Cassius Dio
Roman History
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Book XLI
The following is contained in the Forty-first of Dio's Rome:—
1. How Caesar came into Italy, and how Pompey, leaving it, sailed
across to Macedonia (chaps. 1-14).
2. How Caesar subjugated Spain (chaps. 18-25).
3. How Caesar sailed across to Macedonia to encounter Pompey (chaps.
39, 44-46).
4. How Caesar and Pompey fought around Dyrrachium (chaps. 47-51).
5. How Caesar conquered Pompey at Pharsalus (chaps. 52-63).
Duration of time, two years, in which there were the magistrates
(consuls) here enumerated:—
B.C.
49
L. Cornelius P. F. Lentulus, C. Claudius M. F.
Marcellus.
48
C. Iulius C. F. Caesar (II), P. Servilius P. F.
Isauricus.
After taking this course at that time, Curio later came to Rome on the
very first day of the month on which Cornelius Lentulus and Gaius
Claudius entered upon office, bringing a letter from Caesar to the
senate; and he did not give it to the consuls until they reached the
senate-house, for fear that if they received it outside they might
suppress it. Even as it was, they waited a long time, in their
unwillingness to read it, but at last they were compelled by Quintus
Cassius Longinus and Mark Antony, who were tribunes, to make it public.
Now Antony for the service he then rendered Caesar in this matter was
destined to be well repaid and to be raised himself to great honours.
As to the letter, it contained a list of all the benefits which Caesar
had ever conferred upon the state and a defence of the charges which
were brought against him. He promised to disband his legions and give
up his office if Pompey would also do the same; for while the latter
bore arms it was not right, he claimed, that he should be compelled to
give up his and so be exposed to his enemies. The vote on this
proposition was not taken individually, lest the senators through some
sense of shame or fear should vote contrary to their true opinions; but
it was done by their taking their stand on this or on that side of the
senate-chamber. No one voted that Pompey should give up his arms, since
he had his troops in the suburbs; but all, except one Marcus Caelius
and Curio, who had brought his letter, voted that Caesar must do so. Of
the tribunes I make no mention, since they did not consider it at all
necessary to take part in the division; for they had the privilege of
offering an opinion or not, as they saw fit. This, then, was the
decision reached; but Antony and Longinus did not allows any part of it
to be ratified either on that day or the next. The rest, indignant at
this, voted to change their apparel, but this measure, also, through
the opposition of the same men, failed to be ratified. The senate's
decision, however, was recorded and put into effect; for all
straightway left the senate-house, and changed their dress, then came
in again and proceeded to deliberate about punishing the tribunes. The
latter, observing this, at first resisted, but later became afraid,
especially when Lentulus advised them to get out of the way before the
vote should be taken. They offered many remarks and protestations and
then set out with Curio and with Caelius to go to Caesar, little
concerned at being expelled from the senate. This, then, was the
decision reached at that time; and the care of the city was committed
to the consuls and to the other magistrates, as was the custom.
Afterward the senators went outside the pomerium to Pompey himself,
declared that there was a state of disorder, and delivered to him both
the funds and the troops. And they voted that Caesar should surrender
his office to his successors and dismiss his legions by a given day, or
else be considered an enemy, because acting contrary to the interests
of the country.
When Caesar was informed of this, he came to Ariminum, then for the
first time overstepping the confines of his own province, and after
assembling his soldiers he ordered Curio and the others who had come
with him to relate to them what had been done. After this was over he
further aroused them by adding such words as the occasion demanded.
Next he set out and marched straight upon Rome itself, winning over all
the cities on the way without any conflict, since the garrisons either
abandoned them, because they were powerless to resist, or preferred his
cause. Pompey, perceiving this, became afraid, especially when he
learned all his rival's intentions from Labienus; for this officer had
abandoned Caesar and deserted to the other side, and he announced all
Caesar's secrets to Pompey. One might feel surprise, now, that after
having always been most highly honoured by Caesar to the extent even of
commanding all the legions beyond the Alps whenever the proconsul was
in Italy, he should have done this. The reason was that when he had
acquired wealth and fame he began to conduct himself more haughtily
than his rank warranted, and Caesar, seeing that he put himself on the
same level with his superior, ceased to be so fond of him. And so, as
Labienus could not endure this change and was at the same time afraid
of coming to some harm, he transferred his allegiance.
Pompey, because of what was told him about Caesar and because he had
not yet prepared a force sufficient to cope with him, changed his
plans; for he saw that the people in the city, in fact the very members
of his party, even more than the rest, shrank from the war through
remembrance of the deeds of Marius and Sulla and wished to be delivered
from it. Therefore he sent to Caesar, as envoys, Lucius Caesar, a
relative of his, and Lucius Roscius, a praetor, both of whom
volunteered for the service, to see if he could avoid his attack in
some way and then reach an agreement with him on reasonable terms. The
other replied to the same effect as in the letter which he had sent,
and said that he, too, wished to have a conference with Pompey; but the
multitude was not pleased to hear this, fearing that some measures
might be concerted against them. When, however, the envoys said many
things in praise of Caesar, and ended up by promising that no one
should suffer any harm at his hands and that the legions should
immediately be disbanded, they were pleased and sent the same envoys to
him again, and they kept shouting out everywhere and always their
demand that both leaders should lay down their arms at the same time.
Pompey was frightened at this, knowing well that he would be far
inferior to Caesar if they should both put themselves in the power of
the people, and accordingly set out for Campania before the envoys
returned, with the idea that he could more easily carry on war there.
He also commanded the whole senate together with the magistrates to
accompany him, granting them permission for their absence by a decree,
and announcing to them that he would regard anyone who remained behind
in exactly the same light as those who were working against him.
Furthermore he ordered them to decree that public moneys and the votive
offering in the city should all be seized, hoping that by using them he
could get together a vast number of soldiers. For practically all the
cities of Italy felt such friendliness for him that when, a short time
before, they had heard he was dangerously ill, they had vowed to offer
public sacrifices for his safety. That this was a great and brilliant
honour which they bestowed upon him no one would deny, since there has
been no one else in whose behalf such a vote was ever passed, except
those who in after times received absolute power; still they inspired
him with no sure confidence that they would not abandon him through
fear of one stronger. The recommendation about the moneys and the
votive offerings was granted, but neither of them was touched; for,
having ascertained meanwhile that Caesar's answer to the envoys had not
been at all conciliatory and that he had furthermore reproached them
with having made some false statements about him, also that his
soldiers were many and bold and liable to do any kind of mischief,—
just the sort of reports, exaggerating the danger, as are usually made
about such matters,— the senators became frightened and hastily took
their departure before they could lay hands on any of the treasures.
Accordingly their removal was equally tumultuous and confused in all
other respects. For the departing citizens, practically all of whom
were the foremost men of the senate and of the knights, to say nothing
of the populace, while nominally setting out for war, were in reality
undergoing the experiences of captives. For they were compelled to
abandon their country and their pursuits there, and to consider foreign
walls more friendly than their own, and consequently they were terribly
distressed. Such as were removing with their entire households said
farewell to the temples and to their homes and to the soil of their
ancestors, with the feeling that these would straightway become the
property of their opponents; and as for themselves, not being ignorant
of Pompey's purpose, they had the intention, if they really survived,
of establishing themselves in Macedonia and Thrace. Those who were
leaving behind on the spot their children and wives and all their other
dearest treasures gave the impression, indeed, of having some little
hope of their country, but in reality were in a much worse plight than
the others, since they were being separated from all that was dearest
to them and were exposing themselves to a double and most contradictory
fate. For in delivering their nearest interests to the power of their
bitterest foes they were destined, in case they played the coward, to
be in danger themselves, and in case they showed zeal, to be deprived
of those left behind; moreover, they would find a friend in neither
rival, but an enemy in both — in Caesar because they themselves had not
remained behind, and in Pompey because they had not taken everything
with them. Hence they were divided in their minds, in their prayers,
and in their hopes; in body they were being sundered from those nearest
to them, and their souls were cleft in twain.
