Cassius, however, was ordered by Marcus to have charge of all Asia. The
emperor himself fought for a long time, almost his entire life, one
might say, with the barbarians in the region of the Ister, with both
the Iazyges and the Marcomani, one after the other, using Pannonia as
his base.
Six thousand Langobardi and Obii crossed the Ister, but the cavalry
under Vindex issued forth and the infantry commanded by Candidus
arrived, so that the barbarians were completely routed. Then, thrown
into consternation by such an outcome to their very first undertaking,
the barbarians sent envoys to Iallius Bassus, the governor of Pannonia,
choosing for the purpose Ballomarius, king of the Marcomani, and ten
others, one for each nation. These envoys made peace, which they
ratified with oaths, and then returned home.
Many of the Germans, too, from across the Rhine, advanced as far Italy
and inflicted many injuries upon the Romans. They were in turn attacked
by Marcus, who opposed to them his lieutenants Pompeianus and Pertinax;
and Pertinax (who later became emperor) greatly distinguished himself.
Among the corpses of the barbarians there were found even women's
bodies in armour. Yet, though a mighty struggle had taken place and a
brilliant victory had been won, the emperor nevertheless refused the
request of the soldiers for a donative, declaring that whatever they
obtained over and above the regular amount would be wrung from the
blood of their parents and kinsmen; as for the fate of the sovereignty,
Heaven alone could determine that. So temperately and so firmly did he
rule them, that, even when involved in so many and so great wars, he
did naught that was unseemly either by way of flattery or as the result
of fear.
Marcus Antoninus remained in Pannonia in order to give audience to the
embassies of the barbarians; for many came to him at this time also.
Some of them, under the leadership of Battarius, a boy twelve years
old, promised an alliance; these received a gift of money and succeeded
in restraining Tarbus, a neighbouring chieftain, who had come into
Dacia and was demanding money and threatening to make war if he should
fail to get it. Others, like the Quadi, asked for peace, which was
granted them, both in the hope that they might be detached from the
Marcomani, and also because they gave him many horses and cattle and
promised to surrender all the deserters and the captives, besides, —
thirteen thousand at first, and later all the others as well. The right
to attend the markets, however, was not granted to them, for fear that
the Iazyges and the Marcomani, whom they had sworn not to receive nor
to allow to pass through their country, should mingle with them, and
passing themselves off for Quadi, should reconnoitre the Roman
positions and purchase provisions. Besides these that came to Marcus,
many others sent envoys, some by tribes and some by nations, and
offered to surrender. Some of them were sent on campaigns elsewhere, as
were also the captives and deserters who were fit for service; others
received land in Dacia, Pannonia, Moesia, the province of Germany, and
in Italy itself. Some of them, now, who settled at Ravenna, made an
uprising and even went so far as to seize possession of the city: and
for this reason Marcus did not again bring any of the barbarians into
Italy, but even banished those who had previously come there.
Both the Astingi and the Lacringi came to the assistance of Marcus.
The Astingi, led by their chieftains Raüs and Raptus, came into
Dacia with their entire households, hoping to secure both money and
land in return for their alliance. But failing of their purpose, they
left their wives and children under the protection of Clemens, until
they should acquire the land of the Costoboci by their arms; but upon
conquering that people, they proceeded to injure Dacia no less than
before. The Lacringi, fearing that Clemens in his dread of them might
lead these newcomers into the land which they themselves were
inhabiting, attacked them while off their guard and won a decisive
victory. As a result, the Astingi committed no further acts of
hostility against the Romans, but in response to urgent supplications
addressed to Marcus they received from him both money and the privilege
of asking for land in case they should inflict some injury upon those
who were then fighting against him. Now this tribe really did fulfill
some of its promises; whereas the Cotini, though they made similar
offers, nevertheless, upon receiving Tarrutenius Paternus, the
secretary in charge of the emperor's Latin correspondence, on the
pretext that they wished to make a campaign with him against the
Marcomani, not only failed to do so, but even treated Paternus himself
shamefully, thereby bringing about their own destruction later.
When the Marcomani were successful in a certain battle and slew Marcus
Vindex, the prefect, the emperor erected three statues in his honour;
and after conquering the foe he himself received the title of
Germanicus (for we give the name of Germans to those who dwell in the
northern regions).
