, they rushed out in a body, and after changing their dress
returned, hoping thus to frighten him. When even then he would not
moderate his behaviour, they all proceeded to the Forum together and
brought the multitude, which had thereupon rushed together, to a state
of extreme sorrow; for Marcellinus addressed them, lamenting their
present situation, while the rest wept and groaned, so that no one had
a word to say against him. After doing this the senators entered the
senate-house immediately, intending to vent their wrath upon those who
were responsible. But Clodius had meanwhile leaped over to the side of
Pompey and espoused his cause again, in the hope that if he should give
him any help in securing his present objects, he would make him
thoroughly his friend. So he came before the populace in his ordinary
garb, without having made any change as the decree required, and went
to inveighing against Marcellinus and the rest. As great indignation
was shown by the senators at this, he left the people in the midst of
his speech and rushed to the senate-house, where he came near
perishing. For the senate confronted him and prevented his going in,
while at that moment he was surrounded by the knights and would have
been torn limb from limb, had he not raised an outcry, calling upon the
people for aid; whereupon many ran to the scene bringing fire and
threatening to burn his oppressors along with the senate-house if they
should do him any violence. Thus Clodius was saved after coming so near
perishing.
But Pompey, not alarmed at all by this, on one occasion rushed into the
senate, thwarting them as they were just about to vote, and prevented
the measure from being carried. When Marcellinus after that publicly
asked him whether he really desired to become consul, in the hope that
he would shrink from admitting that he was a candidate, Pompey declared
that he did not want the office because of the just men, but that on
account of the seditious he was trying very hard to gain it. So Pompey
now openly strove for the office, and Crassus on being interrogated
gave the same impression himself, not admitting the fact, to be sure,
but not denying it, either; instead, he took, as usual, a middle course
and said that he would do whatever was advantageous for the republic.
Consequently Marcellinus and many others were terrified, as they
observed the preparations and opposing array of these men, and would no
longer frequent the senate-house. And since the number required by law
for passing any vote concerning the elections did not assemble, it was
impossible to have any business at all about them brought forward, and
the year thus passed away. The senators, however, did not change back
to their usual attire nor attend the games nor celebrate the feast of
Jupiter on the Capitol nor go out to the Alban Mount for the Feriae
Latinae, held there for the second time by reason of something not
rightly done. Instead, they spent the rest of the year as if they were
in bondage and possessed no authority to choose officials or carry on
any other public business.
Later Crassus and Pompey were appointed consuls after an interregnum,
as no one else of the earlier candidates opposed them. To be sure,
Lucius Domitius, who canvassed for the office up to the very last day
of the year, set out from his house for the assembly just after dark,
but when the slave who carried the torch in front of him was slain, he
became frightened and went no farther. Hence, since no one at all
opposed them, and furthermore since Publius Crassus, who was a son of
Marcus and at that time lieutenant under Caesar, brought soldiers to
Rome for this very purpose, they were easily chosen.
When they had thus assumed the leadership of the state, they had the
other offices given to such as were well disposed toward them and
prevented Marcus Cato from being appointed praetor; for they suspected
that he would not submit to their régime and were unwilling to
add any legal power to his protests. The election of the praetors, now,
was made in peace, for Cato did not see fit to offer any violence; in
the matter of the curule aediles, however, there was some bloodshed, so
that even Pompey was much bespattered with blood. Nevertheless, in the
case of both these and the other officials elected by the people, they
made appointments to please themselves, since they personally held the
elections, and they made friends with the other aediles and most of the
tribunes; but two tribunes, Gaius Ateius Capito and Publius Aquilius
Gallus, did not come to terms with them.