These were the feelings of the departing throng. The ones left behind
were experiencing different, but equally painful emotions. Those who
were being sundered from their relatives, being thus deprived of their
guardians and quite unable to defend themselves, exposed to the war and
about to be in the power of him who should make himself master of the
city, not only were distressed themselves by the fear of outrages and
of murders, as if these were already taking place, but they also either
invoked the same fate against those departing, through anger at being
deserted, or, condoning their action because of their necessity, feared
that the same fate would befall them. All the rest of the populace,
even if they did not have the least kinship with those departing, were
nevertheless grieved at their fate, some expecting that their
neighbours, and others that their comrades, would go far away from them
and do and suffer many dreadful things. But most of all they bewailed
their own lot as they beheld the magistrates and the senate and all the
others who had any power — they were not sure, indeed, whether any of
them would be left behind — quitting their country and them. They
reflected how those men would never have wished to flee, had not many
altogether dreadful calamities fastened themselves upon the state; and
as for themselves, being now bereft of rulers and bereft of allies,
they seemed in all respects like orphaned children and widowed wives.
Expecting to be the first to experience the wrath and the lust of the
approaching foes, and remembering their former sufferings, some by
experience and others by hearing from the victims all the outrages that
Marius and Sulla had committed, they did not look for any moderate
treatment from Caesar, either. On the contrary, inasmuch as the larger
part of his army consisted of barbarians, they expected that their
misfortunes would be far greater in neighbour and more terrible than
the former ones.
Since, then, all of them were in this state, and no one except those
who thought they were good friends of Caesar made light of the
situation, and even they, in view of the change of character which most
men undergo according to their circumstances, had not the courage of
confident assurance, it is not easy to conceive what confusion and what
grief prevailed at the departure of the consuls and those who set out
with them. All night they made an uproar with their packing and running
to and fresco, and toward dawn great sadness came upon them all at the
various temples, as they went about offering prayer on every side. They
invoked the gods, kissed the ground, and lamented as often as they
enumerated the perils which they had survived, and recalled that they
were leaving their country, a thing they had never brought themselves
to do before. Around the gates, too, there was much lamenting. Some
took fond leave at once of each other and of the city, as if they were
beholding them for the last time; others bewailed their own lot and
joined their prayer to those of the departing, while the majority
uttered curses, on the ground that they were being betrayed. For all
who were to remain behind were there, too, with all the women and
children. Then the one group set out on their way and the other
escorted them. Some interposed delays and were detained by their
acquaintances; others embraced and clung to each other for a long time.
Those who were to remain accompanied those who set out, calling after
them and expressing their sympathy, while with appeals to Heaven they
besought them to take them, too, or to remain at home themselves.
Meanwhile there was much wailing over each other of the exiles, even
from outsiders, and tears without restraint. For they were anything but
hopeful, in such circumstances, of a change for the better; it was
rather suffering that was expected, first by those who were left, and
later by those who were departing. Any one who saw them would have
supposed that two peoples and two cities were being made from one and
that the one group was being driven out and was going into exile, while
the other was being left to its fate and taken captive.
Pompey thus left the city, taking many of the senators with him,
although some remained behind, either being attached to Caesar's cause
or maintaining a neutral attitude toward the two. He hastily raised
levies from the cities, collected money, and sent garrisons to each
point. Caesar, when he learned of these moves, did not hurry to Rome;
for the capital, he knew, lay as a prize before the victors, and he
claimed to be marching, not against that place as hostile to him, but
rather against his political opponents in its defence. And he sent
letters throughout all Italy in which he challenged Pompey to some kind
of trial, and encouraged the others to be of good cheer, bade them
remain in their places, and made them many promises. He set out next
against Corfinium, because this place, being occupied by Lucius
Domitius, would not join his cause, and after conquering in battle a
few who met him he shut up the rest and besieged them. Now Pompey,
inasmuch as these followers were being besieged and many of the others
were falling away to Caesar, had no further hope of Italy, and resolved
to cross over into Macedonia, Greece, and Asia. For he derived much
encouragement from the remembrance of what he had achieved there and
from the friendship of the peoples and the kings. Spain, to be sure,
was likewise wholly devoted to him, but he could not reach it safely,
since Caesar held both the Gauls. Moreover he calculated that if he
should sail away, no one would pursue him on account of the lack of
ships and on account of the winter, as the autumn was now far advanced;
and meanwhile he would be amassing at leisure both money and troops,
partly from the Roman subjects and partly from their allies. With this
purpose, therefore, he himself set out for Brundisium and bade Domitius
abandon Corfinium and accompany him. And Domitius, in spite of the
large force that he had and the hopes he reposed in it, inasmuch as he
had courted the favour of the soldiers in every way and had won them
over by promises of land (as one of Sulla's veterans he had acquired a
large amount under that régime), nevertheless obeyed orders. He,
accordingly, was making preparations to evacuate the town with some
degree of safety; but his associates, when they learned of it, shrank
from the journey abroad, and they attached themselves to Caesar. So
these joined the invader's army, but Domitius and the other senators,
after being censured by Caesar for arraying themselves against him,
were allowed to go and came to Pompey.
Caesar, accordingly, was anxious to join issue with Pompey before he
could sail away and to fight out the war in Italy, if he could but
overtake his adversary while he was still at Brundisium; for since
there were not sufficient ships for all, Pompey had sent ahead the
consuls and others, fearing that they might begin some rebellion if
they remained there. Caesar, seeing the difficulty of capturing the
place, urged his opponent to come to some agreement, assuring him that
he should obtain both peace and friendship again. When Pompey replied
merely that he would communicate to the consuls what Caesar said, the
latter, inasmuch as those officials had decided to receive no citizen
in arms for a conference, assaulted the city. Pompey repelled him for
some days until the ships returned; and having meanwhile barricaded and
obstructed the streets leading to the harbour, so that no one should
attack him as he was sailing forth, he then put out by night. Thus he
crossed over to Macedonia in safety, and Brundisium was captured along
with two ships full of men.
So Pompey in this way deserted his country and the rest of Italy,
choosing and carrying out quite the opposite of his former course, when
he had sailed back to it from Asia; hence he gained the opposite
fortune and reputation. For, whereas formerly he had at once dismissed
his legions at Brundisium, so as not to cause the citizens any anxiety,
he was now leading away through that town other forces gathered from
Italy to fight against them; and whereas he had brought the wealth of
the barbarians to Rome, he now carried away from it all that he could
to other places. Of all the citizens at home he despaired, but proposed
to use against his country foreigners and the allies once enslaved by
him; and he placed in them far more hope both of safety and of power
than in those whom he had benefited. Instead of the brilliance,
therefore, acquired in those wars, which had marked his arrival, he
departed with humiliation as his portion because of his fear of Caesar;
and instead of the fame which he had gained for exalting his country,
he became most infamous for his desertion of her.
Now at the very moment of coming to land at Dyrrachium he learned that
he should not obtain a prosperous outcome. For thunderbolts destroyed
some soldiers even as the ships were approaching; spiders occupied the
army standards; and after he had left the vessel serpents followed and
obliterated his footprints. These were the portents which came to him
personally, but for the whole capital others had occurred both that
year and a short time previously; for there is no doubt that in civil
wars the state is injured by both parties. Hence many wolves and owls
were seen in the city itself and continual earthquakes with bellowings
took place, fire darted across from the west to the east, and another
fire consumed the temple of Quirinus as well as of the buildings. The
sun, too, suffered a total eclipse, and thunderbolts damaged a sceptre
of Jupiter and a shield and a helmet of Mars that were votive offerings
on the Capitol, and likewise the tables which contained the laws. Many
animals brought forth creatures outside of their own species, some
oracles purporting to be those of the Sibyl were made known, and some
men became inspired and uttered numerous divinations. No prefect of the
city was chosen for the Feriae, as had been the the custom, but the
praetors, at least according to some accounts, period all his duties;
others, however, say they did this in the following year. That, to be
sure, was an occurrence that happened again; but at this time Perperna,
who had once been censor with Philippus, died, being the last, as I
have stated, of all the senators who had been alive in his censorship.
This event, too, seemed to portend some political change. Now the
people were naturally disturbed at the portents, but as both sides
thought and hoped that the calamities would all light on their
opponents, they offered no expiatory sacrifices.