The people called the Bucoli began a disturbance in Egypt and under the
leadership of one Isidorus, a priest, caused the rest of the Egyptians
to revolt. At first, arrayed in women's garments, they had deceived the
Roman centurion, causing him to believe that they were women of the
Bucoli and were going to give him gold as ransom for their husbands,
and had then struck down when he approached them. They also sacrificed
his companion, and after swearing an oath over his entrails, they
devoured them. Isidorus surpassed all his contemporaries in bravery.
Next, having conquered the Romans in Egypt in a pitched battle, they
came near capturing Alexandria, too, and would have succeeded, had not
Cassius been sent against them from Syria. He contrived to destroy
their mutual accord and to separate them from one another (for because
of their desperation as well as of their numbers he had not ventured to
attack them while they were united), and thus, when they fell to
quarrelling, he subdued them.
It was during Marcus' war against the Germans that the following
incidents occurred (I hope these anecdotes may be thought worthy of
record). A captive lad, on being asked a question by him, replied: "I
cannot answer you because of the cold. So, if you want to find out
anything, command that a coat be given me, if you have one." And a
soldier who was doing guard duty one night on the Ister, upon hearing a
shout from his fellow-soldiers in captivity on the other side, at once
swam across just as he was, released them, and then returned.
One of the prefects of Marcus was Bassaeus Rufus, who was a good man in
other respects, but was uneducated because of his rustic origin and had
been reared in poverty in his youth. On a certain occasion someone had
checked him while he was engage in pruning a vine that grew upon a
tree, and when he did not come down at the first summons, the man had
rebuked him and said: "Come now, prefect, get down." That is, he had
used this title in speaking to him as to one who was now bearing
himself haughtily but had formerly been of lowly station; and it was
precisely this title that Fortune subsequently gave him.
Once when Marcus was talking to someone in Latin and not only the man
addressed but no one else of the bystanders, either, knew what he had
said, Rufus, the prefect, exclaimed: "No wonder, Caesar, that he does
not know what you said; for he does not understand Greek either."
Indeed, he himself was ignorant of what had been said.
The emperor, as often as he had leisure from war, would hold court; he
used to allow abundant time to the speakers, and entered into the
preliminary inquiries and examinations at great length, so as to ensure
strict justice by every possible means. In consequence, he would often
be trying the same case for as much as eleven or twelve days, even
though he sometimes held court at night. For he was industrious and
applied himself diligently to all the duties of his office; and he
neither said, wrote, nor did anything as if it were a minor matter, but
sometimes he would consume whole days over the minutest point, not
thinking it right that the emperor should do anything hurriedly. For he
believed that if he should slight even the smallest detail, this would
bring reproach upon all his other actions. Yet he was so frail in body
that at first he could not endure the cold, but even after the soldiers
had assembled at his command he would retire before addressing a word
to them; and he took but very little food and that always at night. It
was never his practice to eat during the daytime, unless it were some
of the drug called theriac. This drug he took, not so much because he
feared anything, as because his stomach and chest were in bad
condition; and it is reported that this practice enabled him to endure
both this and other maladies.
The Iazyges were conquered by the Romans on land at this time and later
on the river. By this I do not mean that any naval battle took place,
but that the Romans pursued them as they fled over the frozen Ister and
fought there as on dry land. The Iazyges, perceiving that they were
being pursued, awaited their opponents' onset, expecting to overcome
them easily, as the others were not accustomed to the ice. Accordingly,
some of the barbarians dashed straight at them, while others rode round
to attack their flanks, as their horses had been trained to run safely
even over a surface of this kind. The Romans upon observing this were
not alarmed, but formed in a compact boy, facing all their foes at
once, and most of them laid down their shields and rested one foot upon
them, so that they might not slip so much; and thus they received the
enemy's charge. Some seized the bridles, others the shields and
spearshafts of their assailants, and drew the men toward them; and
thus, becoming involved in close conflict, they knocked down both men
and horses, since the barbarians by reason of their momentum could no
longer keep from slipping. The Romans, to be sure, also slipped; but in
case one of them fell on his back, he would drag his adversary down on
top of him and then with his feet would hurl him backwards, as in a
wrestling match, and so would get on top of him; and if one fell on his
face, he would actually seize with his teeth his antagonist, who had
fallen first. For the barbarians, being unused to a contest of this
sort, and having lighter equipment, were unable to resist, so that but
few escaped out of a large force.