Accordingly, when the magistrates had been appointed, they proceeded to
lay hold on the objects of their striving. They made no mention of
these matters themselves before either the senate or the people, but
gravely pretended that they wanted nothing further. Gaius Trebonius,
however, a tribune, presented a measure, that to the one Syria and the
neighbouring lands should be given as a province for five years, and to
the other the two Spains, where there had recently been disturbances,
for the same period; they should employ as many soldiers as they
wished, both citizens and allies, and should make peace and war with
whomsoever they pleased. Many took offence at this, especially the
friends of Caesar, because these men were bound after gaining their
present ends to restrict Caesar's power and keep him from holding his
position much longer, and therefore some prepared to speak against the
measure. Then the consuls, fearing that they might fail utterly of the
projects they had in hand, won over their opponents on the condition of
extending Caesar's command also for three years more — to state the
actual fact. However, they submitted nothing to the people in regard to
him until their own arrangements had been confirmed. For Caesar's
friends, having been gained over in the manner stated, remained quiet,
and the majority of the others, in bondage to fear and satisfied if
even so they might save their lives, kept still. On the other hand,
Cato and Favonius resisted all their schemes, having the two tribunes
and others to help them; but since they were fighting a few against
many, their outspokenness was of no avail. Favonius, who obtained from
Trebonius only one hour for his speech in opposition, used it up in
uttering vain protests against this very limitation of his time. Cato,
for his part, received the privilege of speaking for two hours, but
devoted his efforts to criticizing present conditions and the general
state of affairs, as was his wont, and so exhausted his time before he
had touched upon any of the matters before them. He took this course,
not because he had not the privilege of speaking on those matters as
well, but in order that he might be silenced by Trebonius while still
appearing to have something more to say and might thus obtain this
additional grievance to bring against him. For he well understood that
even if he employed the whole day, he could not persuade them to vote
anything that he wished. Hence, when bidden to be silent, he did not
stop immediately, but had to be pushed and dragged from the assembly,
whereupon he came back, and though finally ordered to be taken to
prison, he did not moderate his behaviour.
That day was used up in such wise that the tribunes could not speak at
all. For in all the meetings of the people in which they deliberated,
the right to speak was given to the private citizens ahead of the
magistrates, to the end apparently that none of them, captivated
beforehand by the opinion of a superior, should conceal any of his own
ideas, but should speak out his mind with entire frankness. Hence
Gallus, fearing that some one might on the next day keep him from the
Forum or do something worse still, went into the senate-house in the
evening and passed night there, both for the sake of the safety
afforded by the place, and for the purpose of leaving there at dawn to
join the populace outside. But Trebonius, by locking all the doors of
the senate-house, caused him to spend not only the night there but most
of the day as well, all in vain. Others occupied the meeting-place of
the assembly by night and barred out Ateius, Cato, Favonius, and the
others with them. When Favonius and Ninnius got in somehow unobserved,
and Cato and Ateius climbed upon the shoulders of some of those
standing around, the attendants of the tribunes drove them both out,
wounded the rest who were with them, and actually killed a few.
After the law had been passed in this way and the crowd was already
departing from the assembly, Ateius took Gallus, who had been struck in
being forced out of the gathering, and led him, all covered with blood,
into the presence of those still on the spot, showed him to them, and
by making such remarks as might be expected, stirred them mightily. The
consuls quickly arrived upon becoming aware of this; for they had been
watching developments from somewhere near at hand. And as they had a
considerable bodyguard they intimidated the men, immediately called a
meeting, and put to vote the additional measures relating to Caesar.
The same persons tried to speak in opposition to these, too, but were
unable to accomplish anything.
The consuls, accordingly, had these measures passed, and next they laid
heavier penalties upon those offering bribes, as if their own offence
were any less because they had secured their office by force instead of
money. They even undertook to curtail personal expenditures, which had
increased to an enormous extent, although they themselves went to every
length of luxury and indulgence; but they were prevented by this very
circumstance from enacting the law. For Hortensius, one of the men
fondest of expensive living, by reviewing the great size of the city
and praising the costliness of their homes as well as their generosity
toward others, thus making use of their own mode of life to support his
arguments, persuaded them to give up their intention. They were brought
to shame by his opposition and also shrank from appearing to debar
others through jealousy from privileges that they themselves enjoyed;
and so they voluntarily withdrew their motion.