Caesar did not even attempt to sail to Macedonia at this time, because
he was short of ships and was anxious about Italy, fearing that the
lieutenants of Pompey might assail it from Spain and occupy it; but
putting Brundisium under guard, so that no one of those who had
departed should sail back again, he then proceeded to Rome. There the
senate had been assembled for him outside the pomerium by Antony and
Longinus; for though they had once been expelled from that body they
now convened it. He accordingly delivered a speech of some length and
of a temperate character, so that they might feel good-will toward him
for the time being and also excellent hope for the future. For as soon
as he saw that they were displeased at what was going on and suspicious
of the multitude of soldiers, he wished to encourage and tame them, so
to speak, in order that quiet might prevail at least in their quarter
until he should bring the war to an end. He therefore censured no one
and made no threat against anyone, but delivered an attack, not without
imprecations, upon those who chose to war upon citizens, and at last
proposed that envoys be sent immediately to the consuls and to Pompey
to treat for peace and harmony. He made these same statements also to
the populace, when that body had likewise assembled outside the
pomerium; and he sent for grain from the islands, and promised to give
each citizen three hundred sesterces. He hoped to tempt them with this
bait; but the men reflected that those who are pursuing certain ends
and those who have attained them do not think or act alike, but at the
beginning of their undertakings they offer every conceivable
gratification to such as are in a position to work against them in any
way, whereas, when they succeed in what they wish, they remember none
of their promises and use against those very persons the power which
they have received from them. Recalling also the behaviour of Marius
and Sulla,— how many benevolent phrases they had often addressed to
them and then what treatment they had accorded them in return for their
services,— and furthermore perceiving Caesar's need and seeing that his
armed forces were many and were everywhere in the city, they were
unable either to trust his words or to be cheered by them. On the
contrary, as they had fresh in their memory the fear caused by former
events, they suspected him also, particularly since the envoys who were
to effect the "reconciliation," as he termed it, did not set out after
being chosen; indicate, Piso, his father-in-law, was once called to
account for so much as referring to them. And far from receiving at
that time the money which he had promised them, the people had to give
him all the rest that remained in the treasury for the support of his
soldiers, whom they feared. In honour of all these things, as if they
were propitious events, the citizens changed back to the garb of peace,
which up to this time they had not resumed. Now Lucius Metellus, a
tribune, opposed the proposition about the money, and when his efforts
proved unavailing, he went to the treasury and kept guard at the doors.
But the soldiers, paying little heed to the guard he kept or, I
imagine, to his outspokenness either, cut the bolt in two (for the
consuls had the key, just as if it were not possible for persons to use
axes in place of it!) and carried off all the money. In the case of
Caesar's other projects also, as I have often stated, he both brought
them to vote and carried them out in the same fashion, under the name
of democracy, inasmuch as the majority of them were introduced by
Antony, but with the substance of despotism. Both Caesar and Pompey
called their opponents enemies of their country and declared that they
themselves were fighting for the public interests, whereas each alike
was really ruining those interests and advancing merely his own private
needs.
After taking these steps Caesar occupied Sardinia and Sicily without a
contest, as the governors who were there at the time withdrew.
Aristobulus he sent home to Palestine to accomplish something against
Pompey. He also allowed the sons of those who had been proscribed by
Sulla to canvass for office, and arranged everything else both in the
city and in the rest of Italy to his own best advantage, so far as
circumstances permitted. Affairs at home he now committed to Antony's
care, while he himself set out for Spain, which was strongly favouring
the side of Pompey and causing Caesar some fear that it might induce
the Gauls also to revolt. Meanwhile Cicero and other senators, without
even appearing before Caesar, retired to join Pompey, since they
believed he had more justice on his side and would conquer in the war.
For not only the consuls, before they had set sail, but Pompey also,
under the authority he had as proconsul, had ordered them all to
accompany him to Thessalonica, on the ground that the capital was held
by enemies and that they themselves were the senate and would maintain
the form of the government wherever they should be. For this reason
most of the senators and the knights joined them, some of them at once,
and others later, and likewise all the cities that were not
coërced by Caesar's armed forces.
Now the Massaliots, alone of the peoples living in Gaul, did not
coöperate with Caesar, and did not receive him into their city,
but gave him a noteworthy answer. They said that they were allies of
the Roman people and felt friendly towards both sides, and that they
were neither intermeddling at all nor in a position to decide which of
the two was in the wrong; consequently, in case they were approached in
a friendly manner, they would receive them both, they said, without
their arms, but if it were a question of making war, neither of them.
On being subjected to a siege they not only repulsed Caesar himself but
held out for a very long time against Trebonius and Decimus Brutus, who
besieged them later. For Caesar had persisted in his attempt for some
time, thinking to capture them easily, and regarding it as absurd that
after vanquishing Rome without a battle he was not received by the
Massaliots; but when they continued to hold out, he left them to care
of others and himself hastened into Spain.
He had sent Gaius Fabius thither, but fearing the other would fail
while contending by himself, he, too, made a campaign. Afranius and
Petreius at this time had charge of affairs in the vicinity of the
Iberus and had even posted a guard over the pass in the mountains, but
in the main they had gathered their forces at Ilerda and there awaited
the invaders. Fabius overcame the garrison upon the Pyrenees, but as he
was crossing the river Sicoris the enemy fell upon him suddenly and
killed many of his men who were cut off; for the bridge collapsed
before all had crossed and thus proved of the greatest assistance to
the foes. When Caesar came up, not long afterward, he crossed the river
by another bridge and challenged them to battle; but for a great many
days they did not dare to try conclusions with him, but remained
quietly encamped opposite him. Encouraged thereby, he undertook to
seize the ground between their entrenchments and the city, as it was a
strong position, with the intention of shutting them off from the
walls. Afranius and his followers, on perceiving this, occupied the
place first, repulsed their assailants, and pursued them when they
fled. Then, when others came out against them from the camp, they at
first withstood them, then yielded purposely, and so lured them into
positions which were favourable to themselves, where they slew many
more of them. In consequence of this they took courage, attacked their
opponents' foraging parties and harassed those who were scattered. And
on one occasion when some soldiers had crossed to the other side of the
river and meanwhile a great storm had come up and destroyed the bridge
which they had used, they crossed over after them by the other bridge,
which was near the city, and destroyed them all, since no one was able
to come to their assistance.
Caesar, when things were taking this course, fell into desperate
straits; for none of his allies rendered him assistance, since his
opponents met and annihilated the separate forces as often as they
heard that any were approaching, and it was with difficulty that he
managed to obtain provisions, inasmuch as he was in a hostile territory
and unsuccessful in his operations. The Romans at home, when they
learned of this, renounced all hope of him, believing that he could
hold out but a short time longer, and began to fall away to Pompey; and
some few senators and others set out to join the latter even then. But
just at this time the Massaliots were defeated in a naval battle by
Brutus owing to the size of his ships and the strength of his marines,
although they had Domitius as an ally and surpassed in their experience
of naval affairs; and after this they were shut off completely. But for
this nothing would have prevented Caesar's projects from being ruined.
As it was, however, the victory was announced to the Spaniards with so
much intentional exaggeration that it led some of them to change and
take the side of Caesar. When he had obtained these adherents, he
secured plenty of food, constructed bridges, harassed his opponents,
and on one occasion intercepted suddenly a large number of them who
were wandering about the country and destroyed them.
Afranius was disheartened at these reverses, and seeing that affairs in
Ilerda were not safe or satisfactory for a prolonged stay, he
determined to retire to the Iberus and to the cities there. He set out
on the journey by night, intending to elude the enemy's notice or at
least get the start of them. And though his departure did not remain
undiscovered, yet he was not immediately pursued, for Caesar did not
think it safe in the darkness and with men ignorant of the country to
follow up an enemy that was well acquainted with it. When day dawned,
however, he hastened forward, and, overtaking them in the middle of
their journey, he suddenly surrounded them on all sides at a distance;
for he was much superior in numbers and found the bowl-shaped character
of the reign a help. For he did not wish to come to close quarters with
the enemy, partly because he was afraid that they might become
desperate and carry out some rash undertaking, and partly because he
hoped to win them over anyway without a conflict. This actually
happened. They first tried to break through at many points, but were
unable to do so anywhere, and became exhausted from this attempt as
well as from loss of sleep and from their march; furthermore, they had
no food, since, expecting to finish their journey the same day, they
had brought none along, and they were also without sufficient water,
inasmuch as that region is terribly dry. They accordingly surrendered,
on condition that they should not be harshly treated nor compelled to
join his expedition against Pompey. Caesar kept each of his promises to
them scrupulously. He did not put to death a single man captured in
this war, in spite of the fact that his foes had once, during a truce,
destroyed some of his own men who were caught off their guard; and he
did not force them to fight against Pompey, but released the most
prominent and employed the rest as allies who were willing to serve for
the gains and honours in prospect. By this course both his reputation
and his cause profited not a little; for he won over all the cities in
Spain and all the soldiers there, a considerable number of whom were
with Marcus Terentius Varro, the lieutenant, besides others in Baetica.