Envoys were sent to Marcus by the Iazyges to request peace, but they
did not obtain anything. For Marcus, both because he knew their race to
be untrustworthy and also because he had been deceived by the Quadi,
wished to annihilate them utterly. For the Quadi had not only fought on
the side of the Iazyges at this time, but on an earlier occasion, too,
had received in their own and any Marcomanian fugitives who were hard
pressed while that tribe was still at war with the Romans. Moreover,
they were not carrying out any of their agreements; in particular, they
had not restored all the captives, but only a few, and these such as
they could neither sell nor employ at any labour. Or, if they ever did
give up any of those who were in good physical condition, they would
keep their relatives back in order that the men given up might desert
again to rejoin these. They also expelled their king Furtius, and on
their own responsibility made Ariogaesus their king instead. In
consequence, the emperor neither recognized Ariogaesus as their legally
constituted king nor renewed the treaty of peace, though they promised
to give up fifty thousand captives if he would do so.
Against Ariogaesus Marcus was so bitter that he issued a proclamation
to the effect that anyone who brought him in alive should receive a
thousand gold pieces, and anyone who slew him and exhibited his head,
five hundred. Yet in general the emperor was always accustomed to treat
even his most stubborn foes humanely; thus, when Tiridates, a satrap,
stirred up trouble in Armenia and slew the king of the Heniochi, and
then thrust his sword in Verus' face when the latter rebuked him for
it, he did not put him to death, but merely sent him to Britain. It can
be seen from this, then, how exasperated he was against Ariogaesus at
this time; nevertheless, when the man was later captured, he did him no
harm, but merely sent him off to Alexandria.
So Marcus subdued the Marcomani and the Iazyges after many hard
struggles and dangers. A great war against the people called the Quadi
also fell to his lot and it was his good fortune to win an unexpected
victory, or rather it was vouchsafed him by Heaven. For when the Romans
were in peril in the course of the battle, the divine power saved them
in a most unexpected manner. The Quadi had surrounded them at a spot
favourable for their purpose and the Romans were fighting valiantly
with their shields locked together; then the barbarians ceased
fighting, expecting to capture them easily as the result of the heat
and their thirst. So they posted guards all about and hemmed them in to
prevent their getting water anywhere; for the barbarians were far
superior in numbers. The Romans, accordingly, were in a terrible plight
from fatigue, wounds, the heat of the sun, and thirst, and so could
neither fight nor retreat, but were standing and the line and at their
several posts, scorched by the heat, when suddenly many clouds gathered
and a mighty rain, not without divine interposition, burst upon them.
Indeed, there is a story to the effect that Arnuphis, an Egyptian
magician, who was a companion of Marcus, had invoked by means of
enchantments various deities and in particular Mercury, the god of the
air, and by this means attracted the rain.
This is what Dio says about the matter, but he is apparently in error,
whether intentionally or otherwise; and yet I am inclined to believe
his error was chiefly intentional. It surely must be so, for he was not
ignorant of the division of soldiers that bore the special name of the
"Thundering" Legion, — indeed he mentions it in the list along with the
others, — a title which was given it for no other reason (for no other
is reported) than because of the incident that occurred in this very
war. It was precisely this incident that saved the Romans on this
occasion and brought destruction upon the barbarians, and not Arnuphis,
the magician; for Marcus is not reported to have taken pleasure in the
company of magicians or in witchcraft. Now the incident I have
reference to is this: Marcus had a division of soldiers (the Romans
call a division a legion) from Melitene; and these people are all
worshippers of Christ. Now it is stated that in this battle, when
Marcus found himself at a loss what to do in the circumstances and
feared for his whole army, the prefect approached him and told him that
those who are called Christians can accomplish anything whatever by
their prayers and that in the army there chanced to be a whole division
of this sect. Marcus on hearing this appealed to them to pray to their
God; and when they had prayed, their God immediately gave ear and smote
the enemy with a thunderbolt and comforted the Romans with a shower of
rain. Marcus was greatly astonished at this and not only honoured the
Christians by an official decree but also named the legion the
"thundering" Legion. It is also reported that there is a letter of
Marcus extant on the subject. But the Greeks, though they know that the
division was called the "Thundering" Legion and themselves bear witness
to the fact, nevertheless make no statement whatever about the reason
for its name.