During these same days Pompey dedicated the theatre in which we take
pride even at the present time. In it he provided an entertainment
consisting of music and gymnastic contests, and in the Circus a
horse-race and the slaughter of many wild beasts of all kinds. Indeed,
five hundred lions were used up in five days, and eighteen elephants
fought against men in heavy armour. Some of these beasts were killed at
the time and others a little later. For some of them, contrary to
Pompey's wish, were pitied by the people when, after being wounded and
ceasing to fight, they walked about with their trunks raised toward
heaven, lamenting so bitterly as to give rise to the report that they
did so not by mere chance, but were crying out against the oaths in
which they had trusted when they crossed over from Africa, and were
calling upon Heaven to avenge them. For it is said that they would not
set foot upon the ships before they received a pledge under oath from
their drivers that they should suffer no harm. Whether this is really
so or not I do not know; for some in time past have further declared
that in addition to understanding the language of their native country
they also comprehend what is going on in the sky, so that at the time
of the new moon, before that luminary comes within the gaze of men,
they reach running water and there perform a kind of purification of
themselves. These things I have heard; I have heard also that this
theatre was not erected by Pompey, but by one Demetrius, a freedman of
his, with the money he had gained while making campaigns with the
general. Most justly, therefore, did he give his master's name to the
structure, so that Pompey might not incur needless reproach because of
the fact that his freedman had collected money enough for so huge an
expenditure.
At all events Pompey in these matters afforded the populace no little
delight; but in making with Crassus the levies for the campaigns
assigned to them he displeased them exceedingly. Then, indeed, the
majority repented of their course and praised Cato and the rest. Both
on this account, therefore, and because of a suit instituted by some of
the tribunes, nominally against the lieutenants of the consuls, but
really against these themselves and their acts, the consuls, although
they did not dare to use any violence, did, however, along with their
partisans in the senate, change their clothing as if for a calamity.
They immediately repented, and without offering any excuse went back to
their accustomed dress; but the tribunes endeavoured to annul the
levies and rescind the vote for the proposed campaigns. At this,
Pompey, for his part, showed no anger, as he had sent out his
lieutenants promptly and was glad to remain himself where he was on the
plea that he was prevented from leaving the city, and ought in any case
to be in Rome on account of his superintendence of the corn-supply; his
plan was to let his officers subdue the Spains while he took in his own
hands the affairs at Rome and in the rest of Italy. Crassus, however,
since neither of these considerations applied to his case, looked to
the force of arms. The tribunes, then, seeing that their boldness,
unsupported by arms, was too weak to hinder any of his undertakings,
held their peace for the most part, but they uttered many dire
imprecations against him, as if, indeed, they were not cursing the
state through him. At one time as he was offering on the Capitol the
customary prayers for his campaign, they spread a report of omens and
portents, and again when he was setting out they called down many
terrible curses upon him. Ateius even attempted to cast him into
prison, but other tribunes resisted, and there was a conflict among
them and a delay, in the midst of which Crassus went outside the
pomerium. Now he, whether by chance or as a result of these very
curses, before long met with defeat.
Caesar in the consulship of Marcellinus and Philippus made an
expedition against the Veneti, who live near the ocean. They had seized
some Roman soldiers sent out for grain and afterward detained the
envoys who came in their behalf, in order that in exchange for these
they might get back their own hostages. Caesar, instead of giving these
back, sent out different bodies of troops in various directions, some
to waste the possessions of those who had joined the revolt and thus to
prevent the two bands from aiding each other, and others to guard the
possessions of those who were under treaty, for fear they too might
cause some disturbance; he himself proceeded against the Veneti. He
constructed in the interior the kind of boats which he heard were of
advantage for the tides of the ocean, and conveyed them down the river
Liger, but in so doing used up almost the entire summer to no purpose.
For their cities, established in strong positions, were inaccessible,
and the ocean surging around practically all of them rendered an
infantry attack out of the question, and a naval attack equally so in
the midst of the ebb and flow of the tide. Consequently Caesar was in
despair until Decimus Brutus came to him with swift ships from the
Mediterranean. And he was inclined to believe he would be unable to
accomplish anything with those either, but the barbarians through their
contempt for the small size and frailty of the boats incurred defeat.
For these boats had been built rather light in the interest of speed,
after the manner of our naval construction, whereas those of the
barbarians surpassed them very greatly both in size and stoutness,
since amid the ever-shifting tides of the ocean they often needed to
rest on dry ground and to hold out against the succession of ebb and
flow. Accordingly, the barbarians, who had never had any experience of
such a fleet, despised the ships as useless in view of their
appearance; and as soon as they were lying in the harbour they set sail
against them, thinking to sink them speedily by means of their
boat-hooks. They were swept on by a great and violent wind, for their
sails were of leather and so carried easily the full force of the wind.