So, taking charge of these and arranging their affairs, he advanced as
far as Gades, injuring no one at all except in so far as the exacting
of money was concerned; for of this he levied very large sums. Many of
the natives he honoured both privately and publicly, and to all the
people of Gades he granted citizenship, which the people of Rome later
confirmed to them. This kindness he did them in return for the dream he
had seen at the time he was quaestor there, wherein he had seemed to
have intercourse with his mother; it was this dream that had given him
the hope of sole rulership, as I have stated. Having done this, he
assigned that nation to Cassius Longinus, because the latter was
familiar with the inhabitants from his quaestorship which he had served
under Pompey; and he himself proceeded by ship to Tarraco. Thence he
adv c across the Pyrenees, but did not set up any trophy on their
summits, because he understood that Pompey had gained no good name for
so doing; but he erected a great altar constructed of polished stones
not far from his rival's trophies.
While this was going on, the Massaliots hazarded another conflict after
ships had again been sent them by Pompey. They were defeated on this
occasion also, and yet held out, even though they learned that Caesar
was already master of Spain. They not only vigorously repulsed all
attacks but also, after arranging a kind of armistice, on the plea that
they were going over to Caesar, when he should come, sent Domitius out
of the harbour secretly and caused such injuries to the soldiers who
had attacked them by night in the midst of the truce, that these
ventured to make no further attempts. With Caesar himself, however,
they made terms upon his arrival; and he at that time deprived them of
their arms, ships, and money, and later of everything else except the
name of freedom. To offset this misfortune Phocaea, their mother city,
was made free by Pompey.
At Placentia some soldiers mutinied and refused to accompany Caesar
longer, on the pretext that they were exhausted, but really because he
did not allow them to plunder the country nor to do all the other
things on which their minds were set; for their hope was to obtain from
him anything and everything, inasmuch as he stood in so great need of
them. Yet he did not yield, but, with a view to being safe from them
and in order that after listening to his words and seeing the guilty
punished they should feel no desire to transgress the established
rules, he called together both the mutinous men and the others, and
spoke as follows:
"Soldiers, I desire to have your affection, and still I should not
choose on that account to share in your errors. I am fond of you and
could wish, as a father might for his children, that you may be safe,
prosperous, and have a good reputation. For do not suppose it is the
duty of one who loves to acquiesce in things which ought not to be done
and for which it is quite inevitable that dangers and ill-repute should
fall to the lot of those who do them, but rather to teach them the
better way and keep them from the worse, both by admonishing and by
correcting them. You will recognize that I speak the truth, if you will
not estimate advantage with reference to the pleasure of the moment but
rather with reference to what is permanently beneficial, and if you
will avoid thinking that gratifying your desires is more noble than
restraining them. For it is disgraceful to take a momentary
gratification of which you must later repent, and it is absurd after
conquering the enemy to be over come yourselves by pleasures.
"Why now do I say this? Because although you have provisions in
abundance,— I am going to speak frankly and without disguise: you get
your pay in full and in season and you are always and everywhere
supplied with food in plenty,— and although you endure no inglorious
toil nor useless danger, and furthermore reap many great rewards for
your bravery and are rebuked little, if at all, for your errors, yet
you do not see fit to be satisfied with these things. I say this, now,
not to all of you, for you are not all like this, but only to those who
by their own greed are casting reproach on the rest. Most of you obey
my orders very scrupulously and satisfactorily and abide by your
ancestral customs, and in that way have acquired so much land as well
as wealth and glory; but some few are bringing much disgrace and
dishonour upon us. And yet, though I understood clearly before this
that they were that sort of persons,— for there is none of your
concerns that I fail to notice,— still I pretended not to know it,
thinking that they would reform if they believed they would not be
observed in some of their evil deeds, through the fear that if ever
they presumed too far they might be punished also for the deeds which
had been pardoned them. Since, however, they themselves, assuming that
they may do whatever they wish because they were not brought to book at
the very outset, wax overbold, and are trying to make the rest of you,
who are guilty of no irregularity, mutinous likewise, it becomes
necessary for me to devote some care to them and to give them my
attention. For no society of men whatever can preserve its unity and
continue to exist, if the criminal element is not punished, since, if
the diseased member does not receive proper treatment, it causes all
the rest, even as in our physical bodies, to share in its affliction.
And least of all in armies can discipline be relaxed, because when the
wrong-doers have power they become more daring, and corrupt the
excellent also by causing them to grow dejected and to believe that
they will obtain no benefit from right behaviour. For wherever the
insolent element has the advantage, there inevitably the decent element
has the worst of it; and wherever wrong-doing is unpunished, there
self-restraint also goes unrewarded. What merit, indeed, could you
claim, if these men are doing no wrong? And how could you reasonably
desire to be honoured, if these men do not meet with their just
punishment? Or are you not aware that if the one class is freed from
the fear of retribution and the other is deprived of the hope of
reward, no good is accomplished, but only countless ills? Hence, if you
are really cultivating excellence, you should detest these men as
enemies. For it is not by any characteristic of birth that what is
friendly is distinguished from what is hostile, but it is determined by
men's habits and actions, which, if they are good, can make that which
is alien like unto itself, but if bad, can alienate everything, even
that which is akin. And you should speak in your own defence, because
by the behaviour these few we must all gain a bad name, even if we have
done no wrong. For every one who learns of our numbers and impetuosity
refers the errors of the few to us all; and thus, though we do not
share in their gains, we bear an equal share of the reproach. Who would
not be indignant at hearing that while we have the name of Romans we do
the deeds of Germans? Who would not lament the sight of Italy ravaged
like Britain? Is it not outrageous that we are no longer harrying the
possessions of the Gauls whom we have subdued, but are devastating the
lands south of the Alps, as if we were hordes of Epirots or
Carthaginians or Cimbri? Is it not disgraceful for us to give ourselves
airs and say that we were the first of the Romans to cross the Rhine
and to sail the ocean, and then to plunder our native land, which is
safe from harm at the hands of our foes, and to receive blame instead
of praise, dishonour in place of honour, less instead of gain,
punishment instead of prizes?
"Do not think, now, that, because you are soldiers, that makes you
better than the citizens at home; for you and they alike are Romans,
and they, as well as you, both have been and will be soldiers. Nor
think, again, that because you have arms, it is permitted you to injure
others; for the laws have more authority than you, and some day you
will certainly lay down these weapons. Do not rely on your numbers,
either; for the injured are, if they but unite, far more numerous than
you. And they will unite, if you go on doing such deeds. Do not,
because you have conquered the barbarians, despise the citizens also,
over whom you have not the slightest superiority either in birth or in
education, in training or in customs. Instead, as is proper and
advantageous for you, do no violence or wrong to any of them, but
receive your provisions from them of their own free will and accept
your rewards from their willing hands.
"In addition to what I have just said and other considerations that
might be mentioned if one chose to enlarge upon such matters, you must
also bear in mind that fat that we have now come here to assist our
outraged country and to defend her against her oppressors. For, of
course, if she were in no danger, we should neither have come into
Italy under arms, since this is unlawful, nor should we have left
unfinished our business with the Germans and the Britons, when we might
have subjugated those regions also. Would it not be absurd, then, if we
who are here for vengeance upon the wrong-doers should show ourselves
no less greedy of gain than they? Would it not be outrageous if we who
have arrived to aid our country should force her to require other
allies against us? And yet I think my claims so much better justified
than Pompey's that I have often challenged him to a judicial trial; and
since he by reason of his guilty conscience has refused to have the
matter decided peaceably, I hope by this act of his to attach the whole
people and all the allies to my cause. But now, if we are going to act
in this manner, I shall not have any decent excuse to offer nor be able
to charge my opponents with any unbecoming conduct. We must also pay
all heed to the justice of our case; for with this the strength
afforded by arms is full of hope, but without it that strength, even
though for the moment it wins a success, has nothing enduring about it.