Dio goes on to say that when the rain poured down, at first all turned
their faces upwards and received the water in their mouths; then some
held out their shields and some their helmets to catch it, and they not
only took deep draughts themselves but also gave their horses to drink.
And when the barbarians now charged upon them, they drank and fought at
the same time; and some, becoming wounded, actually gulped down the
blood that flowed into their helmets, along with the water. So intent,
indeed, were most of them on drinking that they would have suffered
severely from the enemy's onset, had not a violent hail-storm and
numerous thunderbolts fallen upon the ranks of the foe. Thus in one and
the same place one might have beheld water and fire descending from the
sky simultaneously; so that while those on the one side were being
consumed by fire and dying; and while the fire, on the one hand, did
not touch the Romans, but, if it fell anywhere among them, was
immediately extinguished, the shower, on the other hand, did the
barbarians no good, but, like so much oil, actually fed the flames that
were consuming them, and they had to search for water even while being
drenched with rain. Some wounded themselves in order to quench the fire
with their blood, and others rushed over to the side of the Romans,
convinced that they alone had the saving water; in any case Marcus took
pity on them. He was now saluted imperator by the soldiers, for the
seventh time; and although he was not wont to accept any such honour
before the senate voted it, nevertheless this time he took it as a gift
from Heaven, and he sent a despatch to the senate.
Moreover Faustina was given the title of "Mother of the Camp."
When Pertinax as a reward for his brave exploits obtained the
consulship, there were nevertheless some who showed displeasure in view
of the fact that he was of obscure family, and they quoted this line
from tragedy:
"Such things accursed war brings in its train."
When the Marcomani sent envoys to him, Marcus, in view of the fact that
they had fulfilled all the conditions imposed of them, albeit
grudgingly and reluctantly, restored to them one-half of the neutral
zone along their frontier, so that they might now settle to within a
distance of five miles from the Ister; and he established the places
and the days for their trading together (for these had not been
previously fixed) and exchanged hostages with them.
The Iazyges were defeated and came to terms, Zanticus himself appearing
as a suppliant before Antoninus. Previously they had imprisoned
Banadaspus, their second king, for making overtures to him; but now all
the chief men came with Zanticus and made the same compact as that to
which the Quadi and the Marcomani had agreed, except that they were
required to dwell twice as far away from the Ister as those tribes.
Indeed, the emperor had wished to exterminate them utterly. For that
they were still strong at this time and had done the Romans great harm
was evident from the fact that they returned a hundred thousand
captives that were still in their hands even after the many who had
been sold, had died, or had escaped, and that they promptly furnished
as their contribution to the alliance eight thousand cavalry,
fifty-five hundred of whom he sent to Britain.
The revolt of Cassius and Syria forced Marcus Antoninus to make terms
with the Iazyges very much against his will; indeed, he was so alarmed
by the news that he did not even communicate to the senate the
conditions of the peace made with them, as he was wont to do in other
cases.
When Cassius rebelled in Syria, Marcus in great alarm summoned his son
Commodus from Rome, as being now entitled to assume the toga virilis.
Cassius, who was a Syrian from Cyrrhus, had shown himself an excellent
man and the sort one would desire to have as an emperor, save for the
fact that he was the son of one Heliodorus, who had been content to
secure the governorship of Egypt as the reward of his oratorical
ability. But Cassius in rebelling made a terrible mistake, due to his
having been deceived by Faustina. The latter, who was the daughter of
Antoninus Pius, seeing that her husband had fallen ill and expecting
that he would die at any moment, was afraid that the throne might fall
to some outsider, inasmuch as Commodus was both too young and also
rather simple-minded, and that she might thus find herself reduced to a
private station. Therefore she secretly induced Cassius to make his
preparations so that, if anything should happen to Antoninus, he might
obtain both her and the imperial power. Now while he was considering
this project, a message came that Marcus was dead (in such
circumstances reports always represent matters as worse than they
really are), and immediately, without waiting to confirm the rumor, he
laid claim to the throne, on the ground that he had already been
elected by the soldiers who were then in Pannonia. And in spite of the
fact that he learned the whole truth before long, nevertheless, having
once made a beginning, he did not change his course, but speedily won
over the whole region south of the Taurus and was making preparations
to gain the throne by war. Marcus, on being informed of his uprising by
Verus, the governor of Cappadocia, concealed the news for a time; but
as the soldiers were becoming greatly disturbed by the reports and were
talking a great deal, he called them together and read an address to