Now Brutus, as long as the wind raged, dared not sail out against them
because of the number and size of the ships, the force with which they
were driven by the wind, and their own attack, but he prepared to repel
their attack near the land and to abandon the boats altogether. When,
however, the wind suddenly fell, the waves were stilled, and the boats
could no longer be propelled as they had been with the oars but because
of their great bulk stopped motionless, as it were, then he took
courage and sailed out to meet them. And falling upon them, he caused
them many serious injuries with impunity, delivering both broadside and
rear attacks, now ramming one of them, now backing water, in whatever
way and as often as he liked, sometimes with many vessels against one
and again with equal numbers opposed, occasionally even approaching
safely with a few against my. At whatever point he was superior to them
in . . . he stuck to them closely; he sank some by ripping them open,
and boarding others from all sides, he engaged in a hand-to-hand
conflict with the crews and slew many. If he found himself inferior
anywhere, he very easily retired, so that the advantage rested with him
in any case. For the barbarians did not use archery and had not
provided themselves beforehand with stones, not expecting to have any
need of them; hence, if any one came into close quarters with them,
they fought him off after a fashion, but with those who stood at a
little distance from them they knew not how to cope. So the men were
being wounded and killed, even those who were unable to repel any one,
while the boats were unable to repel any one, while the boats were in
some cases rammed and ripped open, in other cases were set on fire and
burned; still others were towed away, as if empty of men. When the
remaining crews saw this, some killed themselves to avoid being
captured alive and others leapt into the sea with the idea that they
would thus either board the hostile ships or in any event not perish at
the hands of the Romans. For in zeal and daring they were not at all
behind their opponents, but they were terribly angry at finding
themselves betrayed by the sluggishness of their vessels. The Romans,
to make sure that the wind when it sprang up again should not move the
ships, employed from a distance long poles fitted with knives, by means
of which they cut the ropes and split the sails. And since the
barbarians were compelled to fight in their boats as if on land, while
the foes could used his ships as at sea, great numbers perished then
and there, and all the remainder were captured. Of these Caesar slew
the most prominent and sold the rest.
Next he made a campaign against the Morini and Menapii, their
neighbours, hoping to terrify them by what he had already accomplished
and capture them easily. He failed, however, to subdue any of them; for
having no cities, and living only in huts, they conveyed their chief
treasures to the most densely wooded parts of the mountains, so that
they did the attacking parties of the Romans much more harm than they
themselves suffered. Caesar attempted by cutting down the forests to
make his way into the mountains themselves, but renounced his plan on
account of their size and the nearness of winter, and retired.
While he was still among the Veneti, Quintus Titurius Sabinus, his
lieutenant, was dispatched against the Venelli [Unelli], whose leader
was Viridovix. At first he was greatly terrified at their numbers and
would have been satisfied if only he could save the camp, but later he
perceived that though this advantage made them bolder, they were not
really dangerous, and he accordingly took courage. Most barbarians, in
fact, in their threats make all sorts of terrible boasts that are
without foundation. Nevertheless he did not venture to fight openly
with them even then, as he was seriously hampered by their great
numbers; but he induced them to make a reckless assault upon his camp,
although it was on high ground. He did this by sending out towards
evening, in the guise of a deserter, one of his allies who spoke their
language, and thus persuaded them that Caesar had met with reverses . .
. Trusting this report, they straightway started out heedlessly against
the Romans, being gorged with food and drink, in the fear that they
might flee before their arrival. Moreover, since it was their avowed
purpose that not a single soul should escape, they carried along fagots
and dragged logs after them with the intention of burning the enemy
alive. Thus they made their attack up-hill and came climbing up
eagerly, meeting with no resistance. Sabinus did not move until the
most of them were within his reach. Then he charged down upon them
unexpectedly from all sides at once, and terrifying those in front, he
dashed them all headlong down the hill, and while they were tumbling
over one another and the logs in their retreat, he cut them to pieces
so thoroughly that none of them or even of the others rose against him
again. For the Gauls, who are unreasonably insatiate in all their
passions, know no moderation in either courage or fear, but plunge from
the one into hopeless cowardice and from the other into headstrong
audacity.