"That this is true in the nature of things most of you understand; at
any rate you fulfil all your duties without urging. That is precisely
why I have called you together, to make you witnesses as well as
spectators of my words and deeds. But you are not the sort of men I
have been mentioning, and it is for this very reason that you receive
praise; yet you observe how some few of you, in addition to having
worked many injuries without suffering any penalty at all for them, are
also threatening us. Now I do not believe it a good thing in any case
for a ruler to be overridden by his subjects, nor do I believe there
could ever be any safety if those appointed to obey a person attempted
to get the better of him. Consider what sort of order would exist in a
household if the young should despise their elders, or what order in
schools if the scholars should pay no heed to their instructors! What
health would there be for the sick if the afflicted should not obey
their physicians in all points, or what safety for voyagers if the
sailors should turn a deaf ear to their captains? Indeed, it is in
accordance with a natural law, both necessary and salutary, that the
principle of ruling and of being ruled have been placed among men, and
without them it is impossible for anything at all to continue to exist
for even the shortest time. Now it is the duty of the one stationed
over another both to discover and to command what is requisite, and it
is the duty of the one subject to authority to obey with questioning
and to carry out his orders. It is for this reason in particular that
prudence is everywhere honoured above folly and understanding above
ignorance.
"Since these things are so, I will never yield aught to these brawlers
under compulsion nor give them a free rein perforce. Why am I sprung
from Aeneas and Iulus, why have I been praetor, why consul, for what
end have I brought some of you out from home and levied others of you
later, for what end have I received and held the proconsular power now
for so long a time, if I am to be a slave to some one of you and to be
worsted by some one of you here in Italy, close to Rome, I, to whom you
owe your subjugation of the Gauls and your conquest of Britain? In fear
or dead of what should I do so? That some one of you will kill me? Nay,
but if you were all of this mind, I would voluntarily choose to die
rather than destroy the dignity of my position as commander or lose the
self-respect befitting my leadership. For a far greater danger than the
unjust death of one man confronts the city, if the soldiers are to
become accustomed to issue orders to their generals and to take the
prerogatives of the law into their own hands. No one of them, however,
has so much as made this threat; if any had, I am sure he would have
been slain forthwith by the rest of you. But they are for withdrawing
from the campaign on the pretence of being wearied, and are for laying
down their arms on the pretence of being worn out; and certainly, if
they do not obtain my consent to this wish of theirs, they will leave
the ranks and go over to Pompey, a fact which some of them make
perfectly evident. And yet who would not be glad to be rid of such men,
and who would not pray that such soldiers might belong to Pompey,
seeing that they are not content with what is given them and are not
obedient to orders, but simulating old age in the midst of youth and in
strength simulating weakness, they claim the right to lord it over
their rulers and to tyrannize over their leaders? Why, I had a thousand
times rather be reconciled with Pompey on any terms whatever or suffer
any other conceivable fate than do anything unworthy of the proud
traditions of my fathers, or of my own principles. Or are you not aware
that it is not sovereignty or gain that I desire, and that I am not so
bent upon accomplishing any thing by every means at whatever cost and
that I would lie and flatter and fawn upon people to this end? Give up
your service, therefore, you — O what can I call you? Yet it shall be,
not as you yourselves desire and say, but as is profitable for the
republic and for myself."
After this speech he distributed lots among them for the infliction of
the death penalty, and executed the most audacious; for these, as he
had arranged should be the case, drew the lots. The rest he dismissed,
saying he had no further need of them.
So they repented of what they had done and were ready to renew the
campaign. While he was still on the way Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, the
man who later became a member of the triumvirate, advised the people in
his capacity of praetor to elect Caesar dictator, and immediately named
him, contrary to ancestral custom. The later accepted the office as
soon as he entered the city, but committed no act of terror while
holding it. On the contrary, he granted a return to all the exiles
except Milo, and filled the offices for the ensuing year; for up to
that time they had chosen no one temporarily in place of the absentees,
and since there was no aedile in the city, the tribunes were performing
all the duties devolving upon those officials. Moreover he appointed
priests in place of those who had perished, though he did not observe
all the ceremonies that were customary in their case at such a
juncture; and to the Gauls living south of the Alps and beyond the Po
he gave citizenship because he had once governed them. After
accomplishing these things he resigned the title of dictator, since he
had quite all the authority and functions of the position constantly in
his grasp. For he exercised the power afforded by arms, and also
received in addition a quasi-legal authority from the senate that was
on the spot, in that he was granted permission to do with impunity
whatever he might wish.
Having obtained this, he at once instituted an important and necessary
reform. Those who had lent money, it seems, being now in need of large
sums because of the civil strife and the wars, were collecting their
loans most relentlessly, and many of the debtors for the same reasons
were unable to pay back anything, even if they wished to do so, since
they did not find it easy to sell anything or to borrow more. Hence
their dealing with each other were marked by much deceit and fraud, and
there was fear that they might go to the point of accomplishing some
fatal mischief. To be sure, the rate of interest had been lowered even
before this time by some of the tribunes; but since payment was not
secured even thus, but instead the one class was ready to forfeit its
securities, while the other demanded back its principal in cash, Caesar
now came to the aid of both so far as he could. He ordered that
securities should have a fixed valuation according to their worth, and
he provided that arbiters for this purpose should be allotted to
persons involved in such a dispute. Since also many were said to
possess much wealth but to be concealing it all, he forbade any one to
possess more than sixty thousand sesterces in silver or gold; and he
claimed he was not enacting this law himself, but was simply renewing a
measure introduced on some previous occasion. His object was either
that those who were owing money should pay back a part of their debt to
the lenders and the latter should lend to such as needed, or else that
the well-to-do might become known and none of them should keep his
wealth all together, for fear some rebellion might be set afoot during
his absence. When the populace, elated at this, demanded also that
rewards should be offered to slaves for information against their
masters, he refused to add such a clause to the law, and furthermore
invoked dire destruction upon himself if he should ever trust a slave
when speaking against his master.
After accomplishing this and removing all the offerings in the Capitol,
as well as the others, Caesar hastened to Brundisium toward the close
of the year, before entering upon the consulship to which he had been
elected. And as he was attending to the details of his departure, a
kite in the Forum let fall a sprig of laurel upon one of his
companions. Later, while he was sacrificing to Fortune, the bull
escaped before being wounded, rushed out of the city, and coming to a
certain lake, swam across it. Consequently he took greater courage and
hastened his preparations, especially as the soothsayers declared that
destruction should be his portion if he remained at home, but safety
and victory if he crossed the sea. After his departure the boys in the
city divided of their own accord into two groups, one side calling
themselves Pompeians and the other Caesarians, and, fighting with each
other in some fashion or other without arms, those conquered who used
Caesar's name.
While these events were occurring in Rome and in Spain, Marcus Octavius
and Lucius Scribonius Libo, with the aid of Pompey's fleet drove out of
Dalmatia Publius Cornelius Dolabella, who was there attending to
Caesar's interests. After this they shut up Gaius Antonius, who had
been desirous of aiding him, on a small island, and there, after he had
been abandoned by the natives and was oppressed by hunger, they
captured him with all his troops save a few; for some had escaped in
season to the mainland, and others, who were sailing across on rafts
and were overtaken, made away with themselves.
Curio had meanwhile reduced Sicily without a battle, since Cato, the
governor of the island, being no match for him and not wishing to
expose the cities to danger needlessly, had already withdrawn to join
Pompey; later, however, he crossed over to Africa and there perished.