the following purport:
"Fellow-soldiers: I have come before you, not to express indignation,
but to bewail my fate. For why become angry at Heaven, which is
all-powerful? But it is necessary, perhaps, for those who meet with
undeserved misfortune to indulge in lamentations; and that is now my
case. Is it not dreadful that we become engaged in war after war? Is it
not horrible that we are even involved in civil war? And are not both
these evils surpassed in dreadfulness and horror by the discovery that
there is no such thing as loyalty among men? For a plot has been formed
against me by my dearest friend and I have been forced into a conflict
against my will, though I have done nothing wrong or amiss. What
virtue, what friendship shall henceforth be deemed secure after this
experience of mine? Has not faith, has not confident hope perished? Now
if the danger were mine alone, I should have regarded the matter as of
no moment (for I presume I was not born to be immortal!), but since
there has been a public secession, or rather rebellion, and the war
touches us all alike, I could have wished, had it been possible, to
invite Cassius here and to argue before you or the senate the matter at
issue between us; and I would gladly have yielded the supreme power to
him without a struggle, if this had seemed to be for the good of the
State. For it is on behalf of the State that I continue to toil and to
undergo dangers and that I have spent so much time here outside of
Italy, though already an old man and weak, unable to take either food
without pain or sleep without anxiety.
"But since Cassius would never consent to adopt this course, — for how
could he trust me after having shown himself so untrustworthy toward
me? — you, at least, fellow-soldiers, ought to be of good cheer. For
surely Cilicians, Syrians, Jews, and Egyptians have never proved
superior to you and never will, even if they should muster as many tens
of thousands more than you as they now muster fewer. Nor would even
Cassius himself appear to deserve any consideration now, however much
he may seem to possess high qualities of generalship or however many
successes he may seem to have gained. For an eagle is not formidable
when in command of an army of daws nor a lion when in command of fawns;
and as for those Arabian and Parthian wars, it was not Cassius, but
you, that brought them to an end. Again, even though he is renowned
because of his achievements against the Parthians, yet you have Verus,
who has been no less successful than he, but, on the contrary, more
successful, in winning many victories and in acquiring much territory.
But Cassius has perhaps already changed his mind on hearing that I am
alive; for surely he has done this thing on no other assumption than
that I was dead. But even if he persists in his course, yet when he
learns that we are approaching, he will surely think better of it, both
out of fear of you and out of respect for me.
"There is only one thing I fear, fellow-soldiers, for you shall be told
the whole truth, — and that is, that either he will kill himself
because ashamed to come into our presence or that someone else will do
so upon learning that I am to come and am already setting out against
him. For then I should be deprived of a great prize both of war and of
victory, a prize such as no human being has ever yet obtained. And what
is this prize? To forgive a man who has wronged one, to remain a friend
to one who has transgressed friendship, to continue faithful to one who
has broken faith. Perhaps all this seems incredible to you, but you
ought not to disbelieve it; for surely all goodness has not yet
entirely perished from among men, but there is still in us a remnant of
the ancient virtue. And if anyone should disbelieve it, that but
renders the more ardent my desire, in order that men may see
accomplished what no one would believe could come to pass. For that
would be the one profit I could derive from our present ills, if I
could settle this affair well and show to all mankind that there is a
right way to deal even with civil wars."
This is what Marcus both said to the soldiers and wrote to the senate,
never abusing Cassius in any way save that he constantly termed him
ungrateful. Nor, indeed, did Cassius ever utter or write anything
insulting to Marcus.
Marcus, when he was making preparations for the war against Cassius,
would accept no barbarian assistance, although many nations rushed to
offer their services; for he declared that the barbarians ought not to
know of the troubles arising between Romans.
While Marcus was making preparations for the civil war, the death of
Cassius was reported to him at the same time with the news of many
victories over various barbarians. Cassius, it appears, while
proceeding on foot, had encountered Antonius, a centurion, who suddenly
wounded him in the neck, though the blow was not exactly a mortal one.
Antonius, now, was carried on by the momentum of his horse and left the
deed incomplete, so that his victim nearly escaped; but in the meantime
the decurion finished what remained to be done. They cut off Cassius'
head and set out to meet the emperor.
Marcus Antoninus was so greatly grieved at the death of Cassius that he
could not bring himself even of the look at the severed head of his
enemy, but before the murderers drew near gave orders that it should be
buried.