About the same time Publius Crassus, the son of Marcus Crassus,
subjugated nearly all of Aquitania. The people are themselves Gauls,
and dwell next to Celtica, and the territory extends right along the
Pyrenees to the ocean. Making a campaign, now, against these, Crassus
conquered the Sotiates in battle and captured them by siege. He lost a
few men, to be sure, by treachery in the course of a parley, but
punished the enemy severely for this. On seeing some others who had
banded together along with soldiers of Sertorius from Spain and were
carrying on the war with skill, and not recklessly, since they believed
that the Romans through lack of supplies would soon abandon the
country, he pretended to be afraid of them. But although he incurred
their contempt, he did not even then draw them into a conflict with
him; and so, while they were feeling secure with regard to the future,
he attacked them suddenly and unexpectedly. At the point where he met
them he accomplished nothing, because the barbarians rushed out and
repelled him vigorously; but while their main force was there, he sent
some men around to the other side of their camp, got possession of
this, which was destitute of men, and passing though it took the
fighters in the rear. In this way they were all annihilated, and the
rest with the exception of a few made terms without any contest.
This was the work of the summer. But when the Romans were in winter
quarters in friendly territory, the Tencteri and Usipetes, German
tribes, partly because they were forced out from their homes by the
Suebi and partly because they were invited over by the Gauls, crossed
the Rhine and invaded the country of the Treveri. Finding Caesar there,
they became afraid and sent to him to make a truce, and to ask for land
or at least the permission to take some. When they could obtain
nothing, they at first promised voluntarily to return to their homes
and requested an armistice. Later their young men, seeing a few
horsemen of his approaching, despised them and changed their mind;
thereupon they stopped their journey, harassed the small detachment,
which was not expecting anything of the sort, and elated over this
success, entered upon war. Their elders, condemning their action, came
to Caesar contrary to their advice and asked him to pardon them, laying
the responsibility upon a few. He detained these emissaries with the
assurance that he would give them an answer before long, and setting
out against the other members of the tribe, who were in their tents, he
came upon them as they were taking their noonday rest and expecting no
hostile move, inasmuch as their elders were with him. Rushing into the
tents, he found great numbers of infantrymen who had not time even to
pick up their weapons, and he cut them down amid the waggons where they
were embarrassed by the presence of the women and the children
scattered promiscuously about. The cavalry was absent at the time, but
as soon as they learned of the occurrence, they immediately set out for
their homes and retired among the Sugambri. He sent and demanded their
surrender, not because he expected them to be given up, since the
people beyond the Rhine were not so afraid of the Romans as to listen
to anything of the sort, but in order that on this excuse he might
cross that river also. For he was exceedingly anxious on his own part
to do something that no one of his predecessors had every equalled, and
he also expected to keep the Germans at a distance from Gaul by
invading their territory. When, therefore, the horsemen were not given
up, and the Ubii, who dwelt alongside the Sugambri and who were at
variance with them, invoked his aid, he crossed the river by bridging
it. But on finding that the Sugambri had betaken themselves into their
strongholds and that the Suebi were gathering to come to their aid, he
retired within twenty days.
The Rhine issues from the Celtic Alps, a little outside of Rhaetia, and
proceeding westward, bounds Gaul and its inhabitants on the left, and
the Germans on the right, and finally empties into the ocean. This
river has always down to the present time been considered the boundary,
ever since these tribes gained their different names; for very
anciently both peoples dwelling on either side of the river were called
Celts.
Caesar, then, at this time was the first of the Romans to cross the
Rhine, and later, in the consulship of Pompey and Crassus, he crossed
over to Britain. This country is sixty miles distant, by the shortest
way, from the Belgic mainland, where the Murini dwell, and extends
alongside the rest of Gaul and nearly all of Spain, reaching out into
the sea. To the very earliest of the Greeks and Romans it was not even
known to exist, while to their descendants it was a matter of dispute
whether it was a continent or an island; and accounts of it have been
written from both points of view by many who knew nothing about it,
because they had not seen it with their own eyes nor heard about it
from the natives with their own ears, but indulged in surmises
according to the scholarly sect or the branch of learning to which they
severally belonged. In the lapse of time, however, it has been clearly
proved to be an island, first under Agricola, the propraetor, and now
under the emperor Severus.