Upon Curio's approach Lucius Caesar abandoned the city of Aspis where
he happened to be by mere chance, and Publius Attius Varus, then in
charge of the affairs of that region, was defeated by him and lost many
troops and many ships. Juba, however, the son of Haiempsal and king of
the Numidians, preferred the cause of Pompey as that of the people and
the senate, and hated Curio both on this account and because the latter
when tribune had attempted to take away his kingdom from him and to
confiscate the land; accordingly he carried on a vigorous war against
him. For he did not wait for him to invade his home country of Numidia,
but went to meet him while he was besieging Utica. He did not attack
him, however, with his whole army, since he feared that Curio might put
out to sea if he learned in advance of his approach; for he was
evidently not so eager to repulse him as to take vengeance on him.
Instead, he sent forward a few men and spread the report that he
himself had gone far away in another direction; then he followed after
this force and did not fail of the results he had hoped for. For,
though Curio, under the impression that his enemy was approaching, had
previously transferred his men to the camp near the sea and had formed
the plan, in case he were hard pressed, of embarking on the ships and
leaving Africa altogether, he now, when he ascertained that only a few
men were coming, and these without Juba, took courage and set out on
the march that very night as if to a victory lying ready to hand,
fearing that they might otherwise escape him; and after destroying some
of the enemy's vanguard who were sleeping on the road he became much
more emboldened. Then, about dawn, he encountered the rest who had gone
on ahead from the camp; and without any delay, in spite of the fact
that his soldiers were exhausted both by the march and by want of
sleep, he at once joined battle with them. Thereupon, when the others
stood their ground and were holding their own, Juba suddenly appeared
and by the unexpectedness of his arrival as well as by his numbers
overwhelmed them. Curio and most of the others he killed on the spot,
and the rest he pursued up to their entrenchments, later confining them
to the ships; and in the midst of this rout he got possession of large
amounts of treasure and destroyed many men. Indeed, many of them
perished after escaping his grasp, some losing their footing while
boarding their ships because of the crowding, and others going down
with the vessels themselves when these became overloaded. While this
was occurring still others, out of fear that they might suffer the same
fate, went over to Varus, expecting that their lives would be spared;
but they received no considerate treatment. For Juba asserted that it
was he who had conquered them, and so slew nearly all of these, too.
Thus Curio died after rendering most valuable assistance to Caesar and
inspiring in him many hopes. And Juba received honours at the hands of
Pompey and the senators who were in Macedonia, and was saluted as king;
but by Caesar and those in the city he was called to account and
declared an enemy, while Bocchus and Bogud were named kings, because
they were hostile to him.
The ensuing year the Romans had two sets of magistrates, contrary to
custom, and a mighty battle was fought. The people of the city had
chosen as consuls Caesar and Publius Servius, along with praetors and
all the other officers required by law. Those in Thessalonica had made
no such appointments, although they had by some accounts about two
hundred of the senate and also the consuls with them and had
appropriated a small piece of land for the auguries, in order that
these might seem to take place under some form of law, so that they
regarded the people and the whole city as present there. They had not
appointed new magistrates for the reason that the consuls had not
proposed the lex curiata; but instead they employed the same officials
as before, merely changing their names and calling some proconsuls,
others propraetors, and others proquaestors. For they were very careful
about precedents, even though they had taken up arms against their
country and abandoned it, and they were anxious that the acts rendered
necessary by the exigencies of the situation should not all be in
violation of the strict requirement of the ordinances. Nevertheless,
these men mentioned were the magistrates of the two parties in name
only, while in reality it was Pompey and Caesar who were supreme; for
the sake of good repute they bore the legal titles of proconsul and
consul respectively, yet their acts were not those which these offices
permitted, but whatever they themselves pleased.
Under these conditions, with the government divided in twain, Pompey
was wintering in Thessalonica and not keeping a very careful watch upon
the coast; for he did not suppose that Caesar had yet arrived in Italy
from Spain, and even if he were there, he did not suspect that he would
venture to cross the Ionian Gulf in the winter, at any rate. But Caesar
was in Brundisium, waiting for spring, and when he ascertained that
Pompey was some distance off and that the mainland opposite was rather
carelessly guarded, he seized upon the "chance of war" and attacked him
while his attention was relaxed. At any rate, when the winter was about
half gone, he set out with a portion of his army, as there were not
enough ships to carry them all across at once, and eluding Marcus
Bibulus, to whom the guarding of the sea had been committed, he crossed
to the Ceraunian Headlands, as they are called, the outermost point of
Epirus, near the mouth of the Ionian Gulf. Arriving there before it
became noised abroad that he would sail at all, he sent the ships to
Brundisium for the others; but Bibulus damaged them on the return
voyage and actually took some in tow, so that Caesar learned by
experience that the voyage he had made was more fortunate than prudent.
During this delay, then, he won over Oricum and Apollonia and other
points there which had been abandoned by Pompey's garrisons. This
Corinthian Apollonia is well situated as regards the land and as
regards the sea, and most excellently in respect to rivers. What I have
marvelled at, however, above all else, is that a huge fire issues from
the ground near the Aoüs river and neither spreads to any extent
over the surrounding land nor set on fire even the place where it
abides nor makes it at all dry, but has grass and trees flourishing
very near it. In pouring rains it increases and towers aloft. For this
reason it is called Nymphaeum, and in fact it furnishes an oracle, of
this kind. You take incense and after making whatever prayer you wish
cast it in the fire as the vehicle of the prayer. At this the fire, if
your wish is to be fulfilled, receives it very readily, and even if the
incense falls somewhat outside, darts forward, snatches it up, and
consumes it. But if the wish is not to be fulfilled, the fire not only
does not go to it, but, even if it falls into the very flames, recedes
and flees before it. It acts in these two ways in all matters save
those of death and marriage; for concerning these two one may not make
any inquiry of it at all. Such is the nature of this marvel.
Now as Antony, to whom had been assigned the duty of conveying across
those who remained at Brundisium, continued to tarry, and no message
even came about them because of the winter and because of Bibulus,
Caesar suspected that they had adopted a neutral attitude and were
watching the course of events, as often happens in civil strife.
Wishing, therefore, to sail to Italy in person and unattended, he
embarked on a small boat in disguise, saying that he had been sent by
Caesar; and forced the captain to set sail, although there was a wind.
When, however, they had got away from land, and the gale swept
violently down upon them and the waves buffeted them terribly, so that
the captain did not longer dare even under compulsion to sail farther,
but undertook to return even without his passenger's consent, than
Caesar revealed himself, as if by this act he could stop the storm, and
said, "Be of good cheer: you carry Caesar." Such spirit and such hope
had he, either naturally or as the result of some oracle, that he felt
firm confidence in his safety even contrary to the appearance of
things. Nevertheless, he did not get across, but after struggling for a
long time in vain sailed back.
After this he encamped opposite Pompey, near Apsus. For Pompey, as soon
as he had learned of his arrival, had made no delay, but hoping to
crush him easily before he should receive the others who were with
Antony, hastily marched with a considerable force toward Apollonia.
Caesar advanced to meet him as far as the river, thinking that even as
he was he would prove a match for the troops then approaching; but when
he learned that he was inferior in numbers, he halted. And in order
that it might not be thought either that he was halting through fear or
that he was making the first move in the war, he submitted some
conciliatory proposals to the other side and delayed on this pretext.
Pompey, perceiving his motive, wished to try conclusions with him as
soon as possible and for this reason undertook to cross the river. But
the bridge broke down under the weight and some of the advance guard,
thus isolated, perished. Then he desisted, discouraged because he had
failed in the first action of the war.
Meanwhile Antony also had arrived, and Pompey in fear retired to
Dyrrachium. As long as Bibulus was alive, Antony had not dared even to
set out from Brundisium, so close guard did the other keep over it; but
when Bibulus, succumbing to the hardships, died, and Libo succeeded him
as admiral, Antony scorned him and set sail with the intention of
forcing the passage. When driven back to land, he repelled the other's
vigorous attack upon him and later, when Libo was anxious to disembark
somewhat, he allowed him to find anchorage nowhere along that part of
the mainland. So the admiral, being in need of anchorage and water,
since the little island in front of the harbour, which was the only
place he could approach, is destitute of water and harbour alike,
sailed off to some distant point where he was likely to find both in
abundance. In this way Antony was enabled to set sail, but later,
although he met with no harm at Libo's hands, even when the other
attempted to attack them on the high seas (for a violent storm came up
which prevented the attack), both he and Libo suffered injuries from
the storm itself.