Thus was this pretender slain after a dream of empire lasting three
months and six days; and his son, who was somewhere else, was also
murdered. Marcus, upon reaching the provinces that had joined in
Cassius' uprising, treated them all very leniently and did not put
anyone to death, whether obscure or prominent.
This same emperor neither slew nor imprisoned nor put under guard at
all any of the senators who had been associated with Cassius. Indeed,
he did not so much as bring them before his own court, but merely sent
them before the senate, as though charged with some other offence, and
set a definite day for their trial. Of the others, he executed a very
few, who had been guilty of some overt crime not only in co-operation
with Cassius but also on their own account. A proof of this is that he
did not slay or deprive of his property Flavius Calvisius, the governor
of Egypt, but merely confined him on an island. He also caused the
records made in this man's case to be burned, in order that no reproach
should attach to him from this source; and he released all who had been
associated with him.
About this time Faustina also died, either of the gout, from which she
suffered, or in some other manner, in order to avoid being convicted of
her compact with Cassius. And yet Marcus destroyed all the papers that
were found in the chests of Pudens without reading any of them, in
order that he might not learn even the name of any of the conspirators
who had written anything against him and so be reluctantly forced to
hate them. Another story is to the effect that Verus, who had been sent
ahead into Syria, of which he had secured the governorship, found these
papers among the effects of Cassius and destroyed them, remarking that
this course would probably be most agreeable to the emperor, but that,
even if he should be angry, it would be better that he himself alone
should perish rather than many others. Marcus, indeed, was so averse to
bloodshed that he even used to watch the gladiators in Rome contend,
like athletes, without risking their lives; for he never gave any of
them a sharp weapon, but they all fought with blunted weapons like
foils furnished with buttons. And so far was he from countenancing any
bloodshed that although he did, at the request of the populace, order a
certain lion to be brought in that had been trained to eat men, yet he
would not look at the beast nor emancipate his trainer, in spite of the
persistent demands of the spectators; instead, he commanded
proclamation to be made that the man had done nothing to deserve his
freedom.
In his great grief over the death of Faustina he wrote to the senate
asking that no one of those who had co-operated with Cassius should be
put to death, as if in this fact alone he could find some consolation
for her loss. "May it never happen," he continued, "that any one of you
should be slain during my reign either by my vote or by yours." And in
concluding he said, "If I do not obtain this request, I shall hasten to
my death." So pure and excellent and god-fearing did he show himself
from first to last; and nothing could force him to do anything
inconsistent with his character, neither the wickedness of their rash
course nor the expectation of similar uprisings as the result of his
pardoning these rebels. So far, indeed, was he from inventing any
imaginary conspiracy or concocting any tragedy that had not really
occurred, that he actually released those who had in the most open
manner risen against him and taken up arms both against him and against
his son, whether they were generals or heads of states or kings; and he
put none of them to death either by his own action or by that of the
senate or on any other pretext whatever. Hence I verily believe that if
he had captured Cassius himself alive, he would certainly have spared
his life. For he actually conferred benefits upon many who had been the
murderers, so far as lay in their power, of both himself and his son.
A law was passed at this time that no one should serve as governor in
the province from which he had originally come, inasmuch as the revolt
of Cassius had occurred during his administration of Syria, which
included his native district. And it was decreed by the senate that
silver images of Marcus and Faustina should be set up in the temple of
Venus and Rome, and that an altar should be erected whereon all the
maidens married in the city and their bridegrooms should offer
sacrifice; also that a golden statue of Faustina should be carried in a
chair into the theatre, on every occasion when the emperor was to be a
spectator, and placed in the special section from which she herself had
been wont, when alive, to view the games, and that the most influential
women should sit round about it.
When Marcus had come to Athens and had been initiated into the
Mysteries, he not only bestowed honours upon the Athenians, but also,
for the benefit of the whole world, he established teachers at Athens
in every branch of knowledge, granting these teachers an annual salary.