To this land, then, Caesar desired to cross, now that he had won over
the Morini and the rest of Gaul was quiet. He made the passage with the
infantry by the most desirable course, but did not select the best
landing-place; for the Britons, apprised beforehand of his voyage, had
secured all the landings on the coast facing the mainland. Accordingly,
he sailed around a certain projecting headland, coasted along on the
other side of it, and disembarking there in the shoals, conquered those
who joined battle with him and gained a footing on dry land before more
numerous assistance could come, afterwards he repulsed this attack
also. Not many of the barbarians fell, for their forces consisted of
chariot-drivers and cavalry and so easily escaped the Romans whose
cavalry had not yet arrived; but alarmed at the reports about them from
the mainland and because they had dared to cross at all and had managed
to set foot upon the land, they sent to Caesar some of the Morini, who
were friends of theirs, to see about terms of peace. Upon his demanding
hostages, they were willing at the time to give them; but when the
Romans in the meantime began to encounter difficulties by reason of a
storm which damaged both the fleet that was present and also the one on
the way, they changed their minds, and though not attacking the
invaders openly, since their camp was strongly guarded, they took some
men who had been sent out to forage for provisions on the assumption
that the country was friendly, and destroyed them all, save a few, to
whose rescue Caesar came in haste. After that they assaulted the camp
itself of the Romans. Here they accomplished nothing, but fared badly;
they would not make terms, however, until they had been defeated many
times. Indeed, Caesar would have had no thought of making peace with
them at all, except that the winter was approaching and that he was not
equipped with a sufficient force to continue fighting at that time
season, since the additional force coming to his aid had met with
mishap, and also that the Gauls in view of his absence had begun an
uprising; so he reluctantly concluded a truce with them, demanding many
hostages this time also, but obtaining only a few.
So he sailed back to the mainland and put an end to the disturbances.
From Britain he had won nothing for himself or for the state except the
glory of having conducted an expedition against its inhabitants; but on
this he prided himself greatly and the Romans at home likewise
magnified it to a remarkable degree. For seeing that the formerly
unknown had become certain and the previously unheard-of accessible,
they regarded the hope for the future inspired by these facts as
already realized and exulted over their expected acquisitions as if
they were already within their grasp; hence they voted to celebrate a
thanksgiving for twenty days.
While this was taking place there was an uprising in Spain, which was
consequently assigned to Pompey's care. Some tribes had revolted and
put themselves under the leadership of the Vaccaei. While still
unprepared they were conquered by Metellus Nepos, but as he was
besieging Clunia they assailed him, proved themselves his superiors,
and won back the city; elsewhere they were defeated, though not
sufficiently to cause their early enslavement. In fact, they so far
surpassed their opponents in numbers that Nepos was glad to remain
quiet and not run any risks.
About this time Ptolemy, although the Romans had voted not to assist
him and were even now highly indignant at the bribery he had employed,
was nevertheless restored and got back his kingdom. Pompey and Gabinius
accomplished this. So much power had official authority and abundant
wealth as against the decrees of both the people and the senate, that
when Pompey sent orders to Gabinius, then governor of Syria, and the
latter made a campaign, the one acting out of kindness and the other as
the result of a bribe, they restored the king contrary to the wish of
the state, paying no heed either to it or to the oracles of the Sibyl.
Gabinius was later brought to trial for this, but on account of
Pompey's influence and the money at his command was not convicted. To
such a state of confusion had affairs come with the Romans of that day,
that when some of the magistrates and jurymen received from him but a
very small part of the large bribes that he had received, they took no
thought for their duty, and furthermore taught others to commit crimes
for money, showing them that they could easily buy immunity from
punishment. At this time, consequently, Gabinius was acquitted; but he
was again brought to trial on some other charges — chiefly that he had
plundered more than a hundred million denarii from the province — and
was convicted. This was a matter of great surprise to him, seeing that
by his wealth he had freed himself from the former suit, whereas he was
now condemned for his wealth chiefly be of that suit. It was also a
surprise to Pompey, because previously he had, through his friends,
rescued Gabinius even at a distance, but now while in the suburbs of
the city and, as you might say, in the very court-room, he accomplished
nothing.
This was the way of it. Gabinius had harried Syria in many ways, even
to the point of inflicting far more injury upon the people than did the
pirates, who were flourishing even then. Still, he regarded all his
gains from that source as mere trifles and was at first planning and
preparing to make a campaign against the Parthians and their wealth.