When the soldiers had got safely across, Pompey, as I have said,
retired to Dyrrachium, and Caesar followed him, encouraged by the fact
that, with the reinforcements that had arrived, he was superior to the
adversary in the number of troops then at his disposal. Dyrrachium is
situated in the land formerly regarded as belonging to the tribe of
Illyrians called Parthini, but now and even at that time regarded as
part of Macedonia; and it is very favourably placed, whether it be the
Epidamnus of the Corcyraeans or another city. Those who record this
fact refer both its founding and its name to a hero Dyrrachius; but the
other authorities have declared that the place was renamed by the
Romans with reference to the difficulties of the rocky shore, because
the term Epidamnus has in the Latin tongue the meaning of "loss," and
so seemed to be of ill-omen for their voyages thither.
Pompey after taking refuge in this town of Dyrrachium built a camp
outside the city and surrounded it with deep moats and a stout
palisade. Caesar encamped over against him and made assaults, in the
hope of quietly capturing the palisades by the superior number of his
troops; and when he was repulsed, he attempted to wall it in. While he
was engaged in this task, Pompey was constructing palisades,
cross-walls and ditches, and placing towers on the elevations and
guards in them, so as to make the circuit of the encompassing wall
complete and to make an attack impracticable for the foe, even if they
conquered. There were meanwhile many, though slight, encounters between
them, in which now one party, now the other, was victorious or beaten,
so that a few were killed on both sides alike. Upon Dyrrachium itself
Caesar made an attempt by night, between the marshes and the sea, in
the expectation that it would be betrayed by its defenders. He got
inside the narrows, but at that point was attacked both in front and in
the rear by large forces which had been conveyed along the shore in
boats and very nearly perished himself. After this occurrence Pompey
took courage and planned a night assault upon the enclosing wall; and
attacking it unexpectedly, he captured a portion of it by storm and
caused great slaughter among the men encamped near it.
Caesar, in view of this occurrence and because his grain had failed,
inasmuch as the whole sea and land in the vicinity were hostile, and
because for this reason some had actually deserted, feared that he
might either be defeated while watching his adversary or be abandoned
by his other followers. Therefore he levelled all the works that had
been constructed, destroyed also all the parallel walls, and thereupon
set out suddenly and hastened into Thessaly. During this same time, it
seems, while Dyrrachium was being besieged, Lucius Cassius Longinus and
Gnaeus Domitius Calvinus had been sent by him into Macedonia and
Thessaly. Longinus had been disastrously defeated in Thessaly by Scipio
and by Sadalus, a Thracian; and Calvinus had been repulsed from
Macedonia by Faustus, but on receiving accessions from the Locrians and
Aetolians had invaded Thessaly with these troops, and after being
ambushed had afterwards set ambuscades himself and conquered Scipio in
battle, thereby winning over a few cities. Thither, accordingly, Caesar
hastened, thinking that by uniting with these officers he could more
easily secure an abundance of provisions and thus continue the war.
When no one would receive him, because of his reverses, he reluctantly
held aloof from the larger settlements, but assaulted Gomphi, a little
town in Thessaly; and upon taking it he put many to death and plundered
everything, in order that by this act he might inspire the rest with
terror. Metropolis, another town, for example, did not even contend
with him but forthwith capitulated without a struggle; and as he did no
harm to its citizens he more easily won over some other places by his
course in these two instances.
So he was once more becoming powerful. Pompey did not pursue him, for
he had withdrawn suddenly by night and had hastily crossed the Genusus
river; however, he was of the opinion that he had brought the war to an
end. Consequently he assumed the title of imperator, though he uttered
no boastful words about it and did not even wind laurel about his
fasces, disliking to show such exultation over the downfall of
citizens. From this same motive he neither sailed to Italy himself nor
sent any others there, though he might easily have taken possession of
it all. For with his fleet he was far superior, as he had five hundred
swift ships and could land at all points at the same time; moreover,
the sentiment of that country was not opposed to him in any case, and,
even if it had been ever so hostile, the people were no match for him
in war. But he wished to be far from giving the impression that Italy
was the stake for which he was fighting, and did not think he ought to
cause any fear to the people who were then in Rome. Hence he made no
attempt on Italy, nor even sent to the government any despatch about
his successes; but after this he set out against Caesar and came into
Thessaly.
As they lay opposite each other the appearance of the camps bore,
indeed, some semblance of war, but their arms were idle as in time of
peace. As they considered the greatness of the danger and foresaw the
obscurity and uncertainty of the issue, and still felt some regard for
their common ancestry and their kinship, they continued to delay.
Meanwhile they exchanged propositions looking toward friendship and
appeared to some likely even to effect an empty reconciliation. The
reason was that they were both reaching out after the supreme power and
were influenced greatly by native ambition and greatly also by acquired
rivalry,— since men can least endure to be outdone by their equals and
intimates; hence they were not willing to make any concessions to each
other, since each felt that he might win, nor could they feel
confident, if they did reach some agreement, that they would not be
always striving to gain the upper hand and would not fall to
quarrelling again over the supreme issue. In temper they differed from
each other to this extent, that Pompey desired to be second to no man
and Caesar to be first of all, and the former was anxious to be
honoured by a willing people and to preside over and be loved by men
who fully consent, whereas the latter cared not at all if he ruled over
even an unwilling people, issued orders to men who hated him, and
bestowed the honours with his own hand upon himself. The deeds,
however, through which they hoped to accomplish all that they wished,
were perforce common to both alike. For it was impossible for any one
successfully to gain these ends without fighting against his
countrymen, leading foreigners against kindred, obtaining vast sums by
unjust pillage, and killing unlawfully many of his dearest associates.
Hence, even though they differed in their desires, yet in their acts,
by which they hoped to realise those desires, they were alike.
Consequently they would not yield to each other on any point, in spite
of the many claims they put forward, and finally came to blows.
The struggle proved a mighty one and unparalleled by any other. In the
first place, the leaders themselves had the name of being the most
skilled in all matters of warfare and clearly the most distinguished
not only of the Romans but also of all other men then living. They had
been trained in arms from boyhood, had constantly been occupied with
them, had performed deeds worthy of note, had been conspicuous for
great valour and also for great fortune, and were therefore most worthy
of commanding and most worthy of victory. As to their forces, Caesar
had the largest and the most genuinely Roman portion of the state
legions and the most warlike men from the rest of Italy, from Spain,
and the whole of Gaul and the islands that he had conquered; Pompey had
brought along many from the senatorial and the equestrian order and
from the regularly enrolled troops, and had gathered vast numbers from
the subject and allied peoples and kings. With the exception of
Pharnaces and Orodes (for he tried to win over even the latter,
although an enemy since the time he had killed the Crassi), all the
rest who had ever been befriended at all by Pompey gave him money and
either sent or brought auxiliaries. Indeed, the Parthian had promised
to be his ally if he should receive Syria; but as he did not get it, he
lent him no help. While Pompey, then, greatly excelled in numbers,
Caesar's followers were their equals in strength; and so, the
advantages being even, they were an equal match for each other and the
risks they incurred were equal.
As a result of these circumstances and of the very cause and purpose of
the war a most notable struggle took place. For the city of Rome and
its entire empire, even then great and mighty, lay before them as the
prize, since it was clear to all that it would be the slave of him who
then conquered. When they reflected on this fact and furthermore
thought of their former deeds,— Pompey of Africa, Sertorius,
Mithridates, Tigranes, and the sea, and Caesar of Gaul, Spain, the
Rhine, and Britain,— they were wrought up to the highest pitch of
excitement, believing that those conquests, too, were at stake, and
each being eager to acquire the other's glory. For the renown of the
vanquished, far more than his other possessions, becomes the property
of the victor, since, the greater and more powerful the antagonist that
a man overthrows, the greater is the height to which he himself is
raised. Therefore they delivered to their soldiers also many
exhortations, but very much alike on both sides, saying all that is
fitting to be said on such an occasion with reference both to the
immediate results of the struggle and to the subsequent results. As
they both came from the same state and were talking about the same
matters and called each other tyrants and themselves liberators from
tyranny of the men they addressed, they had nothing different to say on
either side, but stated that it would be the lot of one side to die, of
the other to be saved, of the one side to be captives, of the other to
enjoy the master's lot, to possess everything or to be deprived of
everything, to suffer or to inflict a most terrible fate. After
addressing some such exhortations to the citizens and furthermore
trying to inspire the subject and allied contingents with hopes of a
better lot and fears of a worse, they hurled at each other kinsmen,
sharers of the same tent, of the same table, of the same libations. Yet
why should any one, then, lament the fate of the others involved, when
those very leaders, who were all these things to each other, and had,
moreover, shared many secret plans and many exploits of like character,
who had once been joined by domestic ties and had loved the same child,
one as a father, the other as grandfather, nevertheless fought? All the
ties with which nature, by mingling their blood, had bound them
together, they now, led by their insatiable lust of power, hastened to
break, tear, and rend asunder. Because of them Rome was being compelled
to fight both in her own defence and against herself, so that even if
victorious she would be vanquished.