Then upon his return to Rome he made an address to the people; and
while he was saying, among other things, that he had been absent many
years, they cried out, "eight," and indicated this also with their
hands, in order that they might receive that number of gold pieces for
a banquet. He smiled and also said "eight"; and later he distributed to
them eight hundred sesterces apiece, a larger amount than they had ever
received before. Not only did he do this, but he remitted all debts
owed by anyone to the emperor's private treasury or to the public
treasury for a period of forty-five years, not including the fifteen
years of Hadrian; and he ordered all the documents relating to these
debts to be burned in the Forum. He also gave gifts of money to many
cities, including Smyrna, which had suffered terrible destruction by an
earthquake; and he assigned the task of rebuilding that city to a
senator of praetorian rank. Therefore I am surprised to hear people
even to-day censuring him on the ground that he was not an open-handed
prince. For, although in general he was most economical in very truth,
yet he never avoided a single necessary expenditure, even though, as I
have stated, he burdened no one by levies of money and though he found
himself forced to lay out very large sums beyond the ordinary
requirements.
When the Scythian situation once more demanded his attention, it caused
him to give his son a wife, Crispina, sooner than he wished. For the
Quintilii had been unable to end the war, although there were two of
them and they possessed great shrewdness, courage and experience; and
consequently the rulers themselves were forced to take the field.
Marcus also asked the senate for money from the public treasury, not
because such funds were not already at the emperor's disposal, but
because he was wont to declare that all the funds, both these and
others, belonged to the senate and to the people. "As for us," he said,
in addressing the senate, "we are so far from possessing anything of
our own that even the house in which we live is yours." Then, after
making this speech and after hurling the bloody spear, that was kept in
the temple of Bellona, into what was supposed to be the enemy's
territory (as I have heard men who were present relate), he set out;
and he gave a large force to Paternus and sent him to the scene of the
fighting. The barbarians held out for the entire day, but were all cut
down by the Romans; and Marcus was saluted imperator for the tenth time.
The Iazyges sent an embassy and asked to be released from certain of
the agreements they had made; and some concessions were granted them,
to prevent their becoming entirely alienated. Yet neither they nor the
Buri were willing to join the Romans as allies until they had received
pledges from Marcus that he would without fail prosecute the war to the
uttermost; for they were afraid he might make a treaty with the Quadi,
as before, and leave enemies dwelling at their doors.
Marcus gave audience to those whom came as envoys from outside nations,
but did not receive them all on the same footing; for this varied
according as the several states were worthy to receive citizenship, or
freedom from taxes, or perpetual or temporary exemption from the
tribute, or even to enjoy permanent support. And when the Iazyges
proved most useful to them, he released them from many of the
restrictions that had been imposed upon them, — in fact, from all save
those affecting their assembling and trading together and the
requirements that they should not used boats of their own and should
keep away from the islands in the Ister. And he permitted them to pass
through Dacia in order to have dealings with the Rhoxolani, as often as
the governor of Dacia should give them permission.
With regard to the Quadi and the Marcomani, who sent envoys:— the
twenty thousand soldiers that were stationed in forts among each of
these tribes would not allow them to pasture their flocks or till the
soil or do anything else in security, but kept receiving many deserters
from the enemy's ranks and captives of their own; yet the soldiers
themselves were enduring no great hardships, inasmuch as they had baths
and all the necessaries of life in abundance. The Quadi, accordingly,
being unwilling to endure the forts built to keep watch over them,
attempted to migrate in a body to the land of the Semnones. But
Antoninus learned beforehand of their intention and by barring the
roads prevented their departure. This showed that he desired, not to
acquire their territory, but to punish the men themselves.
And the Naristi, who had suffered hardships, at one and the same time
deserted to the number of three thousand and received land in our
territory.
Now if Marcus had lived longer, he would have subdued that entire
region; but as it was, he passed away on the seventeenth of March, not
as a result of the disease from which he still suffered, but by the act
of his physicians, as I have been plainly told, who wished to do
Commodus a favour. When now he was at the point of death, he commended
his son to the protection of the soldiers (for he did not wish his
death to appear to be due to Commodus), and to the military tribune who
asked him for the watchword he said: "Go to the rising sun; I am
already setting." After his death he received many marks of honour;
among other things a gold statue of him was set up in the senate-house
itself. This then was the manner of Marcus' death.
Marcus was so godfearing that even on the dies nefasti he sacrificed at home.
In addition to possessing all the other virtues, he ruled better than
any others who had ever been in any position of power. To be sure, he
could not display many feats of physical prowess; yet he had developed
his body from a very weak one to one capable of the greatest endurance.