Phraates, it seems, had been treacherously murdered by his sons, and
Orodes after succeeding to the kingdom had expelled Mithridates, his
brother, from Media, which he was governing. The latter took refuge
with Gabinius and persuaded him to assist in his restoration. However,
when Ptolemy came with Pompey's letter and promised that he would
furnish large sums both to him and the army, some to be paid at once,
and the rest when he should be restored, Gabinius abandoned the
Parthian project and hastened to Egypt. This he did notwithstanding the
law forbade governors to enter territory outside their own borders or
to begin wars on their own responsibility, and although the people and
the Sibyl had declared that the man should not be restored. But the
only restraint these considerations imposed was to lead him to sell his
assistance for a higher price. He left in Syria his son Sisenna, a mere
boy, and a very few soldiers with him, thus exposing the province to
which he had been assigned more than ever to the pirates. He himself
then reached Palestine, arrested Aristobulus, who had escaped to Rome
and was causing some disturbance, sent him to Pompey, imposed tribute
upon the Jews, and after this invaded Egypt.
Berenice was at this time ruling the Egyptians, and though she feared
the Romans, she took no steps suitable to emergency ?; instead, she
sent for one Seleucus who claimed to belong to the royal race that once
had flourished in Syria, formally recognized him as her husband, and
made him a partner in the kingdom and in the war. When he was seen to
be held in no esteem, she had him killed and joined to herself on the
same terms Archelaus, son of that Archelaus who had deserted to Sulla;
he was an energetic man, living in Syria. Now Gabinius could have
stopped the mischief in its beginning; for he had arrested Archelaus,
who had already aroused his suspicion, and he seemed likely to have no
further trouble from him. He was afraid, however, that this course
might cause him to receive from Ptolemy less money than had been
stipulated, on the ground that he had done nothing of importance, and
he hoped that he could exact even a larger amount in view of the
cleverness and renown of Archelaus; moreover he received much money
besides from the prisoner himself, and so voluntarily released him,
pretending that he had escaped. Thus he reached Pelusium without
encountering any opposition; and while advancing from there with his
army in two divisions he encountered and conquered the Egyptians on the
same day, and after this vanquished them again on the river with his
ships and also on land. For the Alexandrines are most ready to assume a
bold front everywhere and to speak out whatever may occur to them, but
for war and its terrors they are utterly useless. This is true in spite
of the fact that in seditions, which with them are very numerous and
very serious, they always become involved in slaughter, setting no
value upon life as compared with the rivalry of the moment, but
pursuing destruction in such quarrels as if it were one of the best and
dearest prizes. So Gabinius conquered them, and after slaying Archelaus
and many others he promptly gained control of all Egypt and handed it
over to Ptolemy. The latter put to death his daughter and also the
foremost and richest of the citizens, because he had need of much money.
Gabinius after restoring him in this fashion sent no message home
concerning what he had done, in order that he might not be the one to
announce his own illegal acts. But it was not possible for an affair of
such magnitude to be concealed, and the people straightway learned of
it; for the Syrians cried out loudly against Gabinius, especially since
in his absence they had been terribly abused by the pirates, and the
tax-gatherers, being unable to collect the taxes on account of the
marauders, were owing numerous sums. Angered at this, the people
expressed their views and were ready to condemn him. For Cicero
attacked him vigorously and advised them to read again the Sibylline
verses, expecting that there was contained in them some punishment in
case any of their injunctions should be violated. Pompey and Crassus,
now, were still consuls, and the former acted as his own interests
dictated, while the latter was for pleasing his colleague and also soon
received money sent him by Gabinius. Thus they openly justified his
conduct, calling Cicero "exile" among other names, and would not put
the question to a vote. When, however, they had laid down their office,
and Lucius Domitius and Appius Claudius became their successors, once
more many opinions were expressed and the majority proved to be against
Gabinius. Domitius was hostile to Pompey on account of the latter's
canvass and because he had been appointed consul contrary to his wish;
and Claudius, although a relative of Pompey's, still wished to play the
game of politics and indulge the people, and furthermore he expect to
get bribes from Gabinius, if he should cause any disturbance. There was
a further fact that weighed strongly against him: he had not received a
certain lieutenant sent ahead by Crassus to succeed him in the office,
but held on to the position as if he had received it for all time. They
decided, therefore, that the verses of the Sibyl should be read, in
spite of Pompey's opposition.