Such was the struggle in which they joined; yet they did not
immediately come to close quarters. Sprung from the same country and
from the same hearth, with almost identical weapons and similar
formation, each side shrank from beginning the battle, and shrank from
slaying any one. So there was great silence and dejection on both
sides; no one went forward or moved at all, but with heads bowed they
stood motionless, as if devoid of life. Caesar and Pompey, therefore,
fearing that if they remained quiet any longer their animosity might
become lessened or they might even become reconciled, hurriedly
commanded the trumpeters to give the signal and the men to raise the
war cry in unison. Both orders were obeyed, but the combatants were so
far from being imbued with courage, the at the sound of the trumpeters'
call, uttering the same notes, and at their own shout, raised in the
same language, they showed their sense of relationship and betrayed
their kinship more than ever, and so fell to weeping and lamenting. But
after a long time, when the allied troops began the battle, the rest
also joined in, fairly beside themselves at what they were doing. Those
who fought at long range were less sensible of the horrors, as they
shot their arrows, hurled their javelins, discharged their slings
without knowing whom they hit; but the heavy-armed troops and the
cavalry had a very hard time of it, as they were close to each other
and could even talk a little back and forth; at one and the same moment
they would recognize those who confront them and would wound them,
would call them by name and would slaughter them, would recall the
towns they had come from and would despoil them. Such were the deeds
both done and suffered by the Romans and by the others from Italy who
were with them on the campaign, wherever they met each other. Many sent
messages home through their very slayers. But the subject force fought
both zealously and relentlessly, showing great zeal, as once to win
their own freedom, so now to secure the slavery of the Romans; they
wanted, since they were reduced to inferiority to them in all things,
to have them as fellow-slaves.
Thus it was a very great battle and full of diverse incidents, partly
for the reasons mentioned and partly on account of the numbers and the
variety of the armaments. There were vast bodies of heavy-armed
soldiers, vast bodies of cavalry, in another group archers and still
others that were slingers, so that they occupied the whole plain, and
scattered over it, they fought often with each other, since they
belonged to the same arms, but often with men of the other arms
indiscriminately. The Pompeians surpassed in cavalry and archers; hence
they would surround troops at a distance, employ sudden assaults, and
retired after throwing their opponents into confusion; then they would
attack them again and again, turning now to this side and now to that.
The Caesarians, therefore, were on their guard against this, and by
wheeling round always managed to face their assailants, and when they
came to close quarters with them, would seize hold of both men and
horses in the eagerness of the struggle; for light-armed cavalry had
been drawn up with their cavalry for this very purpose. And all this
took place, as I said, not in one spot, but in many places at once,
scattered all about, so that with some contending at a distance and
others fighting at close quarters, this body smiting its opponents and
that group being struck, one detachment fleeing and another pursuing,
many infantry battles and many cavalry battles as well were to be seen.
Meanwhile many incredible things were taking place. One man after
routing another would himself be turned to flight, and another who had
avoided an opponent would in turn attack him. One soldier who had
struck another would be wounded himself, and a second, who had fallen,
would kill the enemy who stood over him. Many died without being
wounded, and many when half dead kept on slaying. Some were glad and
sang paeans, while the others were distressed and uttered lamentations,
so that all places were filled with shouts and groans. The majority
were thrown into confusion by this fact, for what was said was
unintelligible to them, because of the confusion of nations and
languages, and alarmed them greatly, and those who could understand one
another suffered a calamity many times worse; for in addition to their
own misfortunes they could hear and at the same time see those of their
neighbours.
At last, after they had carried on an evenly-balanced struggle for a
very long time and many on both sides alike had fallen or been wounded,
Pompey, since the larger part of his army was Asiatic and untrained,
was defeated, even as had been made clear to him before the action. For
thunderbolts had fallen upon his camp, a fire had appeared in the air
over Caesar's camp and had then fallen upon his own, bees had swarmed
about his military standards, and many of the victims after being led
up close to the very altar had run away. And so far did the effects of
that contest extend to the rest of mankind that on the very day of the
at least collisions of armies and the clash of arms occurred in many
places. In Pergamum a noise of drums and cymbals rose from the temple
of Dionysus and spread throughout the city; in Tralles a palm tree grew
up in the temple of Victory and the goddess herself turned about toward
an image of Caesar that stood beside her; in Syria two young men
announced the result of the battle and vanished; and in Patavium, which
now belongs to Italy but was then still a part of Gaul, some birds not
only brought news of it but even acted it out to some extent, for one
Gaius Cornelius drew from their actions accurate information of all
that had taken place, and narrated it to the bystanders. These several
things happened on that very same day and though they were, not
unnaturally, distrusted at the time, yet when news of the actual facts
was brought, they were marvelled at.
Of Pompey's followers who were not destroyed on the spot some fled
whithersoever they could, and others who were captured later on. Those
of them who were soldiers of the line Caesar enrolled in his own
legions, exhibiting no resentment. Of the senators and knights,
however, he put to death all whom he had previously captured and
spared, except some whom his friends begged off; for he allowed each
friend on this occasion to save one man. The rest who had then for the
first time fought against him he released, remarking: "Those have not
wronged me who supported the cause of Pompey, their friend, without
having received any benefit from me." This same attitude he adopted
toward the princes and the peoples who had assisted Pompey. He pardoned
them all, bearing in mind that he himself was acquainted with none or
almost none of them, whereas from his rival they had previously
obtained many favours. Indeed, he praised these far more than he did
those who, after receiving favours from Pompey, had deserted him in the
midst of dangers; the former he could reasonably expect would be
favourably disposed to him also, but as to the latter, no matter how
anxious they seemed to be to please him in anything, he believed that,
inasmuch as they had betrayed their friend in this crisis they would,
on occasion, not spare him either. A proof of his feeling is that he
spared Sadalus the Thracian and Deiotarus the Galatian, who had been in
the battle, and Tarcondimotus, who was ruler of a portion of Cilicia
and had been of the greatest assistance to Pompey in the matter of
ships. But what need is there to enumerate the rest who had sent
auxiliaries, to whom also he granted pardon, merely exacting money from
them? He did nothing else to them and took from them nothing else,
though many had received numerous large gifts from Pompey, some long
ago and some just at that time. He did give a certain portion of
Armenia that had belonged to Deiotarus, to Ariobarzanes, king of
Cappadocia, yet in this he did not injure Deiotarus at all, but rather
conferred an additional favour upon him. For he did not curtail his
territory, but after occupying all of Armenia previously occupied by
Pharnaces, he bestowed one part of it upon Ariobarzanes and another
part upon Deiotarus. These men, then, he treated in this wise.
Pharnaces, on his side, made a plea that he had not assisted Pompey and
therefore, in view of his behaviour, deserved to obtain pardon; but
Caesar showed him no consideration, and furthermore reproached him for
this very thing, that he had proved himself base and impious toward his
benefactor. Such humanity and uprightness did he show throughout to all
those who had fought against him. At any rate, all the letters that
were found filed away in Pompey's chests which convicted any persons of
good-will toward the latter or ill-will toward himself he neither read
nor had copied, but burned them immediately, in order not to be forced
by what was in them to take several measures; and for this reason, if
no other, one ought to hate the men who plotted against him. I make
this statement with a particular purpose, since Marcus Brutus Caepio,
who afterwards killed him, was not only captured by him but also
spared.
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