Most of his life he devoted to beneficence, and that was the reason,
perhaps, for his erecting a temple to Beneficence on the Capitol,
though he called her by a most peculiar name, that had never been heard
before. He himself, then, refrained from all offences and did nothing
amiss whether voluntarily or involuntarily; but the offences of the
others, particularly those of his wife, he tolerated, and neither
inquired into them nor punished them. So long as a person did anything
good, he would praise him and use him for the service in which he
excelled, but to his other conduct he paid no attention; for he
declared that it is impossible for one to create such men as one
desires to have, and so it is fitting to employ those who are already
in existence for whatever service each of them may be able to render to
the State. And that his whole conduct was due to no pretence but to
real excellence is clear; for although he lived fifty-eight years, ten
months, and twenty-two days, of which time he had spent a considerable
part as assistant to first Antoninus, and had been emperor himself
nineteen years and eleven days, yet from first to last he remained the
same and did not change in the least. So truly was he a good man and
devoid of all pretence.
His education was of great assistance to him, for he had been trained
both in rhetoric and in philosophical disputation. In the former he had
Cornelius Fronto and Claudius Herodes for teachers, and, in the latter,
Junius Rusticus and Apollonius of Nicomedeia, both of whom professed
Zeno's doctrines. As a result, great numbers pretended to pursue
philosophy, hoping that they might be enriched by the emperor. Most of
all, however, he owed his advancement of the his own natural gifts; for
even before he associated with those teachers he had a strong impulse
towards virtue. Indeed, while still a boy he so pleased all his
relatives, who were numerous, influential and wealthy, that he was
loved by them all; and when Hadrian, chiefly for this reason, had
adopted him, he did not become haughty, but, though young and a Caesar,
served Antoninus most loyally throughout all the latter's reign and
without giving offence showed honour to the others who were foremost in
the State. He used always to salute the most worthy men in the House of
Tiberius, where he lived, before visiting his father, not only without
putting on the attire befitting his rank, but actually dressed as a
private citizen, and receiving them in the very apartment where he
slept. He used to visit many who were sick, and never missed going to
his teachers. He would wear a dark cloak whenever he went out
unaccompanied by his father, and he never employed a torch-bearer for
himself alone. Upon being appointed leader of the knights he entered
the Forum with the rest, although he was a Caesar. This shows how
excellent was his natural disposition, though it was greatly aided by
his education. He was always steeping himself in Greek and Latin
rhetorical and philosophical learning, even after he had reached man's
estate and had hopes of becoming emperor. Even before he was appointed
Caesar he had a dream in which he seemed to have shoulders and arms of
ivory, and to use them in all respect like his other members.
As a result of his close application and study he was extremely frail
in body, though in the beginning he had been so vigorous that he used
to fight in armour, and on the chase would strike down wild boars while
on horseback; and not only in his early youth but even later he wrote
most of his letters to his intimate friends with his own hand. However,
he did not meet with the good fortune that he deserved, for he was not
strong in body and was involved in a multitude of troubles throughout
practically his entire reign. But for my part, I admire him all the
more for this very reason, that amid unusual and extraordinary
difficulties he both survived himself and preserved the empire. Just
one thing prevented him from being completely happy, namely, that after
rearing and educating his son in the best possible way he was vastly
disappointed in him. This matter must be our next topic; for our
history now descends from a kingdom of gold to one of iron and rust, as
affairs did for the Romans of that day.
FRAGMENTS
Yet he did not on this account collect money from the subject nations.
On one occasion when, with wars impending, he found himself at a loss
for funds, he neither devised any new tax nor brought himself to ask
anyone for money, but instead exposed in the Forum all the heirlooms of
the palace together with any ornaments that belonged to his wife, and
urged any who so desired to buy them. In this way he raised funds which
he paid to the soldiers. Then, after winning the war and gaining many
times the amount in question, he issued a proclamation to the effect
that any one of the purchasers of the imperial property who wished
might return the article purchased and receive its value. Some did
this, but the majority declined; and he compelled no one to return to
him any object that had been thus acquired.
Marcus Antoninus, when the treasuries had become exhausted in the
course of the war, could not bring himself to make levies of money
contrary to precedent, but too a the imperial ornaments to the Forum
and sold the for gold. When the barbarian uprising had been put down,
he returned the purchase price to those who voluntarily brought back
the imperial possessions, but used no compulsion in the case of those
who were unwilling to do so.
End of Etext Cassius Dio Roman History Epitome of Book LXXII
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