Meantime the Tiber, either because excessive rains had occurred
somewhere up the stream above the city, or because a violent wind from
the sea had driven back its outgoing tide, or still more probably, as
was surmised, by the act of some divinity, suddenly rose so high as to
inundate all the lower levels in the city and to overwhelm many even of
the higher portions. The houses, therefore, being constructed of brick,
became soaked through and collapsed, while all the animals perished in
the flood. And of the people all who did not take refuge in time on the
highest points were caught, either in their dwellings, or in the
streets, and lost their lives. The remaining houses, too, became
weakened, since the mischief lasted for many days, and they caused
injuries to many, either at the time or later. The Romans, distressed
at these calamities and expecting others yet worse, because, as they
thought, Heaven had become angry with them for the restoration of
Ptolemy, were in haste to put Gabinius to death even while absent,
believing that they would be harmed less if they should destroy him
before his return. So insistent were they that although nothing about
punishment was found in the Sibylline oracles, still the senate passed
a decree that the magistrates and populace should accord him the
bitterest and harshest treatment.
While this was going on, money sent ahead by Gabinius caused him to
suffer no serious penalty either while absent or upon his return, at
least for this affair. And yet he was brought by his own conscience to
such a wretched and miserable state that he long delayed coming to
Italy, and entered the city by night, and for a considerable number of
days did not dare to appear outside of his house. For the complaints
were many and he had an abundance of accusers. First, then, he was
tried for the restoration of Ptolemy, as his greatest offence.
Practically the whole populace surged into the court-house and often
wished to tear him to pieces, particularly because Pompey was not
present and Cicero accused him with all the force of his oratory. And
yet, though this was their attitude, he was acquitted. For not only he
himself, appreciating the gravity of the charges on which he was being
tried, spent vast sums of money, but the associates of Pompey and
Caesar also very willingly aided him, declaring that a different time
and different king were meant by the Sibyl, and, most important of all,
that no punishment for his deeds was contained in her verses.
The people accordingly were almost for putting the jurymen to death
also, but, when they escaped, turned their attention to the remaining
charges against him and cause him to be convicted on those at any rate.
For the men who were chosen by lot to pass judgment on the charges both
feared the people and likewise obtained but little from Gabinius; for
he felt that he was being brought to book for minor matters only, and
expecting to win this time also, he did not spend much. Hence they
condemned him, even though Pompey was near at hand and Cicero acted as
his counsel. For Pompey had been away from the city to provide for a
supply of corn, since much had been ruined by the river, but hastened
back to be present at the first trial (for he was in Italy); and when
he missed that, he did not retire from the suburbs until the other also
was finished. In fact when the people assembled outside the pomerium
(since, as he already held the office of proconsul, he was not allowed
to enter the city), he addressed them at length in behalf of Gabinius,
and not only read to them a letter sent to him by Caesar in the man's
behalf, but also besought the jurymen, and not only prevented Cicero
from accusing him again but actually persuaded him to plead for him; as
a result the charge and epithet of "turn-coat" was applied to the
orator more than ever. Gabinius, however, was not helped at all by
Cicero, but was now convicted and exiled, as I have stated, though he
was later restored by Caesar.
At this same time the wife of Pompey died, after giving birth to a baby
girl. And whether by the arrangement of his friends and Caesar's or
because there were some who wished in any case to do them a favour,
they caught up the body, as soon as she had received proper eulogies in
the Forum, and buried it in the Campus Martius. It was in vain that
Domitius opposed them and declared among other things that it was
sacrilegious for her to be buried in the sacred spot without a special
decree.
At this time Gaius Pomptinus celebrated a triumph over the Gauls for as
no one granted him the right to hold it, he had up to that time
remained outside the pomerium. And he would have missed it then, too,
had not Servius Galba, a praetor, who had made the campaign with him,
granted as praetor to certain persons secretly and just before dawn the
privilege of voting — this, in spite of the fact that it is not
permitted by law for any business to be brought before the people
before the first hour. For this reason some of the tribunes, who had
been left out of the assembly, caused him trouble in the procession, at
any rate, so that there was some bloodshed.
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